MASTER 
NEGATIVE 

92-80743-7 


MICROFILMED  1993 
COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARIES/NEW  YORK 


as  part  of  the 
"Foundations  of  Western  Civilization  Preservation  Project" 


Funded  by  the 
NATIONAL  ENDOWMENT  FOR  THE  HUMANITIES 


Reproductions  may  not  be  made  without  permission  from 

Columbia  University  Library 


COPYRIGHT  STATEMENT 


The  copyright  law  of  the  United  States  -  Title  17,  United 
States  Code  -  concerns  the  making  of  photocopies  or 
other  reproductions  of  copyrighted  material. 

Under  certain  conditions  specified  in  the  law,  libraries  and 
archives  are  authorized  to  furnish  a  photocopy  or  other 
reproduction.  One  of  these  specified  conditions  is  that  the 
photocopy  or  other  reproduction  is  not  to  be  *'used  for  any 
purpose  other  than  private  study,  scholarship,  or 
research."  If  a  user  makes  a  request  for,  or  later  uses,  a 
photocopy  or  reproduction  for  purposes  in  excess  of  "fair 
use,"  that  user  may  be  liable  for  copyright  infringement. 

This  institution  reserves  the  right  to  refuse  to  accept  a 
copy  order  if,  in  its  judgement,  fulfillment  of  the  order 
would  involve  violation  of  the  copyright  law. 


AUTHOR: 


MOREY ,  WILLIAM  C . 


TITLE: 


OUTLINES  OF  ROMAN 
LAW  .   .   . 


PLACE: 


NEW  YORK 


DATE: 


1884 


Master  Negative  # 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARIES 
PRESERVATION  DEPARTMENT 

BIBLIOGRAPHIC  MICROFORM  TARGET 


Original  Material  as  Filmed  -  Existing  Bibliographic  Record 


%2^f^7/3-7 


Restrictions  on  Use: 


r 

874 
tM81 


^— Tf»"        ■■!   I 


-^ 


'."Hfi--'    *, 


"• '  ■  l»  »  ■ • » («• 


■"-^ 


Morey,  William  Carey,  1843-1925  • 

Outlines  of  Roman  law  comprising  its  historical  growth 
and  general  principles.  By  William  C.  Morey  ...  New 
York  &  London,  G.  P.  Putnam's  sons,  1884. 

xiii,  433  p.    18.i* 


I  cm 


Appendix :  comprising  a  list  of  the  most  important  works  ...  referred 
to  ...  (p.  417-423) 

Copy  in  Law  Library. 
-€^py~irn  ■  •  Bu  rff^-eee-r  1884  r 


1.  Roman   law. 


DOT4 

^  i)349^3702~Cop3ritiri3oll©ger'^  >^  Sttidy, 

MSl^""  Library  of  Congress 

I  Copyright     1884:    18449 


O' 


12-37001 


TECHNICAL  MICROFORM  DATA 


FILM     SIZE:__ 

IMAGE  PLACEMENT:    lA     IIA     IB     IIB 

DATE     FILMED: 3!Ini5.3^__ 


REDUCTION     RATIO: //X 

INITIALS___S_'J^ 


HLMEDBY:    RESEARCH  PUBLICATIONS,  INC  WOODBRIDGE,  CT 


^^. 


*;X>  ^o. 


c 


Association  for  information  and  image  iManagement 

1100  Wayne  Avenue,  Suite  1100 
Silver  Spring,  Maryland  20910 

301/587-8202 


Centimeter 

12        3        4         5 

iiiiiiiiiiiniiiiiiiiiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiii 


6         7        8        9        10       11 

uliuiluuluuliuiluij^^ 


12       13       14       15    mm 

i[iili|iili[iiliiiihiiiiiiiiiiiiii 


I     I 


Inches 


TTT 


1 


T 


TTT 


TTT 


I   II   II 


1.0 

tii      2.8 

t^     11 3.2 

^  m 

■  10 

1.4 

2.5 

2  2 

I.I 

2.0 
1.8 

1.6 

1.25 

I 


MfiNUFfiCTURED   TO   flllM   STRNDflRDS 
BY   APPLIED   IMPGE,     INC. 


■-  ani II— m»« 


-i  f    ■■mmmtmimm 


674 


Cotambta  ©nttJf  wtitp 

THE  LIBRARIES 


I 


'*" 


(*■' 


jSJ! 

•■41l< 

jrssj 
ijscs 


issf 


H 

Ed 


2 


OUTLINES 


OF 


ROMAN    HISTORY 


FOR   THE   USE   OF  HIGH  SCHOOLS 
AND  ACADEMIES 


BY 


WILLIAM   C.   MOREY,  Ph.D 


»>»ic 


t'     i   ■,    I 


1  I     ,     >  ; 


I  -      '  •    (         I 


;^K\7.  YOTl/Y .-.  CTIJC,II^I>  A ri  '.>  CHICAGO 

AMERICAN    BOOK    COMPANY 


•4 

I 

9. 


< 


u 


III 


OUTLINES 


OF 


ROMAN    HISTORY 


FOR   THE    USE   OF  HIGH  SCHOOLS 
AND  ACADEMIES 


BY 


WILLIAM   C.   MOREY,  Ph.D. 


•♦» 


mitt 


m  'C       v 


J         J     V 


■*    ♦        « 


•  •    »    «  ( 


NEW.  YOIIa  .-.  C7IJC1^>A  TI  -V  CHICAGO 

AMERICAN    BOOK    COMPANY 


I 


COPVRIGUT,   19()0,   BY 

WILLIAM  C.  MOREY. 


SOMAN   HI8TOBT. 
W.  P.   r 


^1  4- 


•       •    •     •    •'•    •      •         • 


«       t   *  I  . 

t     «        I 

t  t      • 


I   t    : 


•     •    • 


t  ,  »     I 


«         t 
t      [ 


t  •    •     •        • 

t     ■     •    •• 

r    t     t    •  »  • 


( 


it 


PRp]FACE 

This  book  is  intended  to  be  a  guide  and  a  help  to  the  study 
and  teaching  of  Roman  history.  Its  purpose  is  to  assist  the 
teacher  to  do  what  Dr.  Arnokl  regarded  as  the  great  work  of 
every  instructor  of  Roman  history,  namely,  "  to  lodge  in  the 
mind  of  the  pupil  the  concept  of  Rome."  To  this  end,  care 
has  been  taken  to  select  and  emphasize  those  facts  and  events 
which  illustrate  the  real  character  of  the  Roman  people,  which 
show  the  progressive  development  of  Rome  as  a  world-power, 
and  which  explain  the  influence  that  Rome  has  exercised  upon 
modern  civilization. 

The  history  of  Rome  has,  in  many  respects,  the  unity  of  a 
great  epic;  and  the  interest  in  its  study  grows  and  becomes 
intensified  to  the  extent  that  this  unity  is  perceived.  The 
attempt  has  been  made,  therefore,  to  keep  before  the  mind 
of  the  pupil  the  real  sequence  of  events,  —  to  show  the  rela- 
tion between  successive  periods,  to  place  facts  in  their  logical 
order,  and  to  omit  whatever  might  draw  the  mind  away  from 
the  main  lines  of  historical  progress. 

The  early  stages  of  Roman  history  are  here  presented 
according  to  what  the  author  believes  to  be  the  most  plausible 
and  scientific  views.  The  pupil  should,  of  course,  understand 
that  the  history  of  Rome,  previous  to  the  destruction  of  the 
city  by  the  Gauls,  is  based  largely  upon  traditions  and  upon  in- 
ferences drawn  from  archaeological  investigations.  He  should 
know  that  there  are  diiferent  views  regarding  the  significance 
of  these  traditions,  and  that  many  views  which  are  accepted 
to-day  may  be  rejected  or  modified  to-morrow.  But  it  can 
hardly  be  expected  that  the  beginner  can  enter  upon  a  critical 


>\ 


6  PIIEFACE 

examination  of   the  sources  and  credibility  of  early  Eoman 
history,  —  a  work  which  must  be  reserved  for  more  advanced 

students. 

In  tracing  the  growth  of  the  Eoman  people,  the  effort  has 
been  made  to  keep  clearly  and  prominently  in  view  that  which 
has  given  to  this  people  their  distinctive  place  in  history,  — 
the  genius  for  organization.  The  kingdom,  the  republic,  and 
the  empire  are  seen  to  be  successive  stages  in  the  growth  of 
a  policy  to  bring  together  and  organize  the  various  elements 
of  the  ancient  world.  Attention  is  paid  to  the  life  and  cus- 
toms of  the  Eoman  people  —  their  houses,  meals,  dress,  mar- 
riage and  funeral  customs,  education,  etc. ;  but  these  have  not 
been  made  so  prominent  as  to  lead  the  pupil  to  believe  that 
the  study  of  antiquities  can  tjike  the  place  of  the  study  of 
history  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  word. 

Special  attention  is  called  to  the  maps,  which  are  intended 
to  show  the  location  of  every  place  mentioned  in  the  text. 
The  series  of  "  progressive  maps  "  shows  in  a  clear  way  the 
gradual  expansion  of  the  Eoman  dominion.  For  the  purpose 
of  encouraging  the  reading  of  other  books,  each  chapter  is 
supplemented  by  two  short  lists  of  reading  references,  the  one 
applying  to  the  general  subject-matter  of  the  chapter,  under 
the  name  of  "  Selections  for  Eeading  " ;  and  the  other  consti- 
tuting a  "  Special  Study  "  upon  some  especially  important  or 
interesting  topic.  A  classified  list  of  the  most  valuable  and 
available  books  in  the  English  language  upon  Eoman  Instory 
will  be  found  in  the  appendix  to  this  volume.  Every  experi- 
enced teacher  knows  that  history  cannot  be  adequately  taught 
by  means  of  any  single  book,  and  that  too  much  importance 
cannot  be  attached  to  the  use  of  suitable  bibliographical  aids. 


V 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTKR 

I.    Introduction  —  The  Land  and  the  People 


THE  EOMAN  KINGDOM 


PAGE 
9 


i 


PERIOD  I.     Rome  under  the  Early  Kings  (b.c.  753-616?) 

II.     The  Beginnings  of  Rome 19 

III.  The  Institutions  of  Early  Rome 28 

PERIOD   II.     Rome  under  the  Later  Kings  (b.c.  610-510?) 

IV.  The  Etruscan  Kings  of  Rome 34 

V.     The  Reorganization  of  the  Kingdom        ....  40 


THE   EOMAN   EEPUBLIC 

PERIOD   III.     The  Struggles  of  the  Early  Republic 

(B.C.  510-343) 

VI.  The  Struggle  against  the  Kingship 47 

VII.  Tlie  Struggle  for  Economic  Rights 63 

VIII.  The  Struggle  for  Equal  Laws 59 

IX.  The  Struggle  for  Political  EquaUty 63 

PERIOD  IV.     The  Conquest  of  the  Italian  Peninsula 

(B.C.  343-264) 

X.     The  Conquest  of  Latium 73 

XI.     The  Conquest  of  Central  Italy 79 

XII.     The  Conquest  of  Southern  Italy 86 

XIII.  Supremacy  of  Rome  in  Italy 91 

PERIOD   V.     The  Conquest  of  the  Mediterranean  World 

(B.C.  264-133) 

XIV.  The  First  Punic  War 101 

XV.     The  Second  IMnic  War Ill 

XVI.     The  Conquests  in  the  East 125 

7 


8 

CHAPTER 

XVII. 
XVIII. 


CONTENTS 


Reduction  of  the  Roman  Conquests 
Rome  as  a  World  Power  . 


PAGE 

134 

143 


153 
163 

180 
203 


PERIOD   VI.     The  Fall  of  the  Republic  (b.c.  133-31) 

XIX.  The  Times  of  the  Gracchi 

XX.  The  Times  of  Marius  and  Sulla        .... 

XXL  The  Times  of  Pompey  and  Ctesar     .... 

XXII.  The  Times  of  Antony  and  Octavius 

THE   llOMAN   EMPIRE 
PERIOD   VII.     The  Early  Roman  Empire  (n.c.  31-a.i).  284) 

XXIII.  The  Reign  of  Augustus 

XXIV.  The  Julian  Emperors  — Tiberius  to  Nero 
XXV.     The  Flavian  Emperors  — Ve.spa.sian  to  Domitian     . 

XXVI.     The  Five  Good  Emperors  — Nerva  to  Marcus  Aurelius    .     250 
XX  VII.     The  Decline  of  the  Empire 

PERIOD  VIII.     The  Later  Roman  Empire  (a.d.  284-476) 

XXVIII.     The  Reorganization  of  the  Empire 

XXIX.     The  Extinction  of  the  Western  Empire    .... 
XXX.    The  Gifts  of  Rome  to  Civilization 

APPENDIX— A  Classified  List  of  Books  upon  Roman  History      .     327 
INDEX ^"^^ 


217 
231 
244 


278 


289 
304 
311 


LIST   OF   IMPORTANT   MAPS 


THE  PROGRESSIVE 

MAPS 

pa<;f. 

No.  1.  B.C.  510 

.      46 

No.  2.  B.C.  264 

.     100 

No.  3.  B.C.  201 

.     124 

No.  4.  R.c.  133 

.     142 

No.  5.  B.( .  44 

.     202 

No.  6.  A.D.  14 

.     230 

No.  7.  A.i>.  117 

262,  263 

No.  8.  A.D.  337 

.     296 

No.  0.  A.D.  476 

.    308 

MAPS  OF  THE  CITY  ROME 

I'AGK 

City  of  the  Early  Kings         .      27 
City  of  the  Later  Kings .         .      38 
Rome  under  Augustus   .        .221 
Rome  under  the  Later  Em- 
perors     .        .         .     302,  303 

MAPS  OF  ITALY 

Divisions,  etc.,  of  Italy  .        .       13 
Italy  before  the  Social  War  .     167 


OUTLINES  OF  ROMAN  HISTORY 


CHAPTER   I 

INTRODUCTION. —THE   LAND  AND  THE   PEOPLE 

I.   The  Character  of  Roman  History 

Importance  of  Roman  History.  — As  we  begin  the  study  of 
Roman  history,  we  may  ask  ourselves  the  question,  Why  is 
this  subject  important  and  w^orthy  of  our  attention  ?  It  is  be- 
cause Rome  was  one  of  the  greatest  powers  of  the  ancient  world, 
and  has  also  exercised  a  great  influence  upon  nearly  all  modern 
nations.  There  are  a  few  great  peoples,  like  the  Hebrews,  • 
the  Greeks,  and  the  Romans,  who  have  done  much  to  make 
the  world  what  it  is.  If  these  peoples  had  never  existed,  our 
life  and  customs  would  no  doubt  be  very  different  from  what 
they  are  now.  In  order,  then,  to  understand  the  world  in 
which  we  live  to-day,  we  must  study  these  world-peoples,  who 
may  have  lived  many  centuries  ago,  but  who  have  given  to  us 
much  that  makes  us  what  we  are  —much  of  our  language,  our 
literature,  our  religion,  our  art,  our  government  and  law. 

Rome  and  the  Ancient  World.  — We  often  think  of  the 
Romans  as  the  people  who  conquered  the  world.  But  Rome 
not  only  conquered  the  most  important  countries  of  the  old 
world ;  she  also  made  of  these  different  countries  one  united 
people,  so  that  the  ancient  world  became  at  last  the  Roman 
world.  The  old  countries  wdiich  bordered  upon  the  Mediter- 
ranean Sea  —  Carthage  and  Egypt,  Palestine  and  Syria,  Greece 

9 


10 


INTKODUCTION 


and  Macedonia  -  all  became  parts  of  the  Roman  Empire.  The 
ideas  and  customs,  the  art  and  institutions,  of  these  countries 
were  taken  up  and  welded  together  into  what  we  call  Roman 
civilization.  We  may,  therefore,  say  that  Rome  was  the  high- 
est product  of  the  ancient  world. 

Rome  and  the  Modern  World.  -If  Rome  held  such  an  impor- 
tant relation  to  the  ancient  world,  she  has  held  a  still  more 
important  relation  to  the  modern  world.     When  the  Roman 


TiiK  Meditekranean  World 

Empire  fell  and  was  broken  up  into  fragments,  some  of  these 
fragments  became  the  foundation  of  modern  states  —  Italy, 
Spain,  France,  and  Englaiul.  Rome  is  thus  the  connecting  link 
between  ancient  and  modern  history.  She  not  only  gathered 
ui)  the  products  of  the  ancient  world,  she  also  transmitted 
these  products  to  modern  times.  What  she  inherited  from 
the  past  she  bequeathed  to  the  future,  together  with  what  she 
herself  created.  On  this  account  we  may  say  that  Kome  was 
the  foundation  of  the  modern  world. 

Phases  of  Roman  History.  —  As  we  approach  the  study  of 
Roman  history,  we  shall  find  that  we  can  look  at  it  from  dif- 
ferent points  of  view;  and  it  will  present  to  us  different 
phases. 


THE   LAND  AND  THE  PEOPLE 


11 


In  the  first  place,  we  may  look  at  the  external  growth  of 
Rome.  We  shall  then  see  her  territory  gradually  expanding 
from  a  small  spot  on  the  Tiber,  until  it  takes  in  the  whole 
peninsula  of  Italy,  and  finally  all  the  countries  on  the  Medi- 
terranean Sea.  Our  attention  will  then  be  directed  to  her 
generals,  her  armies,  her  battles,  her  conquests.  We  may 
trace  on  the  map  the  new  lands  and  new  peoples  which  she 
gradually  brought  under  her  sway.  Looked  at  from  this  point 
of  view,  Rome  wall  appear  to  us  as  the  great  conquering  nation 

of  the  world. 

Again,  we  may  look  at  the  way  in  w^hich  Rome  ruled  her 
subjects,  the  way  in  w^hich  she  built  up,  from  the  various  lands 
and  peoples  that  she  conquered,  a  great  state,  with  its  wonder- 
ful system  of  government  and  law.  We  shall  then  see  the 
work  of  her  statesmen  and  lawgivers,  her  magistrates,  her 
senate,  and  her  assemblies.  From  this  point  of  view  she  will 
seem  to  us  the  great  governing  nation  of  the  world. 

Finally,  we  may  look  at  the  way  in  which  the  Romans  were 
themselves  improved  in  their  manners  and  customs,  as  they 
came  into  contact  with  other  peoples  —  how  they  learned  les- 
sons even  from  those  w^hom  they  conquered,  and  were  gradu- 
ally changed  from  a  rude,  barbarous  people  to  a  highly  civilized 
and  cultivated  nation.  We  shall  see  the  straw-thatched  huts 
of  early  times  giving  place  to  magnificent  temples  and  theaters 
and  other  splendid  buildings.  We  shall  see  the  rude  speech 
of  the  early  Romans  growing  into  a  noble  language,  capable  of 
expressing  fine,  poetic  feeling  and  lofty  sentiments  of  patri- 
otism. We  shall  also  see  Rome  giving  the  fruits  of  her  cul- 
ture to  the  less  favored  peoples  whom  she  takes  under  her 
control ;  and  when  she  passes  away,  we  shall  see  her  bequeath- 
ing her  treasures  to  future  generations.  From  this  point  of 
view  Rome  will  appear  to  us  as  the  great  civilizing  nation  of 

the  world. 

In  order  to  understand  the  Romans  well,  we  should  look  at 
them  in  all  these  phases;  we  should  study  their  conquests, 
their  government,  and  their  civilization. 


10 


INTROnUCTION 


and  Macedonia  -  all  became  parts  of  the  Roman  Empire.  The 
ideas  and  customs,  the  art  and  institutions,  of  these  countries 
were  taken  up  and  welded  together  into  what  we  call  Roman 
civilization.  We  way,  therefore,  say  that  Rome  was  the  high- 
est i)i-oduct  of  the  ancient  world. 

Rome  and  the  Modern  World.  -  If  Rome  held  such  an  impor- 
tant relation  to  the  ancient  world,  she  has  held  a  still  more 
important  relation  to  the  modern  world.     When  the  Roman 


■'  "MILES  '^ 

0  100  JuO  aOU  400  500  600 


TiiK  Mediterranean  World 


Empire  fell  and  was  broken  up  into  fragments,  some  of  these 
fragments  became  the  foundation  of  modern  states  —  Italy, 
Spain,  France,  and  England.  Rome  is  thus  the  connecting  link 
between  ancient  and  modern  history.  She  not  only  gathered 
up  the  products  of  the  ancient  world,  she  also  transmitted 
these  products  to  modern  times.  AVhat  she  inherited  from 
the  past  she  bequeathed  to  the  future,  together  with  what  she 
herself  created.  On  this  account  we  may  say  that  Eome  was 
the  foundation  of  the  modern  Avorld. 

Phases  of  Roman  History.  —  As  we  approach  the  study  of 
Roman  history,  we  shall  find  that  we  can  look  at  it  from  dif- 
ferent points  of  view;  and  it  will  present  to  us  different 
phases. 


I 


THE   LAND  AND  THE  PEOPLE 


11 


In  the  first  place,  we  may  look  at  the  external  growth  of 
Rome.  We  shall  then  see  her  territory  gradually  expanding 
from  a  small  spot  on  the  Tiber,  until  it  takes  in  the  whole 
peninsula  of  Italy,  and  finally  all  the  countries  on  the  Medi- 
terranean Sea.  Our  attention  will  then  be  directed  to  her 
generals,  her  armies,  her  battles,  her  conquests.  We  may 
trace  on  the  map  the  new  lands  and  new  peoples  w^hich  she 
gradually  brought  under  her  sway.  Looked  at  from  this  point 
of  view,  Rome  will  appear  to  us  as  the  great  conquering  nation 

of  the  world. 

Again,  we  may  look  at  the  way  in  which  Rome  ruled  her 
subjects,  the  way  in  which  she  built  up,  from  the  various  lands 
and  peoples  that  she  conquered,  a  great  state,  with  its  wonder- 
ful system  of  government  and  law.  We  shall  then  see  the 
work  of  her  statesmen  and  lawgivers,  her  magistrates,  her 
senate,  and  her  assemblies.  From  this  point  of  view  she  will 
seem  to  us  the  great  governing  nation  of  the  world. 

Finally,  we  may  look  at  the  way  in  which  the  Romans  were 
themselves  improved  in  their  manners  and  customs,  as  they 
came  into  contact  with  other  peoples  —  how^  they  learned  les- 
sons even  from  those  whom  they  conquered,  and  were  gradu- 
ally changed  from  a  rude,  barbarous  people  to  a  highly  civilized 
and  cultivated  nation.  We  shall  see  the  straw-thatched  huts 
of  early  times  giving  place  to  magnificent  temples  and  theaters 
and  other  splendid  buildings.  We  shall  see  the  rude  speech 
of  the  early  Romans  growing  into  a  noble  language,  capable  of 
expressing  fine,  poetic  feeling  and  lofty  sentiments  of  patri- 
otism. We  shall  also  see  Rome  giving  the  fruits  of  her  cul- 
ture to  the  less  favored  peoples  whom  she  takes  under  her 
control ;  and  when  she  passes  away,  we  shall  see  her  bequeath- 
ing her  treasures  to  future  generations.  From  this  point  of 
view  Rome  will  appear  to  us  as  the  great  civilizing  nation  of 

the  world. 

In  order  to  understand  the  Romans  well,  we  should  look  at 
them  in  all  these  phases;  we  should  study  their  conquests, 
their  government,  and  their  civilization. 


12 


INTRODUCTION 


i 


II.   The  Geography  of  Italy 

The  Italian  Peninsula. — The  study  of  Roman  history  prop- 
erly begins  witli  the  geography  of  Italy  ;  because  it  was  in  Italy 
that  the  Konian  people  had  their  origin,  and  it  was  here  that 
they  began  their  great  career.  It  was  only  when  the  Romans 
had  conquered  and  organized  Italy  that  they  were  able  to  con- 
quer and  govern  the  world.  If  we  look  at  the  map  (p.  10), 
we  shall  see  that  the  position  of  the  Italian  peninsula  was 
favorable  to  the  growth  of  the  Roman  power.  It  was  situated 
almost  in  the  center  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  on  the  shores 
of  which  had  flourished  the  greatest  nations  of  antiquity  — 
Egypt,  Carthage,  Plui^ni'cia,  Jude'a,  Greece,  and  Macedonia. 
By  conquering  Italy,  Rome  thus  obtained  a  commanding  posi- 
tion among  the  nations  of  the  ancient  world. 

Boundaries  and  Extent  of  Italy.  —  In  very  early  times,  the 
name  "  Italy  "  was  applied  only  to  the  very  southern  part  of 
the  peninsula.  But  from  this  small  area  it  was  extended  so  as 
to  cover  the  whole  peninsula  which  actually  projects  into  the 
sea,  and  finally  the  whole  territory  south  of  the  Alps.  The 
peninsula  is  washed  on  the  east  by  the  Adriatic  or  Upper  Sea, 
and  on  the  west  by  the  Tyrrhe'nian  or  Lower  Sea.  Italy  lies 
for  the  most  part  between  the  parallels  of  thirty-eight  degrees 
and  forty-six  degrees  north  latitude.  It  has  a  length  of  about 
720  miles;  a  width  varying  from  330  to  100  miles;  and  an 
area  of  about  01,000  square  miles. 

The  Mountains  of  Italy.  —  There  are  tAvo  famous  mountain 
chains  whicli  belong  to  Italy,  the  Alps  and  the  Ap'ennines. 
(1)  The  AI])s  form  a  semicircular  boundary  on  the  north  and 
atford  a  formidable  barrier  against  the  neighboring  countries 
of  Europe.  Starting  from  the  sea  at  its  western  extremity, 
this  chain  stretches  toward  the  north  for  about  150  miles,  when 
it  rises  in  the  lofty  peak  of  Mt.  Blanc,  15,000  feet  in  height ; 
and  then  continues  its  course  in  an  easterly  direction  for  about 
330  n  iles,  approaching  the  head  of  the  Adriatic  Sea,  and 
disappearing  along  its  coast.     It  is  crossed  by  several  passes, 


I 


THE   LAND  AND   THE   PEOPLE 


13 


through  which  foreign  peoples  have  sometimes  found  their 
way  into  the  peninsula.     (2)   The  Apennines,  beginning  at  the 


SCALE  OF  MILES 


'   '    '   '50 


Mountains, 
Rivers,  and 
Divisions  of 
Italy 

western  extremity 
of  the  Alps,  extend 
through  the  whole  length 
of  the  peninsula,  forming 
the  backbone  of  Italy.  From 
this  main  line  are  thrown  oif 
numerous  spurs  and  scattered  peaks. 
Sometimes  the  Apennines  have  fur- 
nished to  Rome  a  kind  of  barrier  against  invaders  from  the  north. 
The  Rivers  of  Italy.  —  The  most  important  river  of  Italy  is 
the  Po,  which,  with  its  hundred  tributaries,  drains  the  fertile 
valley  in  the  north,  lying  between  the  Alps  and  the  Apennines. 
The  eastern  slope  of  the  peninsula  proper  is  drained  by  a  large 
number  of  streams,  the  most  noted  of  which  are  the  Ru'bicon, 
the  Metau'ruS;  the  Frento,  and  the  Au'fidus.  On  the  western 
slope  the  most  important  river  is  the  Tiber,  with  its  tributary, 
the  A'nio.     To  the  north  of  the  Tiber  many  small  streams 


I 


12 


INTRODUCTION 


II.    The   Geography  of  Italy 


The  Italian  Peninsula. — The  study  of  Roman  history  prop- 
erly begins  with  the  geography  of  Italy  ;  because  it  was  in  Italy 
tliat  the  Roman  people  had  their  origin,  and  it  was  here  that 
they  began  their  great  career.  It  "was  only  when  the  Romans 
had  conquered  and  organized  Italy  that  they  were  able  to  con- 
quer and  govern  the  world.  If  we  look  at  the  map  (p.  10), 
we  shall  see  that  the  position  of  the  Italian  peninsula  was 
favorable  to  the  growth  of  the  Roman  power.  It  was  situated 
almost  in  the  center  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  on  the  shores 
of  which  had  flourished  the  greatest  nations  of  antiquity  — 
Egypt,  Carthage,  Plut'ni'cia,  Jude'a,  Greece,  and  Macedonia. 
By  conquering  Italy,  Rome  thus  obtained  a  commanding  posi- 
tion among  the  nations  of  the  ancient  world. 

Boundaries  and  Extent  of  Italy.  —  In  very  early  times,  the 
name  "  Italy ''  was  aj)i)lied  only  to  the  very  southern  part  of 
the  peninsula.  But  from  this  small  area  it  was  extended  so  as 
to  cover  the  whole  peninsula  which  actually  projects  into  the 
sea,  and  finally  the  whole  territory  south  of  the  Alps.  The 
peninsula  is  washed  on  the  east  by  the  Adriatic  or  Upper  Sea, 
and  on  the  west  by  the  Tyrrhe'nian  or  Lower  Sea.  Italy  lies 
for  the  most  part  between  the  parallels  of  thirty-eight  degrees 
and  forty-six  degrees  north  latitude.  It  has  a  length  of  about 
720  miles;  a  width  varying  from  330  to  100  miles;  and  an 
area  of  about  91,000  square  miles. 

The  Mountains  of  Italy.  —  There  are  two  famous  mountain 
chains  whifli  belong  to  Italy,  the  Alps  and  the  Ap'ennines. 
(1)  The  Alps  form  a  semicircular  boundary  on  the  north  and 
atford  a  formidable  barrier  against  the  neighboring  countries 
of  Europe.  Starting  from  the  sea  at  its  western  extremity, 
this  chain  stretches  toward  the  north  for  about  loO  miles,  when 
it  rises  in  the  lofty  peak  of  Mt.  Blanc,  15,000  feet  in  height; 
and  then  continues  its  course  in  an  easterly  direction  for  about 
330  niles,  approaching  the  head  of  the  Adriatic  Sea,  and 
disappearing  along  its  coast.     It  is  crossed  by  several  passes, 


THE   LAND   AND   THE   PEOPLE 


13 


through  which  foreign  peoples  have  sometimes  found  their 
way  into  the  peninsula.     (2)   The  Apennines,  beginning  at  the 


SCALE  OF  MILES 


CORSICA 


MorNTAlNS, 
KlVERS,   AND 

Divisions  of 
Italy 

w^estern  extremity 
of  the  Alps,  extend 
through  the  whole  length 
of  the  peninsula,  forming 
the  backbone  of  Italy.  From 
this  main  line  are  thrown  off 
numerous  spurs  and  scattered  peaks. 
Sometimes  the  Apennines  have  fur- 
nished to  Rome  a  kind  of  barrier  against  invaders  from  the  north. 
The  Rivers  of  Italy.  —  The  most  important  river  of  Italy  is 
the  Po,  which,  with  its  hundred  tributaries,  drains  the  fertile 
valley  in  the  north,  lying  between  the  Alps  and  the  Apennines. 
The  eastern  slope  of  the  peninsula  proper  is  drained  by  a  large 
number  of  streams,  the  most  noted  of  ^vhich  are  the  Ru'bicon, 
the  Metau'ruS;  the  Erento,  and  the  Au'iidus.  On  the  western 
slope  the  most  important  river  is  the  Tiber,  with  its  tributary, 
the  A'nio.      To  the  north  of  the  Tiber  many  small  streams 


14 


INTRODUCTION 


It 


flow  into  the  Lower  Sea,  such  as  the  Macra,  the  Arnus,  and 
the  Umbro ;  while  to  the  south  flow  the  Liris,  the  Vulturnus, 
and  tlie  Sil'arus. 

The  Divisions  of  Italy.  —  For  the"  purpose  of  convenience 
and  to  aid  us  in  our  future  stud},  we  may  divide  ancient 
Italy  into  three  divisions:  northern,  central,  and  southern. 
(1)  Northern  Italy  comprised  the  whole  continental  portion 
from  the  Alps  to  a  line  drawn  from  the  Macra  on  the  west  to 
the  Rubicon  on  the  east.  It  contained  three  distinct  countries : 
Liguria  toward  the  west,  Cisal[)ine  (raul  in  the  center,  and 
Venetia  toward  tlie  east.  (2)  Central  Italy  comprised  the 
northern  part  of  the  peninsula  proper,  that  is,  the  territory  be- 
tween the  line  just  drawn  from  the  Macra  to  the  Rubicon,  and 
another  line  drawn  from  the  Silaruj  on  the  west  to  the  Frento 
on  the  east.  This  territory  contained  six  countries,  namely, 
three  on  the  western  coast,  —  Etruria,  Latium  (la'shi-um), 
and  Campania ;  and  three  on  the  eastern  coast  and  along  the 
Apennines, —  Umbria,  Pice'num,  and  what  we  call  the  Sa- 
bellian  country,  whicli  included  many  mountain  tribes,  chief 
among  which  were  the  Sa'bines,  the  Frenta'ni,  and  the  Samnites. 
(3)  Souther H  Italy  comprised  the  rest  of  the  peninsula  and 
contained  four  countries,  namely,  two  on  the  western  coast, 
Lucania  and  I>ruttium,  extending  into  the  toe  of  Italy ;  and 
two  on  the  eastern  coast,  Apulia  and  Calabria  (or  lapygia), 
extending  into  the  heel  of  Italy. 


III.     TiiK  Early  Ixhabitants  of  Italy 

The  Settlement  of  Italy.  —  The  soft  climate  and  fertile  val- 
leys of  Italy  made  it  an.  attractive  home  for  the  wandering 
tribes  of  early  Europe.  Long  before  Rome  was  founded, 
every  part  of  Italy  was  already  peopled.  Many  of  the  peo- 
ples living  there  came  from  the  north,  around  the  head  of 
the  Adriatic,  pushing  their  way  toward  the  south  into  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  peninsula.  Others  came  from  Greece  by 
way  of   the   sea,  settling  upon  the  southern  coast.     It  is  of 


THE   LAND  AND   THE   PEOPLE 


15 


Q 


MILES 


Indo-European  IJaces  in  Eieope 


course  impossible  for  us  to  say  precisely  how  Italy  was  set- 
tled. It  is  enough  for  us  to  know  at  present  that  most  of  the 
newcomers  belonged  to 
the  great  Indo-Euro- 
pean race,  which  per- 
haps came  from  Asia 
into  Europe  and  whicli 
spread  into  different 
branches,  the  Celts  in 
the  west,  the  Germans 
in  the  north,  the  Sla- 
vonians in  the  east, 
and  the  Greeks  and 
Italians  in  the  south. 

AVhen  these  people  first  appeared  in  Europe,  they  Avere 
scarcely  civilized.  They  lived  upon  their  flocks  and  herds, 
and  had  just  begun  to  cultivate  the  soil. 

The  Italic  Tribes.— The 
largest  part  of  the  penin- 
sula w^as  occupied  by  a 
number  of  tribes  which 
made  up  the  so-called 
Italic  race.  AVe  will  not 
pretend  to  say  exactly 
how  these  tribes  were 
related  to  one  another  — 
a  subject  upon  which 
scholars  do  not  agree. 
We  may  for  convenience, 
however,  group  them  into 
four  divisions,  the  Latins, 
the  Oscans,  the  Sabel- 
lians,  and  the  Umbrians. 
(1)  The  Latins  dwelt  in  central  Italy,  just  south  of  the 
Tiber.  They  lived  in  villages  scattered  about  Latium,  tilling 
their  fields  and  tending  their  flocks.      The  village  was  a  col- 


Crotona 


. SCALE  OF  MILES 

b' '  '  ' 


SICILY.- 
200- -f 


The  Kaces  of  Italy 


14 


ll^TRODUCTION 


flow  into  the  Lower  Sea,  sueli  as  the  ISfacra,  the  Arnus,  and 
the  Umbro;  while  to  the  south  flow  the  Liris,  tlie  Vultiirnus, 
and  the  Sil'arus. 

The  Divisions  of  Italy.  —  For  the"  purpose  of  convenience 
and  to  aid  us  in  our  future  study,  we  may  divide  ancient 
Italy  into  three  divisions :  northern,  central,  and  southern. 
(1)  Northern  Italy  comprised  the  whole  continental  portion 
from  the  Alps  to  a  line  drawn  from  the  Macra  on  the  west  to 
the  Rubicon  on  the  east.  It  contained  three  distinct  countries  : 
Liguria  toward  the  west.  Cisalpine  (iaul  in  the  center,  and 
Venetia  toward  the  east.  (2)  Cent  red  Italy  comprised  the 
northern  part  of  the  peninsula  proi)er,  that  is,  the  territory  be- 
tween the  lin©  just  drawn  from  the  Macra  to  the  Rubicon,  and 
another  line  drawn  from  the  Silarus  on  the  west  to  the  Frento 
on  the  east.  This  territory  contained  six  countries,  namely, 
three  on  the  western  coast,  —  Etruria,  Latium  (Ia',shi-Hm), 
and  Campania ;  and  three  on  the  eastern  coast  and  along  the 
Apennines,  —  Umbria,  l*ice'num,  and  what  we  call  the  Sa- 
bellian  country,  which  included  many  mountain  tribes,  chief 
among  which  were  the  Sa'bines,  the  Frenta'ni,  and  the  Samnites. 
(3)  JSonthern  Italy  comiirised  the  rest  of  the  peninsula  and 
contained  four  countries,  namely,  two  on  the  western  coast, 
Lucania  and  liruttium,  extending  into  the  toe  of  Italy ;  and 
two  on  the  eastern  coast,  Apulia  and  Calabria  (or  lapygia), 
extending  into  the  heel  of  Italy. 

III.     The  Early  Ixiiaijitaxts  of  Italy 

The  Settlement  of  Italy.  —  The  soft  climate  and  fertile  val- 
leys of  Italy  made  it  an.  attractive  home  for  the  wandering 
tribes  of  early  Europe.  Long  before  Rome  was  founded, 
every  part  of  Italy  was  already  peopled.  Many  of  the  peo- 
ples living  there  came  from  the  north,  around  the  head  of 
the  Adriatic,  pushing  their  way  toward  the  south  into  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  peninsula.  Others  came  from  Greece  by 
way  of  the   sea,  settling  upon  the  southern  coast.     It  is  of 


I 


THE   LAND  AND   THE   PEOPLE 


15 


l^^^^o- 


MILES 


InJ)U-EiTUOPEAN   ItACES   IN    KlEOPE 


course  impossible  for  us  to  say  precisely  how  Italy  Avas  set- 
tled. It  is  enough  for  us  to  know  at  present  that  most  of  the 
newcomers  belonged  to 
the  great  Indo-Euro- 
pean race,  which  per- 
liaps  came  from  Asia 
into  Europe  and  which 
spread  into  different 
branches,  the  Celts  in 
the  west,  the  Germans 
in  the  north,  the  Sla- 
vonians in  the  east, 
and  the  Greeks  and 
Italians  in  the  south. 

When  these  people  first  appeared  in  Europe,  they  were 
scarcely  civilized.  They  lived  upon  their  flocks  and  herds, 
and  had  just  begun  to  cultivate  the  soil. 

The  Italic  Tribes.— The 
largest  part  of  the  penin- 
sula w^as  occupied  by  a 
number  of  tribes  which 
made  up  the  so-called 
Italic  race.  We  will  not 
pretend  to  say  exactly 
how  these  tribes  were 
related  to  one  another  — 
a  subject  upon  which 
scholars  do  not  agree. 
We  may  for  convenience, 
however,  group  them  into 
four  divisions,  the  Latins, 
the  Oscans,  the  Sabel- 
lians,  and  the  Umbrians. 
(1)  The  Latins  dwelt  in  central  Italy,  just  south  of  the 
Tiber.  They  lived  in  villages  scattered  about  Latium,  tilling 
their  fields  and  tending  their  flocks.      The  village  was  a  col- 


SCALE  OF  MILES 

""135 


The  Kaces  of  Italy 


If) 


INTKODUCTION 


lection  of  straw-tliatched  huts  ;  it  generally  grew  up  about  a 
hill,  which  was  fortified,  and  to  which  the  villagers  could 
retreat  in  times  of  danger.  Many  of  these  Latin  villages  or 
hill-towns  grew  into  cities,  which  were  united  into  a  h  jue 
for  mutual  i)rotection,  and  bound  together  by  a  common  wor- 
ship (of  Jupiter  Latian's)  ;  and  an  annual  festival  which  hey 
celebrated  on  the  Alban  ]\Iount,  near  wliich  was  situated  Alba 
Longa,  their  chief  city  (see  map,  p.  46). 


P 


A  Temi'okaky  ViLLAtiK  OF  Straw  HtJTs  i.\  Modern  Italy  — supposed  to  be  like  ah 

Anciext  Latin  Village 

(2)  The  Oscans  were  the  remnants  of  an  early  Italic  people 
whicli  iidiabited  the  country  stretching  southward  from  Latium, 
along  the  western  coast.  In  tlieir  customs  they  were  like  the 
Latins,  although  perhaps  not  so  far  advanced.     Some  authors 

ji>  include  in  this  branch  the  .Ecpiians,  tlie  Hernicans,  and  the 
Volscians,  who  carried  on  uiany  wars  with  Kome  in  early  times. 

(3)  The  SabeUians  embraced  the  most  numerous  and  war- 
like peoples  of  the  Italic  stock.  They  lived  to  the  east  and  south 
of  the  Latins  and  Oscans,  extending  along  the  ridges  and  slopes 
of  the  Apennines.  They  were  devoted  not  so  jnuch  to  farming 
as  to   the  tending  of  flocks  and  herds.     They  lived  also  by 


THE   LAND  AND   THE   PEOPLE 


17 


;/ 


^ 


plundering  their  neighbors'  harvests  and  carrying  off  their 
neighbors'  cattle.  They  were  broken  up  into  a  great  number 
of  tribes,  the  most  noted  of  which  were  the  Samnites,  a  hardy 
race-'vhich  became  the  great  rival  of  the  Roman  people  for  the 
possesion  of  central  Italy.  Other  Sabellian  tribes  were  the 
Sabii!js,  the  Marsians,  the  Picentians,  the  Frentani,  the  Apu- 
lians,  the  Lucanians,  and  the  Bruttians. 

(4)  The  Umhrians  lived  to  the  north  of  the  Sabellians. 
They  are  said  to  have  been  the  oldest  people  of  Italy.  But 
when  the  Romans  came  into  contact  with  them,  they  had 
become  crowded  into  a  comparatively  small  territory,  and 
-vere  not  very  important.  They  were  broken  up  into  small 
tribes,  living  in  hill-towns  and  villages,  and  these  were  often 
united  into  loose  confederacies. 

The  Etruscans. — Northwest  of 
Latium  dwelt  the  Etruscans,  in 
some  respects  the  most  remark- 
able people  of  early  Italy.  Their 
origin  is  shrouded  in  mystery. 
Ir  »§arly  times  they  were  a  power- 
ful nation,  stretching  from  the  Po 
to  the  Tiber,  and  having  posses- 
sions even  in  the  plains  of  Cam- 
pania. Their  cities  were  fortified, 
often  in  the  strongest  manner,  and 
also  linked  together  in  confed- 
erations. Their  prosperity  was 
founded  not  only  upon  agriculture, 
but  also  upon  commerce. 

Their  religion  was  a  gloomy  and  weird  superstition,  in 
which  they  thought  that  they  could  discover  the  will  of  the 
gods  by  means  of  augury,  that  is,  by  watching  the  flight  of 
birds  and  by  examining  the  entrails  of  animals.  The  Etrus- 
cans were  great  builders;  and  their  massive  walls,  durable 
roads,  well-constructed  sewers,  and  imposing  sepulchers  show 
the  greatness  of  their  civilization. 
mokey's  kom.  hist. — 2 


Etruscan  Tomb 


iiJiiijH'i  «^^m\\  i"^' 


16 


IXTKODrniON 


lection  of  straw-tliatched  liiits ;  it  generally  grew  up  about  a 
Mil,  wMcli  was  foitiJied,  and  to  which  the  villagers  could 
retreat  in  times  of  danger.  Many  of  these  Latin  villages  or 
hill-towns  grew  into  cities,  which  were  united  into  a  h  nie 
for  mutual  protection,  and  bound  together  by  a  common  wor- 
ship (of  Jupiter  Latiaris) ;  and  an  annual  festival  which  hey 
celebrated  on  the  Alban  IVIount,  near  whicli  was  situated  Alba 
Longa,  their  chief  city  (see  map,  p.  4G). 


A  TisMfouAKY  Village  of  Straw  Huts  in  Modern  Italy  — supposed  to  be  like  an 

Ancient  Latin  Village 

(2)  The  Oscans  were  the  remnants  of  an  early  Italic  people 
which  inhabited  the  country  stretching  southward  from  Latium, 
along  the  western  coast.  In  their  customs  they  were  like  the 
Latins,  although  perhaps  not  so  far  advanced.     Some  authors 

f  include  in  this  branch  the  iEcpiians,  the  Hernicans,  and  the 
Volscians,  who  carried  on  many  wars  with  Home  in  earlv  times. 

(3)  The  SahelUans  embraced  the  most  numerous  and  war- 
like peoples  of  the  Italic  stock.  They  lived  to  the  east  and  south 
of  the  Latins  and  Oscans,  extending  along  the  ridges  and  slopes 
of  the  Apennines.  They  were  devoted  not  so  juuch  to  farming 
as  to  the  tending  of  floi'ks  and  herds.     They  lived   also  by 


£ 


THE   LAND  AND   THE    PEOPLE 


17 


plundering  their  neighbors'  harvests  and  carrying  off  their 
neighbors'  cattle.  They  were  broken  up  into  a  great  number 
of  tribes,  the  most  noted  of  which  were  the  Samnites,  a  hardy 
race -vhich  became  the  great  rival  of  the  Eoman  people  for  the 
possesion  of  central  Italy.  Other  Sabellian  tribes  were  the 
Sabii!js,  the  ]\Iarsians,  the  Picentians,  the  Erentani,  the  Apu- 
lians,  the  Lucanians,  and  the  lU-uttians. 

(4)  The  Umbrians  lived  to  the  north  of  the  Sabellians. 
They  are  said  to  have  been  the  oldest  people  of  Italy.  lUit 
when  the  Komans  came  into  contact  with  them,  they  had 
become  crowded  into  a  comparatively  small  territory,  and 
^  ere  not  very  important.  They  were  broken  up  into  small 
tribes,  living  in  hill-towns  and  villages,  and  these  were  often 
united  into  loose  confederacies. 

The  Etruscans. — Northwest  of 
Latium  dwelt  the  Etruscans,  in 
some  respects  the  most  remark- 
able people  of  early  Italy.  Their 
origin  is  shrouded  in  mystery. 
Ir.^^arly  times  they  were  a  power- 
ful nation,  stretching  from  the  Po 
to  the  Tiber,  and  having  posses- 
sions even  in  the  plains  of  Cam- 
pania. Their  cities  were  fortified, 
often  in  the  strongest  manner,  and 
also  linked  together  in  confed- 
erations. Their  prosperity  was 
founded  not  only  upon  agriculture, 
but  also  upon  commerce. 

Their  religion  was  a  gloomy  and  weird  superstition,  in 
which  they  thought  that  they  could  discover  the  will  of  the 
gods  by  means  of  augury,  that  is,  by  watching  the  flight  of 
birds  and  by  examining  the  entrails  of  animals.  The  Etrus- 
cans were  great  builders;  and  their  massive  walls,  durable 
roads,  well-constructed  sewers,  and  imposing  sepulchers  show 
the  greatness  of  tlieir  civilization. 


«w^ 


Etruscan  Tomh 


i' 


MOKi:V'S    KOM.    HIST. 


2 


18 


INTRODUCTION 


The  Greeks  in  Italy.  —  But  the  most  civilized  and  cultivated 
people  in  Italy  were  the  Greeks,  who  had  planted  their  colonies 
at  Taren'tum,  and  on  the  western  coast  as  far  as  Naples  {Neap- 
dis)  in  Campania.  So  completely  did  these  coasts  become 
dotted  with  Greek  cities,  enlivened  with  Greek  commerce,  and 
influenced  by  Greek  culture,  that  this  part  of  the  i)eninsula 
received  the  name  of  Magna  Graecia. 

The  Gauls.  —  If  the  Greeks  in  the  extreme  south  were  the 
most  civilized  people  of  Italy,  the  Gauls  or  Celts,  in  the 
extreme  north,  were  the  most  barbarous.  Crossing  the  Alps 
from  western  Europe,  they  had  pushed  back  the  Etruscans 
and  occupied  the  plains  of  the  Po ;  hence  this  region  received 
the  name  which  it  long  held,  Cisalpine  Gaul.  They  held  this 
territory  against  the  Ligurians  on  the  west  and  the  Ven'eti  on 
the  east ;  and  for  a  long  time  were  the  terror  of  the  Italian 
people. 

SELECTIONS   FOR   READING 

Ihne,  Early  Rome,  Ch.  1,  "The  Greatness  of  Rome  "  (5).i 

Michelet,  Ch.  2,  ''Description  of  Italy"  (6). 

Lidtiell,  Introduction,  "Physical  Geography  of  Italy"  (1). 

How  and  Leigh,  Ch.  2,  "  Peoples  of  Italy  "  (1). 

Shucklmrgh,  Ch.  3,  "  Inhabitants  of  Italy  "  (1). 

Mommsen,  Vol.  I.,  Bk.  I.,  Ch.  3, '"  Settlements  of  the  Latins"  (2). 

Mommsen,  abridged,  Ch.  6,  "The  Etruscans  — The  Greeks  in  Italy "(2). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

Sources  of  Roman  History.  —  Liddell,  Ch.  16  (1)  ;  Ihne,  Early 
Rome,  Ch.  2  (5);  Shuckburgh,  pp.  54-00  (1);  Mommsen,  abridged, 
pp.  vii.-xviii.  (2)  ;  Dyer,  Kings  of  Rome,  Introductory  Dissertation  (5). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appen- 
dix, where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


i 


■  1 


\l 


\} 


> 


THE    ROMAN    KINGDOM 


-"^JO^oo- 


PERIOD  I.    ROME  UNDER  THE  EARLY  KINGS  (B.C.  753-616  ?) 


CHAPTER   II 

THE  BEGINNINGS   OF  ROME 

I.   Traditions  of  the  Early  Kings 

The  Early  Legendary  History.  —  In  its  beginnings,  the  history 
of  Rome,  like  that  of  all  other  ancient  peoples,  is  made  up 
largely  of  traditions.  But  we  must  not  suppose  on  this  account 
that  the  early  history  of  Rome  is  a  mere  blank.  Like  all  other 
traditions,  tliese  stories  have  in  them  some  elements  of  truth. 
They  show  to  us  the  ideas  and  the  spirit  of  the  Roman  people ; 
and  they  show  how  the  Romans  used  to  explain  the  origin  of 
their  own  customs  and  institutions.  While  we  may  not  believe 
all  these  stories,  we  cannot  ignore  them  en- 
tirely ;  because  they  have  a  certain  kind  of 
historical  value,  and  have  become  a  part  of 
the  world's  literature. 

Foundation  of  the  City.  —  According  to  the 
Roman  legends,  the  origin  of  the  city  was 
connected  with  Alba  Longa,  the  chief  city  of 
Latium ;  and  the  origin  of  Alba  Longa  was         '^^''"^^  ^^""^^ 
traced  to  the  city  of  Troy  in  Asia  Minor.     After  the  fall  of  that 
famous  city,  it  is  said  that  the  Trojan  hero,  iEne'as,  fled  from  the 

19 


„|h      OKMWL 


18 


INTRODUCTION 


The  Greeks  in  Italy.  —  But  the  most  civilized  and  cultivated 
people  in  Italy  were  the  Greeks,  who  had  planted  their  colonies 
at  Taren'tum,  and  on  the  western  coast  as  far  as  Naples  {Neap- 
dis)  in  Campania.  So  completely  did  these  coasts  become 
dotted  with  Greek  cities,  enlivened  with  Greek  commerce,  and 
influenced  by  Greek  culture,  that  this  part  of  the  peninsula 
received  the  name  of  Magna  Graecia. 

The  Gauls.  —  If  the  Greeks  in  the  extreme  south  were  the 
most  civilized  people  of  Italy,  the  Gauls  or  Celts,  in  the 
extreme  north,  were  the  most  barbarous.  Crossing  the  Alps 
from  western  Europe,  they  had  pushed  back  the  Etruscans 
and  occupied  the  plains  of  the  Po ;  hence  this  region  received 
the  name  which  it  long  held.  Cisalpine  Gaul.  They  held  this 
territory  against  the  Ligurians  on  the  west  and  the  Ven'eti  on 
the  east ;  and  for  a  long  time  were  the  terror  of  the  Italian 
people. 

SELECTIONS   FOR   READING 

Ihne,  Early  Rome,  Ch.  1,  "The  Greatness  of  Rome  "  (5).i 

Miehelet,  Ch.  2,  "Description  of  Italy"  (G). 

Liddell,  Introduction,  "Physical  Geography  of  Italy"  (1). 

How  and  Leigh,  Ch.  2,  "  Peoples  of  Italy"  (1). 

Shuckburgh,  Ch.  3,  "Inhabitants  of  Italy  "  (1). 

Mommsen,  Vol.  I.,  Bk.  I.,  Ch.  3,  "Settlements  of  the  Latins"  (2). 

Mommseu,  abridged,  Ch.  5,  "The  Etruscans  —  The  Greeks  in  Italy "(2). 


SPECIAL  STUDY 

Sources  of  Roman  History.  —  Liddell,  Ch.  16  (1)  ;  Ihne,  Early 
Home,  Ch.  2  ('>)  ;  Shuckburgh,  pp.  54-00  (1);  Mommsen,  abridged, 
pp.  vii.-xviii.  (2)  ;  Dyer,  Kings  of  Rome,  Introductory  Dissertation  (5). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appen- 
dix, where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


THE   ROMAN   KINGDOM 


>J*io- 


PERIOD  I.    KOME  UNDEE  THE  EAKLY  KINGS  (B.C.  753-616  ?) 


CHAPTER   II 


THE   BEGINNINGS   OF  ROME 


I.   Traditions  of  the  Eakly  Kings 

The  Early  Legendary  History.  —  In  its  beginnings,  the  history 
of  Rome,  like  that  of  all  other  ancient  peoples,  is  made  up 
largely  of  traditions.  But  we  must  not  suppose  on  this  account 
that  the  early  history  of  Rome  is  a  mere  blank.  Like  all  other 
traditions,  these  stories  have  in  them  some  elements  of  truth. 
They  show  to  us  the  ideas  and  the  spirit  of  the  Roman  people ; 
and  they  show  how  the  Romans  used  to  explain  the  origin  of 
their  own  customs  and  institutions.  While  we  may  not  believe 
all  these  stories,  we  cannot  ignore  them  en- 
tirely ;  because  they  have  a  certain  kind  of 
historical  value,  and  have  become  a  part  of 
the  world's  literature. 

Foundation  of  the  City.  —  According  to  the 
Roman  legends,  the  origin  of  the  city  was 
connected  with  Alba  Longa,  the  chief  city  of 
Latium ;  and  the  origin  of  Alba  Longa  was         ^'''^'  ^^""^^ 
traced  to  the  city  of  Troy  in  Asia  Minor.     After  the  fall  of  that 
famous  city,  it  is  said  that  the  Trojan  hero,  iEne'as,  fled  from  the 

19 


I 


20 


THE    ROMAN   KINGDOM 


I 


ruins,  l)earing  upon  his  sliouJder  his  aged  father,  Anchi'ses 
ami  leading  by  the  hand  his  son,  Ascanius.    Guided  by  the  star 
of  his  mother,  Venus,  lie  landed  on  the  shores  of  Italy  with  a 
band  of  Trojans,  and  was  assured  by  omens  that  Latium  was  to 
be  the  seat  of  a  great  empire.     He  founded  the  city  of  Lavinium 
and  after  his  death  his  son  Ascanius  transferred  the  seat  of  the 
kingdom  to  Alba  Longa.     Here  his  descendants  ruled  for  three 
hundred  years,  when  the  throne  was  usurped  by  a  prince  called 
Amu  bus.      To  secure  himself  against  any  possible  rivals,  this 
usurper  caused  his  brother's  daughter,  Khea  Silvia,  to  take  tlie 

vows  of  a  vestal  vir- 
gin. But  she  became 
the  mother  of  twin 
children,    Kom'uhis 
and   Remus;     their 
father  was  Mars,  the 
god   of   war.      The 
wicked        Amulius 
caused  the  children 
to  be  thrown  into  the 
Tiber;  but  they  re- 
mained   under    the 
guardianship  of  the 
gods.        Drifting 


EOMULFS   AXD   IlEMlS   AND  TUE   WOLF 

(Bronze  statue,  Rome) 


ashore  at  the  foot  of  the  Pal'atine  hill,  they  were  nursed  by  a 
she-wolf  and  were  brought  up  at  the  home  of  a  neighborinij 
shepherd  And  when  they  had  grown  to  manhood,  the^ 
founded  („.c.  753?)  the  city  of  Rome  on  the  Palatine,  where 
they  had  lx>en  providentially  rescued.  In  a  quarrel  between 
the  two  brothers,  Remus  was  killed,  and  Romulus  became  the 
King  of  the  new  citv. 

The  Reign  of  Romulus.  -  Romulus  was  looked  upon  by  the 
Romans  not  only  as  the  founder  of  their  city,  but  as  the  creator 
of  their  social  and  political  institutions.  He  is  said  to  have 
peopled  his  new  town  by  opening  an  asylum  for  refugees ;  and 
when  he  wanted  wives  for  his  people  he  captured  them  from 


I 


f 


i 


h 


THE   BEGINNINGS  OF   HOxME 


21 


I     I 


the  Sabines.     After  a  war  with  the  Sabines  peace  was  made  ; 

and  the  two  peoples  became  bound  together  into  one  city  under 

the  two  kings,  Komulus  and  Titus  Tatius.     After  the  death  of 

Titus,  llomulus  reigned  alone  and  gave  laws  to  the  whole 

people.      He  made  many  Avars  upon  the  neighboring  towns, 

and  after  a  reign  of  thirty-seven  years  he  was  translated  to 

heaven  and  worshiped  under  the  name  of  Quiri'nus. 

Numa  Pompilius. — After    a    year's    interregnum    a    Sabine 

named  Numa  Pompil'ius  was  elected  as  the  second  king  of 

Rome.     He  is  said  to  have  been  a  very  wise 

and  pious  man,  and  to  have  taught  the  Romans 

the  arts  of  peace  and  the  worship  of  the  gods. 

Numa  is  represented  in  the  legends  as  the 

founder  of  the  Roman  religion.     He  appointed 

priests  and  other  ministers  of  religion.     He 

divided  the  lands  among  the  people,  placing 

boundaries  under  the  charge  of  the  god  Termi- 
nus. He  is  also  said  to  have  divided  the 
year  into  twelve  months,  and  thus  to  have 
founded  the  Roman  calendar.  After  a  peace- 
ful reign  of  forty-two  years,  he  w^as  buried 
under  the  hill  Janic'ulum,  across  the  Tiber. 
Tullus  Hostilius.  —  The  third  king,  Tullus 
Hostil'ius,  w^as  chosen  from  the  Romans.  His 
reign  Avas  noted  for  the  conquest  of  Alba 
Longa.  In  accounts  of  this  war  w^ith  Alba 
Longa,  the  famous  story  is  told  of  the  Hora'tii 
and  the  Curia'tii,  three  brothers  in  each  army,  who  were 
selected  to  decide  the  contest  by  a  combat,  Avhich  resulted  in 
favor  of  the  Horatii,  the  Roman  champions.  Alba  Longa  thus 
became  subject  to  Rome.  Afterward,  Alba  Longa  w^as  razed  to 
the  ground,  and  all  its  people  were  transferred  to  Rome.  Tul- 
lus, it  is  said,  neglected  the  worship  of  the  gods,  and  w\as  at 
last,  with  his  whole  house,  destroyed  by  the  lightnings  of  Jove. 
Ancus  Marcius.  —  After  the  reign  of  Tullus  the  people  elected 
Ancus  Marcius,  a  Sabine  and  a  grandson  of  Numa  Pompilius. 


Terminus 


/ 


20 


THE   UUMiiN   KINGDOM 


ruins,  bearing  upon  his  shoulder  liis  aged  father,  Anchi'ses, 
and  leading  by  the  hand  his  son,  Ascanius.  Guided  by  the  star 
of  Ms  mother,  Venus,  he  landed  on  the  shores  of  Italy  with  a 
band  of  Trojans,  and  was  assured  by  omens  that  Latium  was  to 
be  the  seat  of  a  great  empire.  He  founded  the  city  of  Lavinium 
and  after  his  death  his  son  Ascanius  transferred  the  seat  of  the 
kingdom  to  Alba  Longa.  Here  his  descendants  ruled  for  three 
hundred  years,  when  tlie  throne  was  usurped  by  a  prince  called 
Amu'lius.  To  secure  himself  against  any  possible  rivals,  this 
usurper  caused  liis  brother's  daughter,  Ehea  Silvia,  to  take  the 

vows  of  a  vestal  vir- 
gin. But  she  became 
the  mother  of  twin 
children,    Rom'ulus 
and   Remus;     their 
father  was  Mars,  the 
god   of   w\ar.       The 
wicked        Amulius 
caused  the  children 
to  be  thrown  into  the 
Tiber;  but  they  re- 
mained   under    the 
guardianship  of  the 
gods.        Drifting 


KOMULFB  AND   KemI  8   AND   TUK   WOLP 

(Bronze  statue,  Rome) 


ashore  at  the  foot  of  the  Pal'atine  hill,  they  were  nursed  by  a 
she-wolf  and  were  brought  up  at  the  home  of  a  neighboring 
shepherd  And  when  they  had  grown  to  n.anhood,  they 
founded  (B.C.  T53?)  the  city  of  Rome  on  the  Palatine,  wheie 
they  had  been  providentially  rescued.  In  a  .juarrel  between 
the  two  brothers,  Remus  was  killed,  and  Romulus  became  the 
King  of  the  new  city. 

The  Reign  of  Romulus.  —  Romulus  was  looked  upon  by  the 
Romans  not  only  as  the  founder  of  their  city,  but  as  the  creator 
of  their  social  and  political  institutions.  He  is  said  to  have 
peopled  his  new  town  by  opening  an  asylum  for  refugees ;  and 
when  he  wanted  wives  for  his  people  he  captured  them  from 


£ 


I    I  I 


f 


I 


11 


THE   BEGINNINGS   OF   KOME 


21 


the  Sabines.  After  a  war  with  the  Sabines  peace  was  made  ; 
and  the  two  peoples  became  bound  together  into  one  city  under 
the  two  kings,  Romulus  and  Titus  Tatius.  After  the  death  of 
Titus,  Romulus  reigned  alone  and  gave  laws  to  the  whole 
people.  He  made  many  wars  upon  the  neighboring  towns, 
and  after  a  reign  of  thirty-seven  years  he  was  translated  to 
heaven  and  worshiped  under  the  name  of  Quiri'nus. 

Numa  Pompilius. — After  a  year's  interregnum  a  Sabine 
named  Numa  Pompil'ius  was  elected  as  the  second  king  of 
Rome.  He  is  said  to  have  been  a  very  wise 
and  pious  man,  and  to  have  taught  the  Romans 
the  arts  of  peace  and  the  worship  of  the  gods. 
Numa  is  represented  in  the  legends  as  the 
founder  of  the  Roman  religion.  He  appointed 
priests  and  other  ministers  of  religion.  He 
divided  the  lands  among  the  i)eople,  placing 
boundaries  under  the  charge  of  the  god  Termi- 
nus. He  is  also  said  to  have  divided  the 
year  into  twelve  months,  and  thus  to  have 
founded  the  Roman  calendar.  After  a  peace- 
ful reign  of  forty-two  years,  he  was  buried 
under  the  hill  Janic'ulum,  across  the  Tiber. 

Tullus  Hostilius.  —  The  third  king,  Tullus 
Hostil'ius,  was  chosen  from  the  Romans.  His 
reign  was  noted  for  the  conquest  of  Alba 
Longa.  In  accounts  of  this  war  with  Alba 
Longa,  the  famous  story  is  told  of  the  Hora'tii 
and  the  Curia'tii,  three  brothers  in  each  army,  who  were 
selected  to  decide  the  contest  by  a  combat,  ^vhich  resulted  in 
favor  of  the  Horatii,  the  Roman  champions.  Alba  Longa  thus 
became  subject  to  Rome.  Afterward,  AlV)a  Longa  w^as  razed  to 
the  ground,  and  all  its  people  were  transferred  to  Rome.  Tul- 
lus, it  is  said,  neglected  the  worship  of  the  gods,  and  w\as  at 
last,  with  his  Avhole  house,  destroyed  by  the  lightnings  of  Jove. 

Ancus  Marcius.  —  After  the  reign  of  Tullus  the  people  elected 
Ancus  Marcius,  a  Sabine  and  a  grandson  of  Numa  Pompilius. 


Terminus 


I "' 


ii 

flff 


22 


THE   ROMAN  KINGDOM 


He  is  said  to  have  published  the  sacred  laws  of  his  grand- 
father, and  to  have  tried  to  restore  the  arts  of  peace.  But, 
threatened  by  the  Latins,  he  conquered  many  of  their  cities,' 
brouglit  their  inhabitants  to  Rome,  and  settled  them  ui)on  the 
Av'entine  hill.  He  fortified  the  hill  Janiculum,  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Tiber,  to  protect  Kome  from  the  Etruscans,  and 
built  across  the  river  a  wooden  bridge  (the  Poyis  Suhlicius). 
He  also  conquered  the  lands  between  Rome  and  the  sea  and 
built  the  port  of  Ostia  at  tlie  mouth  of  the  Tiber. 

Credibility  of   the    Legends.  -  These    are    in   substance   the 
stories   which,  decorated   by   many   fanciful   and   miraculous 
incidents,  the  Romans  were  proud  to  relate  as  explaining  the 
beginnings  of  their  city  and  the  work  of  their  early  kings. 
These  traditions  have  been  shown  to  be  unworthy  of  belief  in 
many  particulars.     It  is  of  course  impossible,  in  a  small  book 
like  this,  even  to  suggest  the  many  and  various  opinions  which 
have  been  expressed  regarding  the  credibility  of  early  Roman 
history.     It  is  enough  to  say  that,  while  we  need  not  believe 
all  the  incidents  and  details  contained  in  these  stories,  we  may 
find  in  them  references  to  facts  and  institutions  which  really 
existed;  and  with  the  aid  of  other  means,  we  may  put  these 
facts  together  so  as  to  explain  in  a  rational  way  the  origin  and 
growth  of  the  famous  city  on  the  Tiber. 

II.   The  Situation  of  Rome 

The  Hills  of  Rome.  —To  obtain  a  more  definite  knowled-e  of 
the  birth  of  Rome  than  we  can  get  from  the  traditional  stories 
we  must  study  that  famous  group  of  hills  which  may  be  called 
the  ''cradle  of  the  Roman  people."  By  looking  at  these  hills 
we  can  see  quite  clearly  how  Rome  must  have  come  into  bein-' 
and  how  It  became  a  powerful  city.  The  location  of  these  hilfs 
was  favorable  for  defense,  and  for  the  beginning  of  a  strong 
settlement.  Situated  about  eighteen  miles  from  the  mouth  of 
the  Tiber,  they  were  far  enough  removed  from  the  sea  to  be 
secure  from  the  attacks  of  the  pirates  that  infested  these 


•I 


s 


■i 


THE   BEGINNINGS  OF   ROME 


23 


waters;  while  the  river  afforded  an  easy  highway  for  com- 
merce. 

Their  Relation  to  One  Another.  —To  understand  the  relation  of 
these  hills  to  one  another,  we  may  consider  them  as  forming  two 
groups,    the    northern 


and  the  southern.  The 
southern  group  com- 
prised three  hills  —  the 
Palatine,  the  Cselian, 
and  the  Aventine — ar- 
ranged in  the  form  of  a 
triangle,  with  the  Pala- 
tine projecting  to  the 
north.  The  northern 
group  comprised  four 
hills,  arranged  in  the 
form  of  a  crescent  or 
semicircle,  in  the  following  order,  beginning  from  the  east:  the 
Esquiline,  the  Viminal,  the  Quir'inal,  and  the  Cap'itoline  —  the 
last  being  a  sort  of  spur  of  the  Quirinal.     These  two  groups  of 

hills    became,    as  we 


SCALE  OF  FEET 
6     '  1(XX)      2000      33oo 


The  Hills  of  Rome 


shall  see,  the  seats  of 
two  different  settle- 
ments. Of  all  the  hills 
on  the  Tiber,  the  Pala- 
tine occupied  the  most 
central  and  command- 
ing position.  It  was, 
therefore,  the  people 
of  the  Palatine  settle- 
ment who  would  nat- 
urally become  the  con- 
I  trolling  people  of  the 
seven-hilled  city. 
Their  Relation  to  Neighboring  Lands.— By  looking  at  the 
neighboring  lands  about  the  Tiber,  we  see  that  Rome  was 


TYRRHENIAN 


SEA 


MILES 


R.Tibei^&)»iia.  (, 


Laurentum 


Tusculum 


Lands  about  tiik  Tibee 


22 


.1 


THE   ROMAN  KINGDOM 


He  is  said  to  have  published  the  sacred  laws  of  his  grand- 
father, and  to  have  tried  to  restore  the  arts  of  peace.  "^  But, 
threatened  by  tlie  Latins,  he  conquered  many  of  their  cities,' 
brought  their  inhabitants  to  Rome,  and  settled  them  upon  the 
Av'eutine  liilL  He  fortified  the  hill  Janiculum,  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Tiber,  to  protect  Kome  from  the  Etruscans,  and 
built  across  the  river  a  wooden  bridge  (the  Pons  Sublicius). 
He  also  conquered  the  lands  l)etween  Kome  and  the  sea  and 
built  the  port  of  Ostia  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber. 

Credibility   of   the    Legends.  -  These    are    in   substance   the 
stories   which,  decorated   by   many   fanciful   and   miraculous 
incidents,  tlie  Romans  were  proud  to  relate  as  explaining  the 
beginnings  of  their  city  and  the  work  of  their  early  kings. 
These  traditions  have  been  shown  to  be  unworthy  of  belief  In 
many  particulars.     It  is  of  course  impossible,  in  a  small  book 
like  this,  even  to  suggest  the  many  and  various  opinions  which 
have  been  expressed  regarding  the  credibility  of  early  Roman 
history.     It  IS  enough  to  say  that,  while  we  need  not  believe 
all  the  incidents  and  details  contained  in  these  stories,  we  may 
find  in  them  references  to  facts  and  institutions  which  really 
existed;  and  with  the  aid  of  other  means,  we  may  put  these 
facts  together  so  as  to  explain  in  a  rational  way  the  origin  and 
growth  of  the  famous  city  on  the  Tiber. 

IL   The  Situation  of  Rome 

The  Hills  of  Rome.  —To  obtain  a  more  definite  knowledge  of 
the  birth  of  Rome  than  we  can  get  from  the  traditional  sto'ries 
we  must  study  that  famous  group  of  hills  which  may  be  called 
the  "cradle  of  the  Roman  people."     By  looking  at  these  hills 
we  can  see  quite  clearly  how  Rome  must  have  come  intobein-' 
and  how  it  became  a  powerful  city.    The  location  of  these  hilfs 
was  favorable  for  defense,  and  for  the  beginning  of  a  stronij 
settlement.     Situated  about  eighteen  miles  from  the  mouth  of 
the  Tiber,  they  were  far  enougli  removed  from  the  sea  to  be 
secure  from  the  attacks   of  the   pirates   that   infested  these 


■> 


THE   BEGINNINGS  OF   ROME 


waters;   while  the  river  afforded  an  easy  highway  for  com- 
merce. 

Their  Relation  to  One  Another.  — To  understand  the  relation  of 
these  hills  to  one  another,  we  may  consider  them  as  forming  two 
groups,    the    northern 


SCALE  OF  FEET 

0    ■  lOOO     2000     33oo 


The  IIilt.8  of  Rome 


and  the  southern.  The 
southern  group  com- 
prised three  hills  —  the 
Palatine,  the  Cselian, 
and  the  Aventine — ar- 
ranged in  the  form  of  a 
triangle,  with  the  Pala- 
tine projecting  to  the 
north.  The  northern 
group  comprised  four 
hills,  arranged  in  the 
form  of  a  crescent  or 
semicircle,  in  the  following  order,  beginning  from  the  east:  the 
Esquiline,  the  Viminal,  the  Quir'inal,  and  the  Cap'itoline  —  the 
last  being  a  sort  of  spur  of  the  Quirinal.     These  two  groups  of 

hills  became,  as  we 
shall  see,  the  seats  of 
two  different  settle- 
ments. Of  all  the  hills 
on  the  Tiber,  the  Pala- 
tine occupied  the  most 
central  and  command- 
ing position.  It  was, 
therefore,  the  people 
of  the  Palatine  settle- 
ment who  would  nat- 
urally become  the  con- 
trolling people  of  the 
seven-hilled  city. 
Their  Relation  to  Neighboring  Lands. —By  looking  at  the 
neighboring  lands  about  the  Tiber,  we  see  that  Rome  was 


TYRRHENIAN 

SEA 


rrseneste 


MILES 


^    . Alba       •„ 

R,TiOer^U.  C       Longa^^  Jusculum 

^    U    M 


Laurentunv% 


i^'Liivinium 


Lands  about  tue  Tibkb 


24 


THE    ROMAN    KINGDOM 


1    ' 


U 


located  at  the  point  of  contact  between  three  important 
countries.  On  the  south  and  east  was  Latiuni,  already  dotted 
with  towns  like  Alba  Longa,  Tus'culum,  Tibur,  Pr«nes'te, 
Laurentuni,  and  Laviniuni.  On  the  north  was  the  Sabine 
country,  witli  such  towns  as  Cures  and  Nonientuni.  On  the 
northwest  was  Etruria,  with  a  large  number  of  cities,  including 
Ye'ii,  Ciere,  Tanpiinii,  Falerii,  and  also  the  town  of  Fide'nae  just 
north  of  Rome  and  on  the  same  side  of  the  Tiber.  These  three 
different  countries  were  pushing  their  outposts  in  the  direction 
of  the  seven  hills.  It  is  not  difficult  for  us  to  see  that  the  time 
must  come  when  there  would  be  a  struggle  for  the  possession 
of  this  important  locality. 

III.    The  Origin  of  the  City 

The  Latin  Settlement  on  the  Palatine.  —  So  far  as  we  know, 
the  first  people  to  get  a  foothold  upon  the  site  of  Rome  were 
the  Latins,  who  formed  a  settlement  about  the  Palatine  hill. 
This  Latin  settlement  was  at  first  a  small  village.  It  consisted 
of  a  few  farmers  and  shepherds  who  were  sent  out  from  Latium 
(l)erhaps  from  Alba  Longa)  as  a  sort  of  outpost,  both  to  protect 

the  Latin  frontier  and  to  trade  with  the 
neighboring     tribes.       The     people     who 
formed  this  settlement  were  called  Eam- 
7ies.     They  dwelt  in  their  rude  straw  huts 
on  the  slopes  of  the  Palatine,  and  on  the 
lower  lands  in  the  direction  of  the  Aven- 
tine  and  the  Caelian.      The  outlying  lands 
furnished  the  fields  which  they  tilled  and 
used  for  pasturage.      In  order  to  protect 
them  from  attacks,  the  sides  of  the  Palatine 
hill  were  strengtliened  by  a  wall  built  of  rude  but  solid  masonry. 
This  fortified  place  was  called  Eoma  Quadm'ta,^  or  "  Square 
Rome.''     It  formed  the  citadel  of  the  colony,  into  which  the 

I  This  has  been  the  generally  accepted  view ;  but  some  authorities  say  that 
the  name  was  applied  only  to  a  square  altar  in  the  center  of  the  city. 


UuT-suAPEiJ  Urn 


(1 


THE   BEGINNINGS   OF   HOME 


25 


\ 


I 


I 


settlers  could  drive  their  cattle  and  conduct  their  families  when 
attacked  by  hostile  neighbors.  It  is  interesting  to  know  that 
the  primitive  wall  of  the  Palatine  city,  known  as  the  Wall 
of  Romulus,  has  in  recent  years  been  uncovered,  showing  the 
general  character  of  this  first  fortification  of  Rome. 

The  Sabine  Settlement  on  the  Quirinal.  —  Opposite  the  Pala- 
tine settlement  there  grew  up  a  settlement  on  the  Quirinal  hill. 


"Wall  of  Romulls" 

This  Quirinal  settlement  seems  to  have  been  an  outpost  or  col- 
ony of  the  Sabine  people,  just  as  the  Palatine  settlement  was  a 
Latin  colony.  The  Sabines  were  pushing  southward  from 
beyond  the  Anio.  The  settlers  on  the  Quirinal  were  called 
Tit'i-es;  their  colony  formed  a  second  hill-town,  similar  in 
character  and  nearly  equal  in  extent  to  the  Palatine  town. 

Union  of  the  Romans  and  the  Sabines. — The  two  hill-towns 
which  thus  faced  each  other  naturally  became  rivals  for  the 
possession  of  the  lands  near  the  Tiber ;  but  being  so  nearly  of 


24 


THE   ROMAN   KINGDOM 


located  at  the  point  of  contact  between  three  important 
countries.  On  the  south  and  east  was  Latiuni,  already  dotted 
with  towns  like  Alba  Longa,  Tus'culiun,  Tibur,  Pra?nes'te, 
Laiirentuni,  and  Laviniuni.  On  the  north  was  the  Sabine 
country,  with  such  towns  as  Cures  and  [N^omentuni.  On  the 
northwest  was  Etruria,  with  a  large  number  of  cities,  including 
Ve'ii,  Cajre,  Tanpiinii,  Falerii,  and  also  the  town  of  Fide'niK  just 
north  of  Rome  and  on  the  same  side  of  the  Tiber.  These  three 
different  countries  were  pushing  their  outposts  in  the  direction 
of  the  seven  hills.  It  is  not  difficult  for  us  to  see  that  the  time 
must  come  when  there  would  be  a  struggle  for  the  possession 
of  this  important  locality. 

III.   The  Origin  of  the  City 

The  Latin  Settlement  on  the  Palatine.  —  So  far  as  we  know, 
the  first  people  to  get  a  foothold  upon  the  site  of  Home  were 
tlie  Latins,  who  fornu'd  a  settlement  about  the  Palatine  hill. 
TMs  Latin  settlement  was  at  first  a  snuill  village.  It  consisted 
of  a  few  farmers  and  shepherds  who  were  sent  out  from  Latium 
(perhaps  from  Alba  Longa)  as  a  sort  of  outi)ost,  both  to  protect 

the  Latin  frontier  and  to  trade  with  the 
neigld)oring     tribes.       The     i)eople     who 
formed  this  settlement  were  called  Bam- 
nes.     They  dwelt  in  their  rude  straw  huts 
on  the  slopes  of  the  Palatine,  and  on  the 
lower  lands  in  the  direction  of  the  Aven- 
tine  and  the  Cadian.      The  outlying  lands 
furnished  the  fields  which  they  tilled  and 
used  for  pasturage.      In  order  to  i)rotect 
them  from  attacks,  the  sides  of  the  l*alatine 
hill  were  strengthened  by  a  wall  built  of  rude  but  solid  masonry. 
This  fortified  place  was  called  Eoina  Quadra'ta,^  or  "  Square 
Rome."     It  formed  the  citadel  of  the  colony,  into  which  the 

1  This  has  been  the  Ke^^^rally  accepted  view  ;  but  some  authorities  say  that 
the  name  was  applied  ouly  to  a  square  altar  iu  the  center  of  the  city. 


/ 


Hlt-8Uapei»  Tkn 


I 


It 


THE   BEGINNINGS   OF   HOME 


25 


1/ 


settlers  could  drive  their  cattle  and  conduct  their  families  when 
attacked  by  hostile  neighbors.  It  is  interesting  to  know  that 
the  primitive  wall  of  the  Palatine  city,  known  as  the  Wall 
of  Romulus,  has  in  recent  years  been  uncovered,  showing  the 
general  character  of  this  first  fortification  of  Rome. 

The  Sabine  Settlement  on  the  Quirinal.  —  Opposite  the  Pala- 
tine settlement  there  grew  up  a  settlement  on  the  Quirinal  hill. 


"Wall  of  Komulub" 

This  Quirinal  settlement  seems  to  have  been  an  outpost  or  col- 
ony of  the  Sabine  people,  just  as  the  Palatine  settlement  was  a 
Latin  colony.  The  Sabines  were  pushing  southward  from 
beyond  the  Anio.  The  settlers  on  the  Quirinal  were  called 
Tit'i-cs;  their  colony  formed  a  second  hill-town,  similar  in 
character  and  nearly  ecpial  in  extent  to  the  Palatine  town. 

Union  of  the  Romans  and  the  Sabines. — The  two  hill-towns 
which  thus  faced  each  other  naturally  became  rivals  for  the 
possession  of  the  lands  near  the  Tiber ;  but  being  so  nearly  of 


26 


THE   ROMAN   KINGDOM 


I 


SCALE  OF  FEET 
5      ""lOOO       2d00 


The  Earliest  Settlements  on  tub 

TlHER 


equal  strength,  neither  could  conquer  the  other.  If  these 
settlements  had  not  been  so  close  together,  they  might  have 
indulged  in  occasional  strife  and  still  remained  separate ;  but 

being  near  to  each  other,  they 
were  obliged  to  be  constantly 
at  war,  or  else  to  come  to  some 
friendly  understanding.  They 
chose  the  latter  course,  and  after 
forming  an  alliance,  were  united 
by  a  permanent  league,  and 
really  became  a  single  city.  To 
celebrate  this  union,  the  in- 
tervening space  was  dedicated 
to  the  two-faced  god,  Janus, 
who  watched  the  approaches  of 
both  towns,  and  whose  temple 
was  said  to  have  been  built  by 
Numa.  The  Capitoline  hill  was  chosen  as  the  common  citadel. 
The  space  between  the  two  towns  was  used  as  a  common 
market  place  (fonim),  and  also  as  a  place  for  the  common 
meeting  of  the  people  {comitium).  This  union  of  the  Palatine 
and  Quirinal  towns  into  one  community,  with  a  common  re- 
ligion and  government,  was  an  event  of  great  importance.  It 
was,  in  fact,  the  first  step  in  the  process  of  ^^  incorporation " 
which  afterward  made  Rome  the  most  powerful  city  of  Latium, 
of  Italy,  and  finally  of  the  world. 

The  Third  Settlement,  on  the  Caelian. — The  union  of  the 
Romans  (Ramnes)  and  the  Sabines  (Titles)  was  followed  by 
the  introduction  of  a  third  people,  called  the  Lu' ceres.  This 
people  was  probably  a  body  of  Latins  wlio  had  been  conquered 
and  settled  upon  the  Caelian  hill  —  although  they  are  some- 
times regarded  as  having  been  Etruscans.  Whatever  may  have 
been  their  origin,  it  is  quite  certain  that  they  soon  came  to  be 
incorporated  as  a  part  of  the  whole  city  community.  The  city 
of  the  early  Roman  kings  thus  came  to  be  made  up  of  three 
divisions,  or  "tribes"  (tribus,  a  third  part,  from  tres,  three). 


} 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  ROME 


27 


-'  I 


The  evidence  of  this  threefold  origin  was  preserved  in  many 
institutions  of  later  times.  The  three  settlements  were  gradu- 
ally united  into  a  single  city-state  with  common  social,  politi- 


SCALE  OF  FEET 
£      '   1C)00       2(S00       3300 


B      S 


J 


TuK  CiTT  OF  THE  Early  Kings  — Tiie  Three  Tkiuks 

A,  Roma  Quadrate.    B,  Arx,  or  Citadel. 
Templet,  Altari,  etc.  :  1,  Jupiter  Capitolinus;  2,  Janus;  3,  Quirinus;  4,  Vesta;  5,  Tarpeian  Rock. 

cal,  and  religious  institutions.  By  this  union  the  new  city 
became  strong  and  able  to  compete  successfully  with  its 
neighbors. 

SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Ch.  3,  "The  Earliest  Legends"  (l).i 

How  and  Leigh,  Ch.  3,  "  Legends  of  the  Kings"  (1). 

Pelham,  Bk.  L,  Ch.  1,  "The  Traditions"  (1). 

Parker,  Arch.  Hist.,  Ch.  2,  "  Koma  Quad  rata"  (9). 

Shuckburgh,  Ch.  4,  "Origin  of  Rome"  (I). 

Mommsen,  Vol.  L,  Bk.  L,  Ch.  4,  "Beginnings  of  Rome"  (2). 

Plutarch,  "Romulus,"  "Numa"  (11). 

Livy,  Bk.  I.,  Chs.  24-26,  The  lloratii  and  Curiatii  (4). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


26 


THE    ROMAN   KINGDOM 


THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  ROME 


27 


SCALE  OF  FEET 
6     '  lOUO      20U0 


TiiK  Eakliest  Settlements  on  tub 

TiBKB 


equal  strength,  neither  coiikl  conquer  the  other.  If  these 
settlements  had  not  been  so  close  togetlier,  they  might  have 
indulged  in  occasional  strife  and  still  remained  separate ;  but 

being  near  to  each  other,  they 
were  obliged  to  be  constantly 
at  war,  or  else  to  come  to  some 
friendly  understanding.  They 
chose  the  latter  course,  and  after 
forming  an  alliance,  were  united 
by  a  permanent  league,  and 
really  became  a  single  city.  To 
celebrate  this  union,  the  in- 
tervening space  was  dedicated 
to  the  two-faced  god,  Janus, 
who  watched  the  approaches  of 
both  towns,  and  whose  temple 
was  said  to  have  been  built  by 
Numa.  The  Capitol ine  hill  was  chosen  as  the  common  citadel. 
The  space  between  the  two  towns  was  used  as  a  common 
market  place  (forum),  and  also  as  a  place  for  the  common 
meeting  of  the  people  {comitium).  This  union  of  the  Palatine 
and  Quirinal  towns  into  one  community,  with  a  common  re- 
ligion and  government,  was  an  event  of  great  importance.  It 
was,  in  fact,  the  first  step  in  tlie  process  of  "  incorporation  " 
which  afterward  made  Rome  the  most  powerful  city  of  Latium, 
of  Italy,  and  finally  of  the  world. 

The  Third  Settlement,  on  the  Caelian.  —  The  union  of  the 
Romans  {liamnes)  and  the  Sabines  {Tities)  was  followed  l)y 
the  introduction  of  a  third  people,  called  the  Ln' ceres.  This 
people  was  pr()bal)ly  a  body  of  Latins  who  had  been  conquered 
and  settled  upon  tlie  Cielian  hill  —  although  they  are  some- 
times regarded  as  having  been  Etruscans.  Whatever  may  have 
been  their  origin,  it  is  quite  certain  that  they  soon  came  to  be 
incorporated  as  a  part  of  the  whole  city  community.  The  city 
of  the  early  Roman  kings  thus  came  to  be  made  up  of  three 
divisions,  or  "tribes"  (tribusj  a  third  part,  from  tres,  three). 


1 


The  evidence  of  this  threefold  origin  was  preserved  in  many 
institutions  of  later  times.  Tlie  three  settlements  were  gradu- 
ally united  into  a  single  city-state  with  common  social,  politi- 


TuK  City  of  thk  Early  Kings  — The  Thhte  Thiisks 

A,  Roma  Quadrata.    B,  Arx,  or  Citadel. 
TcmpUt,  Altar$,  etc.  :  1,  Jupiter  Capitoliuus;  2,  Janus;  3,  Quirinus;  4,  Vesta;  5,  Tarpcian  Rock. 

cal,  and  religious  institutions.  By  this  union  the  new  city 
became  strong  and  able  to  compete  successfully  with  its 
neighbors. 

SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Oh.  3,  "The  Earliest  Legends"  (l).i 

How  and  Leigh,  Ch.  3,  "  Legends  of  the  Kings"  (1). 

I'elham,  Bk.  I.,  Ch.  1,  "The  Traditions"  (1). 

Parker,  Arch.  Hist.,  Ch.  2,  "  Koma  Quadrata "  (9). 

Shuckburgh,  Ch.  4,  "Origin  of  Home"  (I). 

Momrasen,  Vol.  L,  Bk.  I.,  Ch.  4,  "Beginnings  of  Rome"  (2). 

Phitarch,  "  Romuhis,"  "Numa"  (11). 

Livy,  Bk.  I.,  Chs.  24-26,  The  Iloratii  and  Curiatii  (4). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  tlie  hook  will  be  found. 


28 


THE  ROMAN   KINGDOM 


SPECIAL  STUDY 


THE   INSTITUTIONS  OF  EARLY   ROME 


Credibility  of  Early  Roman  History. — Liddell,  Ch.  5  (1);  Ihne, 
Early  Rome,  Cli.  4  (o);  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  34-:^7  (1);  Leighton,  Ch.  3 
(1);  Michelet,  pp.  40^3-424  (0);  Lewis,  Credibility,  en  passant  (5). 


CHAPTKPi    III 

THE  INSTITUTIONS  OF  EARLY   ROME 

I.  The  Early  Roman  Society 

The  Social  Institutions. — AVe  have  thus  far  traced  the  origin 
of  the  Koiuaii  city,  according  to  what  seem  to  be  the  most 
reasonable  and  generally  accepted  views.  Various  writers  on 
early  Roman  history,  of  course,  differ  upon  many  matters  of 
detail;  but  they  are  fairly  well  agreed  that  the  Roman  city 
grew  out  of  a  settlement  of  Latin  shepherds  and  farmers  on 
the  Palatine  hill ;  and  that  this  lirst  settlement  slowly  ex- 
panded by  taking  in  and  uniting  with  itself  the  settlements 
established  on  the  other  hills.  But  to  understand  more  fully 
the  beginnings  of  this  little  city-state,  we  must  look  at  the 
way  in  which  the  people  were  organized,  that  is,  how  they 
were  arranged  in  social  groups ;  how  they  were  ruled ;  and 
how  their  society  and  government  were  held  together  and 
made  strong  by  a  common  religion.  Let  us  look  first  at  the 
early  social  institutions. 

The  Roman  Family.  —  The  smallest  group  of  Roman  society 
was  the  family,  which  the  early  Romans  regarded  as  the  most 
important  and  sacred  of  all  human  institutions.  At  its  head 
was  the  household  father  (jKiferfcnnilias).  ile  was  supreme 
ruler  over  all  the  members  of  the  household;  his  power 
extended  to  life  and  death.  He  had  charge  of  the  family 
worship  and  performed   the  religious  rites  about  the  sacred 


I 

f 


i 


29 


V 


Domestic  Altae 


fire,  which  was  kept  burning  upon  the  family  altar.  Around 
the  family  hearth  were  gathered  the  sons  and  daughters, 
grandsons  and  granddaughters,  and  also  the 
adopted  cliildren, — all  of  whom  remained 
under  the  power  of  the  father  as  long  as  he 
lived.  The  family  might  also  have  dependent 
members,  called  "  clients,"  who  looked  up  to 
the  father  as  their  "  patron  " ;  and  also  slaves, 
who  served  the  father  as  their  master.  Every 
Roman  looked  with  pride  upon  his  family  and 
the  deeds  of  his  ancestors;  and  it  was  re- 
garded as  a  great  calamity  for  the  family  wor- 
ship to  become  extinct. 

The  Roman  Gens.  —  A  number  of  families 
which  were  supposed  to  be  descended  from  a  common  ancestor 
formed  a  clan,  or  gens.  Like  the  family,  the  gens  was  bound 
together  by  common  religious  rites.  It  was  also  governed  by 
a  common  chief  or  ruler  (decurio),  who  performed  the  religious 
rites,  and  led  the  people  in  war. 

The  Roman  Curia.  —  A  number  of  gentes  formed  a  still 
larger  group,  called  a  curia.  In  ancient  times,  when  differ- 
ent people  wished  to  unite,  it  was  customary  for  them  to 
make  the  union  sacred  by  worshiping  some  common  god.  So 
the  curia  was  bound  together  by  the  worship  of  a  common 
deity.  To  preside  over  the  common  worship,  a  chief  (curio) 
was  selected,  who  was  also  the  military  commander  in  time  of 
war,  and  chief  magistrate  in  time  of  peace.  The  chief  was 
assisted  by  a  council  of  elders ;  and  upon  the  most  important 
questions  he  consulted  the  members  of  the  curia  in  a  common 
place  of  meeting  (comitium).  So  that  the  curia  was  a  small 
confederation  of  gentes,  and  made  what  we  might  call  a  little 
state. 

The  Roman  Tribes.  —  There  was  in  the  early  Roman  society 
a  still  larger  group  than  the  curia;  it  was  what  was  called 
the  tribe.  It  was  a  collection  of  ciirioi  which  had  united 
for  purposes  of  common  defense  and  had  come  to  form  quite 


30 


THE   ROMAN  KINGDOM 


a  distinct  and  well-organized  community,  like  that  which  had 
settled  upon  the  Palatine  hill,  and  also  like  the  Sabine  com- 
munity which  had  settled  upon  the  Quirinal.  Each  of  these 
settlements  was  therefore  a  tribe.  Each  had  its  chief,  or 
king  (rex),  who  was  priest  of  the  common  religion,  military 
commander  in  time  of  war,  and  civil  magistrate  to  settle  all 
disputes.  Like  the  curia,  it  had  also  a  council  of  elders  and 
a  general  assembly  of  all  people  capable  of  bearing  arms. 
Three  of  such  tribes  formed  the  whole  Roman  people. 

II.   The  Early  Roman  Government 

The  Growth  of  the  Roman  Government.  —  It  will  now  be  easy 
for  us  to  imderstand  how  the  government  of  the  whole  united 
city  came  into  existence.  Each  of  the  tribes,  as  we  have  seen, 
had  its  own  king,  its  council  of  elders,  and  its  general  assem- 
bly. When  the  tribes  on  the  Palatine  and  Quirinal  hills 
united  and  became  one  people,  their  governments  were  also 
united  and  became  one  government.  For  example,  their  two 
kings  were  replaced  by  one  king  chosen  alternately  from 
each  tribe.  Their  two  councils  of  one  hundred  members  each 
were  united  in  a  single  council  of  two  hundred  members. 
Their  two  assemblies,  each  one  of  which  was  made  up  of  ten 
curiae,  were  combined  into  a  single  assembly  of  twenty  curiae. 
And  when  the  third  tribe  is  added,  we  have  a  single  king,  a 
council  of  elders  made  up  of  three  hundred  members,  and  an 
assembly  of  the  people  composed  of  thirty  curiae. 

The  Roman  King. — The  Roman  king  was  the  chief  of  the 
whole  people.  He  was  elected  by  all  the  people  in  their  com- 
mon assembly  and  inaugurated  under  the  approval  of  the  gods. 
He  was  in  a  sense  the  father  of  the  whole  nation.  He  was 
the  chief  priest  of  the  national  religion.  He  was  the  military 
commander  of  the  people,  whom  he  called  to  arms  in  time  of 
war.  He  administered  law  and  justice,  and  like  the  father  of 
the  household  had  the  power  of  life  and  death  over  all  his 
subjects. 


I 


THE   INSTITUTIONS  OF  EARLY  ROME 


31 


The  Roman  Senate.  —  The  council  of  elders  for  the  united 
city  was  called  the  senate  (from  senex,  an  old  man).  It  was 
composed  of  the  chief  men  of  the  gentes,  chosen  by  the  king 
to  assist  him  with  their  advice.  It  comprised  at  first  one  hun- 
dred members,  then  two  hundred,  and  finally  three  hundred 
—  the  original  number  having  been  doubled  and  tripled,  with 
the  addition  of  the  second  and  third  tribes.  The  senate  at 
first  had  no  power  to  make  laws,  only  the  power  to  give 
advice,  which  the  king  might  accept  or  not,  as  he  pleased. 

The  Comitia  Curiata.  —  All  the  people  of  the  thirty  curiae, 
capable  of  bearing  arms,  formed  a  general  assembly  of  the 
united  city,  called  the  coinitia  curia'ta.  In  this  assembly 
each  curia  had  a  single  vote,  and  the  will  of  the  assembly  was 
determined  by  a  majority  of  such  votes.  In  a  certain  sense 
the  comitia  curiata  was  the  highest  authority  in  the  state. 
It  chose  the  king  and  passed  a  law  conferring  upon  him  his 
power.  It  ratified  or  rejected  the  most  important  proposals 
of  the  king  regarding  peace  and  war.  The  early  city-state  of 
Rome  may  then  be  described  as  a  democratic  monarchy,  in 
which  the  power  of  the  king  was  limited  by  the  will  of  the 
people. 

III.   The  Early  Roman  Religion 

The  Growth  of  the  Early  Religion.  —Like  the  Roman  govern- 
ment, so  the  early  Roman  religion  grew  up  with  the  union  of 
the  various  settlements  into  one  commu- 
nity.    When  the  different  tribes  came  to- 
gether into  the  Roman  city,  they  selected 
Jupiter  and  Mars  as  their  common  gods  to 
be  worshiped  upon  the  Capitoline  hill,  to- 
gether with  Quirinus  on  the  Quirinal.     As 
the  fire  was  kept  burning  on  the  family 
hearth,  so  the  sacred  fire  of  the  city  was 
kept  burning  in  the  temple  of  Vesta.     The 
Roman  people  were  filled  with  religious  ideas.      All  power, 
from  that  of  the  household  father  to  that  of  the  king,  was 


Temple  of  Jupitek  Capi- 
T0HNU8  (Medallion) 


30 


THE   ROMAN   KINGDOM 


J    I 


a  distinct  and  well-organized  community,  like  that  which  had 
settled  upon  the  Palatine  hill,  and  also  like  the  Sabine  com- 
munity which  had  settled  upon  the  Quirinal.  Each  of  these 
settlements  was  therefore  a  tribe.  Each  had  its  chief,  or 
king  {rex),  who  was  priest  of  the  common  religion,  military 
commander  in  time  of  war,  and  civil  magistrate  to  settle  all 
disputes.  Like  the  curia,  it  had  also  a  council  of  elders  and 
a  general  assembly  of  all  people  capable  of  bearing  arms. 
Three  of  such  tribes  formed  the  whole  Roman  people. 

II.   The  Early  Roman  Government 

The  Growth  of  the  Roman  Government.  —  It  will  now  be  easy 
for  us  to  imderstand  how  the  government  of  the  whole  united 
city  came  into  existence.  Each  of  the  tribes,  as  we  have  seen, 
had  its  own  king,  its  council  of  elders,  and  its  general  assem- 
bly. When  the  tribes  on  the  Palatine  and  Quirinal  hills 
united  and  became  one  people,  their  governments  were  also 
united  and  became  one  government.  For  example,  their  two 
kings  were  replaced  by  one  king  chosen  alternately  from 
each  tribe.  Their  two  councils  of  one  hundred  members  each 
were  united  in  a  single  council  of  two  hundred  members. 
Their  two  assemblies,  each  one  of  which  was  made  up  of  ten 
curiae,  were  combined  into  a  single  assembly  of  twenty  curiae. 
And  when  the  third  tribe  is  added,  we  have  a  single  king,  a 
council  of  elders  made  up  of  three  hundred  members,  and  an 
assembly  of  the  people  composed  of  thirty  curia3. 

The  Roman  King. — The  Roman  king  was  the  chief  of  the 
whole  people.  He  was  elected  by  all  the  people  in  their  com- 
mon assembly  and  inaugurated  under  the  approval  of  the  gods. 
He  was  in  a  sense  the  father  of  the  whole  nation.  He  was 
the  chief  priest  of  the  national  religion.  He  was  the  military 
commander  of  the  people,  whom  he  called  to  arms  in  time  of 
war.  He  administered  law  and  justice,  and  like  the  father  of 
the  household  had  the  power  of  life  and  death  over  all  his 
subjects. 


THE   INSTITUTIONS  OF  EARLY  ROME 


31 


The  Roman  Senate.  —  The  council  of  elders  for  the  united 
city  was  called  the  senate  (from  senex,  an  old  man).  It  was 
composed  of  the  chief  men  of  the  gentes,  chosen  by  the  king 
to  assist  him  with  their  advice.  It  comprised  at  first  one  hun- 
dred members,  then  two  hundred,  and  finally  three  hundred 
—  the  original  number  having  been  doubled  and  tripled,  with 
the  addition  of  the  second  and  third  tribes.  The  senate  at 
first  had  no  power  to  make  laws,  only  the  power  to  give 
advice,  which  the  king  might  accept  or  not,  as  he  pleased. 

The  Comitia  Curiata.  —  All  the  people  of  the  thirty  curiae, 
capable  of  bearing  arms,  formed  a  general  assembly  of  the 
united  city,  called  the  comitia  curia'ta.  In  this  assembly 
each  curia  had  a  single  vote,  and  the  will  of  the  assembly  was 
determined  by  a  majority  of  such  votes.  In  a  certain  sense 
the  comitia  curiata  was  the  highest  authority  in  the  state. 
It  chose  the  king  and  passed  a  law  conferring  upon  him  his 
power.  It  ratified  or  rejected  the  most  important  proposals 
of  the  king  regarding  peace  and  war.  The  early  city-state  of 
Rome  may  then  be  described  as  a  democratic  monarchy,  in 
which  the  power  of  the  king  was  limited  by  the  will  of  'the 
people. 

III.   The  Early  Roman  ReltcxIon 

The  Growth  of  the  Early  Religion.  —Like  the  Roman  govern- 
ment,  so  the  early  Roman  religion  grew  up  with  the  union  of 
the  various  settlements  into  one  commu- 
nity.    When  the  diiferent  tribes  came  to- 
gether into  the  Roman  city,  they  selected 
Jupiter  and  Mars  as  their  common  gods  to 
be  worshiped  upon  the  Capitoline  hill,  to- 
gether with  Quirinus  on  the  Quirinal.     As 
the  fire  was  kept  burning  on  the  family 
hearth,  so  the  sacred  fire  of  the  city  was 
kept  burning  in  the  temple  of  Vesta.     The 
Roman  people  were  filled  with  religious  ideas.      All  power, 
from  that  of  the  household  father  to  that  of  the  king,  was 


Temple  op  Jupitkk  Capi- 
TOLiNus  (Medallion) 


32 


THE   ROMAN   KINGDOM 


believed  to  come  from  above.  In  peace  and  in  war  they  lived 
in  the  i3resence  of  the  gods,  and  songht  to  remember  them  by 
worship  and  festivals. 

The  Early  Roman  Deities.  — To  the  ancestral  gods  which 
were  worshiped  in  the  family  and  gens,  were  added  the  gods 
of  nature,  which  the  Romans  saw  everywhere.  These  earliest 
deities  were  those  which  naturally  sprang  from  the  imagina- 
tion of  a  pastoral  and  agricultural  people.  In  tlieir  gods  they 
saw  the  protectors  of  their  flocks  and  herds,  and  the  guardians 
of  the  weather,  the  seasons,  and  the  fruits  of  the  soil.  Jove 
(Jupiter)  was  the  god  of  the  sky  and  the  elements  of  the  air, 
the  thunder  and  the  lightning.  Tellus  was  the  goddess  of  the 
earth,  and  the  mother  of  all  living  things ;  Saturn,  the  god  of 
sowing ;  and  C^eres,  the  goddess  of  the  harvest ;  Minerva,  the 
goddess  of  olives ;    Flora,  of  flowers ;  and  Liber,  the  god  of 

wine.  . 

The  Religious  Officers.  —  The  king  was  the  supreme  religious 
officer  of  the  state ;  but  he  was  assisted  by  other  persons,  whom 

he  appointed  for  special  religious  duties. 
To  each  of  the  three  great  national  gods  — 
Jupiter,  Mars,  and  Quirinus  — was  assigned 
a  special  priest,  called  a  flamen.  To  keep 
the  flres  of  Testa  always  burning,  there  were 
appointed  six  vestal  virgins,  who  were  re- 
garded as  the  consecrated  daughters  of  the 
state.  Special  pontiffs,  under  the  charge  of 
a  pontifex  maximus,  had  charge  of  the  reli- 
gious festivals  and  ceremonies ;  and  the  fetiales  were  intrusted 
with  the  formality  of  declaring  war. 

The  Religious  Observances.  —  Tlie  Komans  showed  their  re- 
membrance of  the  gods  in  their  prayers,  offerings,  and  festivals. 
The  prayers  were  addressed  to  the  gods  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  favors,  and  were  often  accompanied  by  vows.  The 
religious^  offerings  consisted  either  of  the  fruits  of  the  earth, 
such  as  flowers,  wine,  milk,  and  honey;  or  the  sacrifices  of 
domestic  animals,  such  as  oxen,  sheep,  and  swine.     The  festi- 


The  Six  Vkstauh 
(Mt'diiUion) 


THE   INSTITUTIONS   OF   EARLY   ROME 


33 


vals  which  were  celebrated  in  honor  of  the  gods  were  very 
numerous   and   were    scattered 
through   the   different  months 
of  the  year.     The  old  Koman 
calendar  contained  a  long  list 
of   these    festival   days.      The 
new  year   began   with    March 
and   was   consecrated  to  Mars 
and  celebrated  with  war  festi- 
vals.    Other  religious  festivals 
were    devoted    to    the    sowing 
of  the  seed,  the  gathering  of 
the  harvest,  and  similar  events 
M-hich  belonged  to  the  life  of 
an  agricultural  people  such  as 
the  early  Romans  were. 


A  lioMAN  SacKIFICE 


SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Arnold,  Hist.,  Ch.  2,  "  Early  History  of  Rome  "  (2).^ 

How  and  Leigh,  Ch.  4,  "  The  Regal  Period  "  (1) 

Pelharn,  Bk.  L,  Ch.  2,  "  The  City  and  the  Commonwealth  "  (1) 

Mommsen,  Vol.  L,  Bk.  L,  Ch.  5,  -  Original  Constitution  of  R<)me  "  (9) 

Mommsen,  abridged,  Ch.  3,  "  Rome's  Original  Constitution  "  (2) 


SPECIAL  STUDY 

rJTrl'''''J   T^^^.Io.ox.-Leighton,  Ch.  4   (1);    Ihne,  Early  Rome, 
.«  (f)  ;  Mommsen,  Vol.  L,  Bk.  I.,  Ch.  12  (2)  ;   Ramsay  and  Lan^ 
u  p  r       \,  ?/o^^'  Eschenburc,,  pp.  229-248  (8)  ;   Harper's  Diet.  Antiqq., 
Rehgio,"  -Sacerdos,"  "Sacrificium"(8)  ;  Coulanges,  Bk.  L  (20). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found.  PPenaix. 


MOREV'S    ROM.    HIST. 3 


32 


THE  ROMAN   KINGDOM 


THE   INSTITUTIONS   OF   EARLY    ROME 


33 


believed  to  come  from  above.  In  peace  and  in  war  they  lived 
in  the  presence  of  the  gods,  and  sought  to  remember  them  by 
■worship  and  festivals. 

The  Early  Roman  Deities. -To  the  ancestral  gods  which 
were  worshiped  in  the  family  and  gens,  were  added  the  gods 
of  nature,  which  the  Romans  saw  everywliere.  These  earliest 
deities  were  those  which  naturally  sprang  from  the  imagina- 
tion of  a  pastoral  and  agricultural  people.  In  their  gods  they 
saw  the  protectors  of  their  flocks  and  herds,  and  the  guardians 
of  the  weather,  the  seasons,  and  the  fruits  of  the  soil.  Jove 
(Jupiter)  was  the  god  of  the  sky  and  the  elements  of  the  air, 
the  thunder  and  the  lightning.  Tellus  was  the  goddess  of  the 
earth,  and  the  mother  of  all  living  things;  Saturn,  the  god  of 
sowing;  and  Ceres,  the  goddess  of  the  harvest;  Minerva,  the 
goddess  of  olives ;    Flora,  of  flowers ;  and  Liber,  the  god  of 

wine.  ..   . 

The  Religious  Officers.  -The  king  was  the  supreme  religious 
officer  of  the  state ;  but  he  was  assisted  by  other  persons,  whom 

he  appointed  for  special  religious  duties. 
To  each  of  the  three  great  national  gods  — 
Jupiter,  Mars,  and  Quirinus  — was  assigned 
a  special  priest,  called  a  flamen.  To  keep 
the  fires  of  Yesta  always  burning,  there  were 
api)ointed  six  vestal  virgins,  who  were  re- 
garded as  the  consecrated  daughters  of  the 
state.  Special  pontiffs,  under  the  charge  of 
a  2^ontifex  inaximus,  had  charge  of  the  reli- 
gious festivals  and  ceremonies;  and  the  fetiales  were  intrusted 
with  the  formality  of  declaring  war. 

The  Religious  Observances.  -  The  Romans  showed  their  re- 
membrance of  the  gods  in  their  prayers,  offerings,  and  festivals^ 
The  prayers  were  addressed  to  the  gods  for  the  purpose  ot 
obtaining  favors,  and  were  often  accompanied  by  vows.  The 
religious  offerings  consisted  either  of  the  fruits  of  the  earth 
such  as  flowers,  wine,  milk,  and  honey ;  or  the  sacrifices  of 
domestic  animals,  such  as  oxen,  sheep,  and  swme.     The  festi- 


The  Six  Vestals 

(Medallion) 


I 


\\ 


vals  which  were  celebrated  in  honor  of  the  gods  were  very 
numerous  and  were  scattered 
through  the  different  months 
of  the  year.  The  old  Roman 
calendar  contained  a  long  list 
of  these  festival  days.  The 
new  year  began  with  March 
and  was  consecrated  to  Mars 
and  celebrated  with  war  festi- 
vals. Other  religious  festivals 
were  devoted  to  the  sowing 
of  the  seed,  the  gathering  of 
the  harvest,  and  similar  events 
which  belonged  to  the  life  of 
an  agricultural  people  such  as 
the  early  Romans  were. 


A  lioMAN  Sacrifice 


SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Arnold,  Hist.,  Ch.  2,  "  Early  History  of  Rome  "  (2).i 

How  and  Leigh,  Ch.  4,  "  Tlie  Regal  Period  "  (1). 

Pelham,  Bk.  I.,  Ch.  2,  -  The  City  and  the  Commonwealth  "  (1) 

Mommsen,  Vol.  I.,  Bk.  I.,  Ch.  5,  "  Original  Constitution  of  Rome-  (2) 

Mommseu,  abridged,  Ch.  3,  "  Rome's  Original  Constitution"  (2) 


SPECIAL  STUDY 

The  Roman  Remoiox. -Leighton,  Ch.  4  (1);  Ihne,  Early  Rome, 
Ch.  6  (5)  ;  Mommsen,  Vol.  I.,  Bk.  I,  Ch.  12  (2)  ;  Ramsay  and  Lan- 
ciani,  Ch.  10  (8);  Eschenbiirg,  pp.  229-248  (8)  ;  Harper's  Diet.  Antiqq  , 
*'Religio,"  "Sacerdos,"  "Sacrificium"(8)  ;  Coulanges,  Bk.  I.  (20). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


MOREY'S    ROM.    HIST. 3 


THE   ETRUSCAN   KINGS   OF   HOME 


35 


\ 


PERIOD  11.    KOME  UNDER  THE  LATER  KINGS  (B.  0.  616-510?; 


CHAPTER   IV 

THE  ETRUSCAN  KINGS  OF  ROME 

I.   The  Traditions  of  the  Later  Kings 

The  Later  Kingdom.  —  As  we  come  to  the  later  kingdom,  we 
shall  see  that  many  changes  took  place  which  made  Rome 
quite  different  from  what  it  was  in  the  early  period.  The 
history  is  still  based  upon  legends;  but  these  legends  are 
somewhat  more  trustworthy  than  the  older  ones.  We  shall 
see  that  Rome  now  came  under  foreign  princes  ;  and  that  the 
city  was  greatly  improved,  and  its  institutions  were  changed  in 
many  respects.  These  new  kings,  instead  of  being  Romans  or 
8abines,  were  Etruscans,  who  gave  to  Rome  something  of  the 
character  of  an  Etruscan  city. 

Tarquinius  Priscus.  — The  first  of  these  new  kings,  it  is  said, 
came  from  the  Etruscan  city  of  Tarquinii,  from  which  he  de- 
rived his  name.     The  story 
is  told  that,  as  he  approached 
the  city,  an  eagle  came  from 
the  sky,  and,  lifting  his  cap 
from  his  head,  replaced  it. 
His  Avife,  who  was  skilled  in 
the  Etruscan  art  of  augury, 
regarded  the  eagle  as  a  mes- 
senger from  heaven,  and  its 
act  as  a  sign  that  her  hus- 
band was  to  acquire  honor 
and  power.     At  the  death  of  Aucus  Mareius,  Tarquinius  became 
king.     He  carried  on  many  wars  with  the  neighboring  peoples, 

34 


Roman  Eagle 


the  Latins  and  tlie  Sabines.  He  was  great  in  peace  as  well  as 
in  war.  He  drained  the  city,  improved  the  Forum,  and  founded 
a  temple  to  Jupiter  on  the  Capitoline  hill.  After  a  reign  of 
thirty-eight  years,  he  was  treacherously  slain  by  the  sons  of 
Ancus  Mareius. 

Servius  TuUius.  —  The  next  king  was  Servius  Tullius,  who 
is  said  to  have  been  the  son  of  a  slave  in  the  royal  household, 
and  whom  the  gods  favored  by  mysterious  signs.  He  proved  a 
worthy  successor  to  the  first  Tarquin.  He  made  a  treaty  with 
the  Latins,  by  which  Rome  was  acknowledged  as  the  head  of 
Latium  ;  and  as  a  sign  of  this  union,  he  built  a  temple  to  Diana 
on  the  Aventine  hill.  He  enlarged  the  city  and  inclosed  the 
seven  hills  within  a  single  wall.  After  a  reign  of  forty-four 
years,  he  was  murdered  by  his  own  son-in-law,  who  became  the 
next  king. 

Tarquinius  Superbus.  —  Tradition  represents  the  last  king, 
Tarquinius  Superbus,  as  a  cruel  despot.  He  obtained  the  throne 
by  murder,  and  ruled  without  the  consent  of  the  senate  or  the 
people.  He  loved  power  and  pomp.  He  continued  the  wars 
with  the  Latins.  He  also  waged  war  with  the  Volscians  on 
the  southern  borders  of  Latium;  and  with  the  spoils  there 
obtained  he  finished  the  temple  of  Jupiter  on  the  Capitoline 
hill.  Although  he  scorned  religion,  it  is  related  that  he 
was  induced  to  buy  the  Sibylline  books  from  the  inspired 
prophetess  of  Cumae.  It  is  also  said  that  later  in  life  he  was 
frightened  by  strange  dreams,  and  sent  his  two  sons,  with  his 
nephew  Brutus,  to  consult  the  Greek  oracle  at  Delphi.  To 
one  question  asked  the  oracle,  the  response  was  given  that  the 
person  who  first  kissed  his  mother  should  succeed  to  the  power 
of  Tarquin.  Brutus  sliowed  that  he  was  the  person  intended, 
by  falling  and  kissing  the  earth,  the  common  mother  of  all. 
The  traditions  tell  us  how  at  last  the  proud  Tarquin  was  driven 
from  the  throne  and  the  kingdom  was  ended. 

Significance  of  the  Legends. — We  cannot  of  course  accept 
these  stories  as  real  history.  We  can  yet  see  in  them  the  evi- 
dence that  Rome  was  becoming  different  from  what  it  had  been 


THE   ETRUSCAN  KINGS   OF   ROME 


35 


PEKIOD  11.    EOME  UNDER  THE  LATER  KINGS  (B.  0.  616-510?; 


CHAPTER   IV 

THE  ETRUSCAN  KINGS  OF  ROME 

I.   The  Traditions  of  the  Later  Kings 

The  Later  Kingdom.  —  As  we  come  to  the  Later  kingdom,  we 
shall  see  that  many  changes  took  place  which  made  Rome 
quite  different  from  what  it  was  in  the  early  period.  The 
history  is  itill  based  upon  legends;  but  these  legends  are 
somewhat  more  trustworthy  than  the  older  ones.  We  shall 
see  that  Rome  now  came  under  foreign  princes  ;  and  that  the 
city  was  greatly  improved,  and  its  institutions  were  changed  in 
many  respects.  These  new  kings,  instead  of  being  Romans  or 
Sabines,  were  Etruscans,  who  gave  to  Rome  something  of  the 
character  of  an  Etruscan  city. 

Tarquinius  Prlscus.  —  The  iiist  of  these  new  kings,  it  is  said, 
came  from  the  Etruscan  city  of  Tarquinii,  from  which  he  de- 
rived liis  name.     The  story 
is  told  that,  as  he  approached 
the  city,  an  eagle  came  from 
the  sky,  and,  lifting  his  cap 
from  his  head,  replaced  it. 
His  wife,  who  was  skilled  in 
the  Etruscan  art  of  augury, 
regarded  the  eagle  as  a  mes- 
senger from  heaven,  and  its 
act  as  a  sign  that  her  hus- 
band was  to  acquire  honor 
and  power.     At  the  death  of  Aucus  Marcius,  Tarquinius  became 
king.     He  carried  on  many  wars  with  the  neighboring  peoples, 

34 


Roman  Eaglk 


/ 


the  Latins  and  the  Sabines.  He  was  great  in  peace  as  well  as 
in  war.  He  drained  the  city,  improved  the  Forum,  and  founded 
a  temple  to  Jupiter  on  the  Capitoline  hill.  After  a  reign  of 
thirty-eight  years,  he  was  treacherously  slain  by  the  sons  of 
Ancus  ^larcius. 

Servius  TuUius.  —  The  next  king  was  Servius  Tullius,  who 
is  said  to  have  been  the  son  of  a  slave  in  the  royal  household, 
and  whom  the  gods  favored  by  mysterious  signs.  He  proved  a 
worthy  successor  to  the  first  Tarquin.  He  made  a  treaty  with 
the  Latins,  by  which  Rome  was  acknowledged  as  the  }iead  of 
Latium  ;  and  as  a  sign  of  this  union,  he  built  a  temple  to  Diana 
on  the  Aventine  hill.  He  enlarged  the  city  and  inclosed  the 
seven  hills  within  a  single  wall.  After  a  reign  of  forty-four 
years,  he  was  murdered  by  his  own  son-in-law,  who  became  the 
next  king. 

Tarquinius  Superbus. — Tradition  represents  the  last  king, 
Tarquinius  Superbus,  as  a  cruel  despot.  He  obtained  the  throne 
by  murder,  and  ruled  without  the  consent  of  the  senate  or  the 
people.  He  loved  power  and  pomp.  He  continued  the  wars 
with  the  Latins.  He  also  waged  war  with  the  Volscians  on 
the  southern  borders  of  Latium;  and  with  the  spoils  there 
obtained  he  finished  the  temple  of  Jupiter  on  the  Capitoline 
hill.  Although  he  scorned  religion,  it  is  related  that  he 
was  induced  to  buy  the  Sibylline  books  from  the  inspired 
prophetess  of  Cumae.  It  is  also  said  that  later  in  life  he  was 
frightened  by  strange  dreams,  and  sent  his  two  sons,  with  his 
nephew  Brutus,  to  consult  the  Greek  oracle  at  Delphi.  To 
one  question  asked  the  oracle,  the  response  was  given  that  the 
person  who  first  kissed  his  mother  should  succeed  to  the  power 
of  Tarquin.  Brutus  showed  that  he  was  the  person  intended, 
by  falling  and  kissing  the  earth,  the  common  mother  of  all. 
The  traditions  tell  us  how  at  last  the  proud  Tarquin  was  driven 
from  the  throne  and  the  kingdom  was  ended. 

Significance  of  the  Legends.  —  We  cannot  of  course  accept 
these  stories  as  real  history.  We  can  yet  see  in  them  the  evi- 
dence that  Rome  was  becoming  different  from  what  it  had  been 


I 


36 


THE   ROMAN   KINGDOM 


under  the  early  kings.     We  can  see  that  Rome  came  under  the 
power  of  the  Etruscans ;  that  it  was  much  improved  by  the  . 
construction  of   great  public  works  and  buildings ;    and  that 
it  acquired  a  dominant  power  over  the  neighboring  land  of 
Latium. 

II.   The  Etruscan  Influence 

The  Kingly  Power.  —  One  of  the  most  important  features  of 
the  Etruscan  dynasty  was  the  increase  of  the  kingly  power. 
All  the  Etruscan  kings  were  represented  as  powerful  rulers. 
Although  they  could  not  change  the  spirit  and  character  of  the 
people,  they  gave  to  Rome  a  certain  kind  of  strength  and  influ- 
ence which  it  did  not  have  before.     This  great  power  of  the 

Etruscan  kings  was  at  first  used  for  the 
good  of  the  people ;  but  finally  it  became 
a  tyranny  which  was  oppressive  and 
hateful. 

The  Insignia  of  Power.  —  From  the 
Etruscans  came  the  royal  insignia,  that 
is,  the  symbols  of  power  which  were  in- 
tended to  make  the  person  of  the  king 
more  dignified  and  respected.  These 
insignia  consisted  of  a  golden  crown,  an 
ivory  scepter,  an  ivory  chair  called  the 
"curule  chair,"  a  white  robe  with  a 
purple  border  (toga  prcetexta)^  and  twelve 
lictors,  or  royal  attendants,  each  carry- 
ing a  bundle  of  rods  (fasces)  inclosing 
an  ax.     This  last  symbol  was  a  sign  of  the  absolute  power  of 

the  king. 

The  Haruspices.  —  From  Etruria  also  came  the  art  of  the 
haruspices,  or  soothsayers,  who  interpreted  the  will  of  the 
gods.  These  persons  were  supposed  to  ascertain  the  divine 
will  by  observing  the  lightning  and  other  phenomena  of 
nature,  and  also  by  examining  the  internal  organs  of  animals 


CuRiTLE  Chair  and  Fasces 


^! 


THE   ETRUSCAN   KINGS   OF   ROME 


37 


Sacred  Chickknu 
(From  an  ancient  cameo) 


offered  in  sacrifice,  and  even  by  watching  the  sacred  chickens 
as  they  ate  their  food.  The  Etruscan  soothsayers  were  sup- 
posed to  be  better  versed  in  divine 
things  than  the  Roman  augurs ;  and 
the  senate  is  said  to  have  provided 
for  the  perpetual  cultivation  of  the 
Etruscan  ritual. 

Public  Works.  —  The  buildings 
and  other  public  works  of  the  later 
kings  bear  the  marks  of  Etruscan 
influence.  The  massive  and  dur- 
able style  of  architecture,  especially 
as  seen  in  the  walls  and  the  sewers 
constructed  at  this  time,  shows  that 
they  were  the  works  of  great  and 
experienced  builders.  The  name  of 
the  "Tuscan  Street"  (vicus  Tuscus)  which  opened  into  the 
Forum,  preserved  the  memory  of  this  foreign  influence  in  the 
Roman  city.  » 

III.    The  Growth  of  the  City 

The  Servian  Walls.  —  The  expansion  of  the  city  under  the 
Tarquins  is  shown,  in  the  first  place,  by  the  construction  of 
the  new  and  larger  walls  which  are  ascribed  to  Servius  Tullius, 
and  which  received  his  name.  Previous  to  this  time  the  prin- 
cipal city  wall  was  on  the  Palatine.  Some  of  the  other  hills 
were  partly  fortified.  But  now  a  single  fortification  was  made 
to  encircle  all  the  seven  hills,  by  joining  the  old  walls  and  by 
erecting  new  defenses.  The  walls  were  generally  built  of 
large,  rectangular  blocks  of  stone,  and  so  durable  were  they 
that  they  remained  the  only  defenses  of  the  city  for  many 
hundreds  of  years;  and  parts  of  them  may  be  seen  at  the 
present  day. 

The  New  Temples.  —  Under  the  Tarquins,  the  temples  of  the 
city  assumed  a  more  imposing  architectural  appearance.     Be- 


il 


38 


THE   ROMAN  KINGDOM 


fore  this  the  places  of  worship  were  generally  altars,  set  up  on 
consecrated  places,  and  perhaps  covered  with  a  simple  roof. 
The  Etruscan  kings  gave  a  new  dignity  to  the  sacred  build- 


SCALE  OF  FEFT 

looo    aoou 


ailoo 


Thk  City  <.k  thk  Later  Kings  — Walls  of  Seevius 

The/mr  Servian  rtgiona  :  I,  Suburana;  II,  Palatina;  III,  Esquilina;  IV.  Collina. 

The  chief  gale*  of  Rotne  :    a,  Collina;   6,  Viminalis;    c,  Esquilina;   d,  Querquetulana;  «,  Capcna;  /, 

Batumena. 

The  chief  buildings,  etc. :  1,  Temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus;  2,  Janui;  3,  Quirinus;  4,  VesU;  5,  Saturn; 
C,  Diana;  7,  Circus  Maximus;  8,  Cloaca  Majtima;  9,  Vicus  Tubcub. 

ings.  The  most  imposing  example  of  the  new  structures  was 
the  temple  dedicated  to  Jupiter  Optimus  Maximus,  on  the 
Capitoline  hill,  which  contained  shrines  set  apart  for  the 
worship  of  eTuno  and  Minerva.  Other  new  temi)les  were 
the  one  dedicated  to  Saturn  at  the  foot  of  the  Capitoline  near 
the  Forum,  and  one  dedicated  to  Diana  on  the  Aventine. 

The  Cloaca  Maxima.  —  Among  the  most  remarkable  works  of 
the  Tarquins  were  the  sewers  which  were  constructed  to  drain 
the  city.     The  most  important  of  these  was  the  famous  Cloa'ca 


THE   ETRUSCAN  KINGS  OF  ROME 


39 


Maxima,  or  great  drain,  which  ran  under  the  Forum  and  emptied 
into  the  Tiber.     It  was  said  to  be  large  enough  to  admit  a  hay- 


Capitoline  Hill  (Restoration) 

cart,  and  one  could  sail  down  it  in  a  boat.  It  was  strongly 
built  of  stone,  in  the  form  of  a  semicircular  arch,  such  as  the 
Etruscans  had  used,  and 
its  mouth  is  still  visible 
on  the  shore  of  the  Tiber. 
The  Circus  Maximus.  — 
For  the  amusement  of  the 
people,  games  were  intro- 
duced from  Etruria,  and 
a  great  circus,  called  the 
Circus  Maximus,  was  laid 
out  between  the  Aventine 
and     the    Palatine    hill. 

Here    the    people    assembled    once    every    year,   to   witness 
chariot    races    and    boxing    and    other    sports,    which    were 


Cloaca  Maxima 


Games  of  the  Ciecus  (An  ancient  mosaic) 


celebrated  in  honor  of  the  gods  who  were  worshiped  on  the 
Capitoline. 


ii 

If 


38 


THE   ROMAN   KINGDOM 


fore  this  the  places  of  worship  were  generally  altars,  set  up  on 
consecrated  places,  and  perhaps  covered  with  a  simple  roof. 
The  Etruscan  kings  gave  a  new  dignity  to  the  sacred  build- 


SCALE  OF  TEFT 

6    '  luuu    aoou    iSxx) 


Thk  City  t>F  the  Later  Kinos  — Walls  of  Servius 

Thefmr  Servian  regiont :  I,  Suburana;  II,  Palatina;  III,  Esquilina;  IV.  Collin*. 

The  chief  gales  of  Rome  :    a,  Collina;   b,  Viminaiiu;    r,  Esquilina;   d,  Querquetulana;  e,  Capena;  /, 

Ratumena. 

The  chief  building»,  etc. :  1,  Temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus;  ?,  Janu«;  3,  Quirinus;  4,  Vesta;  5,  Saturn; 
«,  Diana;  7,  Circus  Maxinms;  8,  Cloaca  Maxitna;  9,  Vicus  Tuscus. 

ings.  The  most  imposing  example  of  the  new  structures  was 
the  temple  dedicated  to  Jupiter  Optimus  Maximus,  on  the 
Capitoline  hill,  which  contained  shrines  set  apart  for  the 
worship  of  Juno  and  Minerva.  Other  new  temi)les  were 
the  one  dedicated  to  Saturn  at  the  foot  of  the  Capitoline  near 
the  Forum,  and  one  dedicated  to  Diana  on  the  Aventine. 

The  Cloaca  Maxima.  —  Among  the  most  remarkable  works  of 
the  Tarquins  were  the  sewers  which  were  constructed  to  drain 
the  city.     The  most  important  of  these  was  the  famous  Cloa'ca 


THE   ETRUSCAN  KINGS  OF  ROME 


39 


Maxima,  or  great  drain,  which  ran  under  the  Forum  and  emptied 
into  the  Tiber.     It  was  said  to  be  large  enough  to  admit  a  hay- 


Capitoline  Hill  (Restoration) 

cart,  and  one  could  sail  down  it  in  a  boat.  It  was  strongly 
built  of  stone,  in  the  form  of  a  semicircular  arch,  such  as  the 
Etruscans  had  used,  and  ^ 

its  mouth  is  still  visible 
on  the  shore  of  the  Tiber. 
The  Circus  Maximus.  — 
For  the  amusement  of  the 
people,  games  were  intro- 
duced from  Etruria,  and 
a  great  circus,  called  the 
Circus  Maximits,  Avas  laid 
out  between  the  Aventine  Cloaca  maxima 

and    the    Palatine    hill. 

Here    the    people    assembled    once    every    year,   to    witness 
chariot    races    and    boxing    and    other    sports,    which    were 


Games  of  tuk  Circus  (An  ancient  mosaic) 


celebrated  in  honor  of  the  gods  who  were  w^orshiped  on  the 
Capitoline, 


40 


THE   ROMAN  KINGDOM 


THE   REORGANIZATION  OF  THE   KINGDOM 


41 


1 

I 


% 


SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Ch.  4,  "The  Three  Later  Kings  "  (l).i 
Liddell,  Ch.  3,  "  Tarquinius  Priscus  and  Servius  TuUius"  (1). 
Parker,  Arch.  Hist.,  Ch.  5,  ''The  City  on  the  Seven  Hills  "  (9). 
Arnold,  Hist.,  Ch.  4,  "Stories  of  the  Later  Kin^s"  (2). 
Livy,  Bk.  I.,  Chs.  34-39,  Stories  of  Tarquinius  Priscus  (4). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

The  City  under  the  Kings. —  Dyer,  pp.  1-61  (9)  ;  Parker,  Chs. 
2-5  (9)  ;  Liddell,  pp.  52-55  (1)  ;  Arnold,  Chs.  3,  5  (2)  ;  Merivale,  Gen. 
Hist.,  Ch.  78  (1). 


CHAPTER    V 

THE  REORGANIZATION  OF  THE  KINGDOM 

I.  The  Introduction  of  the  Plebeians 

The  Reforms  of  the  Tarquins.  —  We  must  not  suppose  that 
the  work  of  the  Etruscan  kings  was  simply  to  give  to  Rome 
better  buiklings  and  more  durable  public  works.  However 
important  these  may  liave  been,  the  Tarquins  did  something 
which  was  of  still  greater  benefit  to  the  Roman  people.  The 
first  Tarquin  and  Servius  Tullius  are  described  as  great 
reformers,  who  made  the  little  Roman  state  stronger  and  more 
compact  than  it  had  been  before.  Let  us  see  why  the  Roman 
state  needed  to  be  reformed,  and  how  this  reform  was  brought 
about. 

The  Patrician  Aristocracy. — We  have  already  seen  that  the 
early  Roman  people  was  made  u[)  of  three  tribes,  that  is,  the 
three  old  communities  which  were  settled  on  the  Roman  hills. 
We  have  also  seen  that  these  tribes  were  made  up  of  curiae; 
and  these  curiae  of  gentes ;  and  lastly,  that  these  gentes  were 
composed  of  the  old  families.  It  is  therefore  evident  that 
no  person  could  be  a  member  of  the  state  unless  he  was  a 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


{ 


f 


member  of  some  old  Roman  family.  It  was  only  the  descend- 
ants of  the  old  famiUes  who  could  vote  in  the  assembly  or 
could  be  chosen  to  the  senate.  And  it  was  they  only  who 
were  called  upon  to  serve  in  the  army.  These  old  families 
and  their  descendants  were  called  patricians  ;  and  the  state 
was  in  reality  a  patrician  state.  As  all  other  persons  were 
excluded  from  political  rights  and  privileges,  the  patricians 
formed  an  aristocratic  class,  exclusive  and  devoted  to  their  own 
interests. 

The  Growth  of  the  Plebeians.  —  But  in  the  course  of  time 
there  grew  up  by  the  side  of  the  patricians  a  new  class  of 
persons.  Though  living  at  Rome,  they  were  not  members  of 
the  old  families,  and  hence  had  no  share  in  the  government. 
These  persons  w^ere  called  plebe'ians.  There  were  no  doubt 
many  of  these  persons  under  the  early  kings;  but  they 
became  more  numerous  under  the  later  kings.  They  consisted 
largely  of  people  of  other  cities  who  had  been  conquered 
and  brought  to  Rome,  and  of  people  who  had  escaped  from 
other  cities  and  found  refuge  at  Rome.  They  thus  became 
subjects,  but  not  citizens.  They  could  not  hold  office,  nor 
vote;  nor  could  they  marry  into  the  patrician  families; 
although  they  were  allowed  to  hold  property  of  their  own. 
But  as  they  became  more  numerous,  and  as  some  of  them 
became  wealthy,  they  desired  to  be  made  equal  with  the 
patricians. 

The  New  Plebeian  Gentes.  —  It  was  Tarquinius  Priscus,  the 
first  Etruscan  king,  who,  it  is  said,  took  the  first  step  toward 
introducing  the  plebeians  into  the  state.  He  did  this  by 
introducing  into  each  one  of  the  tribes  a  number  of  the  more 
wealthy  plebeian  families,  under  the  name  of  lesser  gentes 
(gentes  minores)\  while  the  old  patrician  gentes  were  called 
by  the  more  honorable  name  of  greater  gentes  (gentes  maiores). 
In  this  way  the  line  of  separation  between  the  patricians 
and  the  plebeians  began  to  be  broken  down,  but  it  was  many 
years  after  this  time  before  the  two  classes  became  entirely 
equal. 


I 


\ 


42 


THE   ROMAN   KINGDOM 


II.  The  Keformed  Constitution 


THE   REORGANIZATION  OF  THE   KINGDOM 


43 


The  New  Local  Tribes.  —  More  important  than  the  reforms 
of  Tarcjuinius  Friscus  were  the  reforms  which  are  said  to 
have  been  made  by  Servius  Tulliiis.  The  previous  changes 
had  affected  only  a  small  part  of  the  plebeian  class ;  the  great 
body  of  the  plebeians  remained  just  where  they  were  before. 
Now  Servius  saw  that  Rome  Avould  be  stronger  and  more  able 
to  compete  with  her  enemies  if  the  plebeians  were  called 
upon  to  serve  in  the  army  and  pay  taxes,  just  like  the  patri- 
cians, lie  therefore  made  a  new  division  of  the  people,  based 
not  upon  their  birth  and  descent,  like  the  old  division  into  tribes, 
but  upon  their  domicile,  tliat  is,  the  place  where  they  lived. 
He  divided  the  whole  Roman  territory,  city  and  country,  into 
local  districts,  like  wards  and  townships.  There  were  four 
of  these  in  the  city,  and  sixteen  in  the  country,  the  former 
being   called   "city  tribes''    {tribus  urbancv),   and   the   latter 

"rural  tribes"  (tribus  ruaticcH).  All  per- 
sons, whether  patricians  or  plebeians, 
who  had  settled  homes  (assidni),  were 
enrolled  in  their  pro})er  tribes  and  were 
made  subject  to  military  service  and  the 
tribal  tax  (tribiUum). 

The  New  Classes  and  Centuries.—  The 
next  step  which  Servius  took  was  to  re- 
organize the  Roman  army,  so  that  it 
should  inchule  all  persons  who  resided 
in  the  Roman  territory  and  were  en- 
rolled in  the  new  local  tribes.  First 
came  the  cavalry  (eq'aites)j  made  up  of 
young  wealthy  citizens,  and  arranged 
in  eighteen  centuries,  or  companies. 
Next  came  the  infantry  (pecVites),  which 
comprised  all  the  rest  of  the  men  capable 
of  bearing  arms.  In  ancient  times  every  man  was  obliged  to  fur- 
nish his  own  weapons.     Now  as  all  the  people  could  not  afford 


Soldier  with  Full  Armor 


to  obtain  the  heavier  armor,  they  were  subdivided  into 
"classes"  according  to  their  wealth,  and  according  to  the 
armor  it  was  supposed  they  could  afford  to  furnish.  The  first 
class  consisted  of  eighty  centuries,  and  was  made  up  of  the 
wealthiest  men,  who  could  afford  a  full  armor— a  brass  shield 
carried  on  the  left  arm,  greaves  which  covered  the  legs,  a  cui- 
rass to  protect  the  breast,  and  a  hel- 
met for  the  head,  together  with  a 
sword  and  a  spear.  The  second  class 
had  in  place  of  the  brass  shield  a 
wooden  shield,  covered  with  leather. 
The  third  class  omitted  the  greaves, 
and  the  fourth  class  omitted  also  the 
cuirass  and  the  helmet,  carrying  only 
the  wooden  shield,  spear,  and  sword. 
The  fifth  class  was  made  up  of  the 
poorest    citizens,    who    fought    only  slinger 

with    darts    and    slings.      Each    of 

these  classes,  except  the  first,  was  arranged  in  twenty  centu- 
ries, or  companies.  One  half  of  the  centuries  in  each  class 
were  composed  of  the  younger  men  (hmiores),  who  might  be 
called  out  at  any  time.  The  other  half  were  composed  of  the 
older  men  (seniores),  who  were  called  out  only  in  times  of 
great  danger.  Besides,  there  were  fifteen  centuries  of  musi- 
cians, carpenters,  and  substitutes.  We  may  perhaps  get  a 
clearer  idea  of  this  new  military  arrangement  by  the  following 
table :  — 


I.   Cavalry  (Equites) 

II.    Infantry  {Pedites) 

1st  class  (40  iuniores,  40  seniores 
2d      "     (10        "        10 
3d      "     (10        "        10 
4th    "     (10        "        10 
6th    "     (10        "        10 

Musicians,  Carpenters,  Substitutes 
Total        


(( 


(( 


u 


(( 


.  18  centuries. 

.  80 

.  20 

.  20 

.  20 

.  20 

.  15 

.  193  centuries. 

44 


THE  ROMAN  KINGDOM 


The  New  Assembly,  Comitia  Centuriata.  —  This  arrangement 
of  the  people  was  first  intended  for  a  military  purpose ;  but 
it  soon  came  to  have  a  political  character  also.  There  was 
every  reason  why  the  important  questions  relating  to  war, 
which  had  heretofore  been  left  to  the  old  body  of  armed 
citizens,  should  now  be  left  to  the  new  body  of  armed 
citizens.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  new  fighting  body  became 
a  new  voting  body;  and  there  thus  arose  a  new  assembly, 
called  the  assembly  of  the  centuries  {comitia  centuria'ta). 
But  this  new  assembly  did  not  lose  its  original  military 
character.  For  example,  it  was  called  together,  not  by  the 
voice  of  the  lictor,  like  the  old  assembly,  but  by  the  sound  of 
the  trumpet.  Again,  it  did  not  meet  in  the  Forum,  where  the 
old  assembly  met,  but  in  the  Field  of  Mars  (Campus  Xfartius), 
outside  of  the  city.  It  also  voted  by  centuries,  that  is,  by  mili- 
tary companies.  After  a  time  the  comitia  centuriata  acquired 
the  character  of  a  real  political  and  legislative  body,  of  greater 
importance  than  the  old  comitia  curiata. 

III.   The  Supremacy  of  Rome  in  Lattum 

Conquests  in  Latium.  —  While  Rome  was  thus  becoming 
strong,  and  her  people  were  becoming  more  united  and  better 
organized,  she  was  also  gaining  power  over  the  neighboring 
lands.  The  people  with  whom  she  first  came  into  contact  were 
the  Latins.  A  numl)er  of  Latin  towns  were  conquered  and 
brought  under  her  power,  and  were  made  a  part  of  the  Roman 
domain  {ager  Romanus).  She  also  pushed  her  conquests  across 
the  Anio  into  the  Sabine  country,  and  across  the  Tiber  into 
Etruria.  So  that  before  the  fall  of  the  kingdom,  Rome  had 
begun  to  be  a  conquering  power.  But  her  conquests  at  present 
were  limited,  for  the  most  part,  to  Latium,  and  it  was  from  this 
conquered  land  in  Latium  that  she  had  created  the  rural 
tribes  already  mentioned. 

Rome  and  the  Latin  League.  —  Outside  of  this  conquered  ter- 
ritory were  the  independent  Latin  cities,  united  together  into 
a  strong  confederacy.     When  Alba  Longa  was  conquered,  Rome 


THE   REORGANIZATION   OF   THE   KINGDOM 


45 


succeeded  to  the  headship  of  this  confederacy  of  thirty  cities. 
The  people  of  these  cities  were  not  made  Roman  citizens ;  but 
they  were  given  the  right  to  trade  and  to  intermarry  with 
Romans.  The  Latin  league  was  bound  to  Rome  by  a  treaty, 
which  made  it  partly  subject  to  her  ;  because  it  could  not  wage 
war  without  her  consent,  and  it  must  assist  her  in  her  wars. 

Review  of  the  Roman  Kingdom.  —  In  the  various  ways  which 
we  have  described,  Rome  had  come  to  be  a  strong  city,  and 
was  growing  into  something  like  a  new  nation,  with  a  kind  of 
national  policy.  If  we  should  sum  up  this  policy  in  two 
words,  these  words  would  be  expansion  and  incorporatioyi.  By 
"expansion  "  we  mean  the  extension  of  Roman  power  over  the 
neighboring  territory,  whether  by  conquest  or  by  alliance.  V>y 
"incorporation"  we  mean  the  taking  of  subject  people  into 
the  political  body.  For  example,  Rome  had  first  incorporated 
the  Sabine  settlement  on  the  Quirinal ;  then  the  Latin  settle- 
ment on  the  Caelian ;  and  finally  the  plebeian  class,  which  had 
grown  up  by  the  side  of  the  patrician  class.  By  pursuing 
this  kind  of  policy,  Rome  had  come  to  be,  at  the  end  of  the 
kingdom,  a  compact  and  quite  well-organized  city-state  with  a 
considerable  territory  of  her  own  {ager  Romanus)  about  the 
Tiber,  and  having  a  control  over  the  cities  of  Latium. 

SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Ihne,  Early  Rome,  Ch.  0,  '» People  of  the  Regal  Period"  (5).i 
Shuckburgh,  Ch.  5,  "The  Regal  Period"  (1). 
Arnold,  Hist.,  Ch.  5,  "Greatness  of  the  Monarchy"  (2). 
How  and  Leigh,  Ch.  4,  "  The  Regal  Period"  (1). 

Mommsen,  abridged,  Cii.  4,  "  Reforms  of  Servius  Tullius  —  Supremacy  of 
Rome  in  Latium  "  (2). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

The  Servian  Classes  and  Centuries. —Pelham,  pp.  36-39  (1); 
Leighton,  pp.  22-24  (1);  Mommsen,  Vol.  I.,  pp.  1.32-141  (2)  ;  Ramsay 
and  Lanciani,  p.  96  et  seq.  (8)  ;  Niebuhr,  Hist.,  Vol.  I.,  pp.  212-236  ; 
Taylor,  pp.  2.5-36  (1). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


jprogri^ssivt::  m  Ar»  ?^o.  i 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


-OOXXOO- 


PEKIOD  III.    THE  STRUGGLES   OF  THE  EAELY  EEPDBLIO 

(B.C.  510-343) 


CHAPTER   VI 

THE   STRUGGLE   AGAINST  THE   KINGSHIP 

I.   The  Expulsion  of  the  Kings 

The  Transition  to  the  Republic. — We  have  seen  how  Eome 
came  into  existence,  and  how  it  gradually  grew  in  extent 
and  power  under  the  regal  government.  We  are  now  to  con- 
sider how  the  Koman  kingdom  was  changed  into  a  republic ; 
and  to  look  at  the  different  struggles  by  which  this  change  was 
brought  about.  The  change  from  the  Koman  kingdom  to  the  re- 
public was  due  to  the  tyranny  of  the  last  Tarquin ;  so  that  the 
first  struggle  for  Roman  liberty  was  a  struggle  against  the  king- 
ship. When  the  rule  of  Tarquinius  Superbus  became  intoler- 
able, he  was  expelled  from  Rome,  with  his  whole  family  (b.c. 
510).  But  with  the  aid  of  the  Etruscans  and  Latins  he  tried  to 
regain  his  lost  power ;  and  the  first  days  of  the  republic  were, 
therefore,  days  full  of  strife  and  trouble.  The  stories  of  this 
period  tell  us  of  many  deeds  of  Roman  virtue  and  patriotism. 
In  them  we  see  the  heroic  efforts  made  by  a  liberty-loving 
people  to  rid  themselves  of  a  despotic  king,  and  to  form  a  freer 

government. 

47 


\  f 


I- 


r»KOOKl^SSIA^T^".   aiAt'   >^<>.  1 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


-00>«<00- 


PEKIOD  III.    THE  STKUGGLES   OP  THE  EAELY  KEPUBLIO 

(B.C.  510-343) 


CHAPTER   VI 

THE    STRUGGLE   AGAINST   THE   KINGSHIP 

I.    The  Expulsion  of  the  Kings 

The  Transition  to  the  Republic.  —  We  have  seen  how  Rome 
came  into  existence,  and  how  it  gradually  grew  in  extent 
and  power  under  the  regal  government.  We  are  now  to  con- 
sider how  the  Roman  kingdom  was  changed  into  a  republic ; 
and  to  look  at  the  different  struggles  by  which  this  change  was 
brought  about.  The  change  from  the  Roman  kingdom  to  the  re- 
public was  due  to  the  tyranny  of  the  last  Tarquin ;  so  that  the 
first  struggle  for  Roman  liberty  was  a  struggle  against  the  king- 
ship. When  the  rule  of  Tarquinius  Superbus  became  intoler- 
able, he  was  expelled  from  Rome,  with  his  whole  family  (b.c. 
510).  But  with  the  aid  of  the  Etruscans  and  Latins  he  tried  to 
regain  his  lost  power ;  and  the  first  days  of  the  republic  were, 
therefore,  days  full  of  strife  and  trouble.  The  stories  of  this 
period  tell  us  of  many  deeds  of  Roman  virtue  and  patriotism. 
In  them  we  see  the  heroic  efforts  made  by  a  liberty-loving 
people  to  rid  themselves  of  a  despotic  king,  and  to  form  a  freer 
government. 

47 


i   , 


48 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


THE   STRUGGLE  AGAINST  THE   KINGSHIP 


49 


TuE  Elder  Brutus 


The  story  of  Brutus  and  CoUatinus.  —  The  legends  first  tell 
how  the  king  was  driven  from  Rome.     This  was  brought  about 

by  tlie  efforts  of  two  patriotic 
men,  Brutus  and  CoUati'nus, 
who  determined  to  avenge  the 
dishonorable  deeds  of  Tarquin- 
ius  Superbus  and  his  family. 
These  patriots  aroused  the 
Eoman  people,  and  led  them 
to  pass  a  law  to  banish  Tarquin 
and  his  corrupt  household.  The 
gates  of  the  city  were  ordered 
to  be  closed  against  him.  The 
soldiers  saluted  Brutus  as  the 
deliverer  of  their  country.  The 
people  declared  that  the  king- 
ship should  be  abolished  for- 
ever ;  and  they  elected  Brutus 
and  CoUatinus  to  rule  over  them  for  a  year. 

The  Conspiracy  of  Brutus's  Sons. —  The  banished  king  then 
sent  messengers  to  Rome  to  ask  that  his  property  be  restored 
to  him.  ^Yhile  engaged  on  this  mission,  the  messengers 
formed  a  plot  to  bring  back  the  king  to  his  throne ;  and  the 
two  sons  of  Brutus  joined  in  the  treacherous  scheme.  But  a 
slave  who  happened  to  liear  the  plan  of 
the  conspirators  exposed  the  whole  affair. 
When  Brutus  found  that  his  own  sons 
were  engaged  in  this  act  of  treason,  he 
did  not  allow  his  feelings  as  a  father  to 
prevent  him  from  doing  his  duty  as  a 
patriot  —  but  condemned  them  to  death 
as  traitors  to  their  country. 

The  Attempts  of  the  Etruscans  to  re- 
store  Tarquinius.  —  When   the   plot    at 
Rome  failed,  Tarquinius  appealed  for  help  to  the  Etruscan 
cities  of  Veii  and  Tarquinii,  which  raised  an  army  to  assist 


Sylvanus  (Coin) 


t 


HoRATirs  CocLES  (Nfedallion) 


him.  In  a  fierce  battle  which  followed,  Brutus  was  slain  by 
the  king's  son.  The  battle,  which  had  been  long  in  doubt, 
was  decided  by  the  god  Sylva'nus,  whose  voice  was  heard 
in  the  forest  proclaiming  that  the  Romans  had  won.  Tar- 
quinius next  appealed  to  Lars  Porsen'na, 
king  of  Clusium,  and  the  most  powerful 
prince  of  Etruria.  Collecting  his  army, 
Porsenna  suddenly  seized  the  Janiculum, 
the  hill  just  across  the  Tiber,  and  Rome 
was  saved  only  by  the  heroism  of  Hora- 
tius  Codes,  who,  with  two  companions, 
withstood  the  whole  Etruscan  army 
while  the  wooden  bridge  was  destroyed. 
Porsenna  was  thus  prevented  from  enter- 
ing the  city.  After  ravaging  the  surrounding  country  he  soon 
made  peace  with  the  Romans  and  gave  no  further  aid  to  the 
Tarquins. 

The  Attempt  of  the  Latins.  —  The  Tarquins  then  turned  for 
aid  to  the  Latins.  The  thirty  Latin  cities  revolted  and  joined 
the  cause  of  the  banished  king.  The  danger  was  so  great  that 
the  Romans  appointed  a  dictator  to  lead  their  armies  into  the 
field.     Then  was  fought  the  noted  battle  of  Lake  Regil'lus, 

which,  according  to  the 
old  story,  was  decided  by 
the  aid  of  two  gigantic 
youths,  who  rode  upon 
snow-white  horses  in  the 
Roman  ranks,  and  whom 
the  Romans  recognized 
as  the  twin  gods  Castor 
and  Pollux.  A  temple 
to  these  gods  was  built  in  the  Eorum  in  memory  of  this 
deliverance. 

Significance  of  the  Legends.  —  While  we  cannot  believe  every- 
thing contained  in  these  romantic  stories,  we  can  yet  see  in 
them  the  record  of  a  great  historical  event.    We  can  see  that  the 


Cabtob  and  Pollux  (Coin) 


48 


THE  ROMAN  rp:public 


Toe  Elder  Brutus 


The  Story  of  Brutus  and  CoUatinus.  —  The  legends  first  tell 
how  the  king  was  driven  from  Konie.     This  was  brought  about 
^^^^  by  the  efforts  of  two  i)atriotic 

men,  Brutus  and  C'oUati'nus, 
who  determined  to  avenge  the 
dishonorable  deeds  of  Tarquin- 
ius  Superbus  and  his  family. 
These  patriots  aroused  the 
Roman  people,  and  led  them 
to  pass  a  law  to  banish  Tarquin 
and  his  corrupt  household.  The 
gates  of  the  city  were  ordered 
to  be  closed  against  him.  The 
soldiers  saluted  Brutus  as  the 
deliverer  of  their  country.  The 
people  declared  that  the  king- 
ship should  be  abolished  for- 
ever ;  and  they  elected  Brutus 
and  CoUatinus  to  rule  over  them  for  a  year. 

The  Conspiracy  of  Brutus's  Sons. —  The  banished  king  then 
sent  messengers  to  Rome  to  ask  that  his  property  be  restored 
to  him.  While  engaged  on  this  mission,  the  messengers 
formed  a  plot  to  bring  back  the  king  to  his  throne ;  and  the 
two  sons  of  Brutus  joined  in  the  treacherous  scheme.  But  a 
slave  who  happened  to  hear  the  i)lan  of 
the  conspirators  exposed  the  whole  affair. 
When  Brutus  found  that  his  own  sons 
were  engaged  in  this  act  of  treason,  he 
did  not  allow  his  feelings  as  a  father  to 
prevent  him  from  doing  his  duty  as  a 
patriot  —  but  condemned  them  to  death 
as  traitors  to  their  country. 

The  Attempts  of  the  Etruscans  to  re- 
store  Tarquinius.  —  When   the   plot    at 
Rome  failed,  Tarquinius  appealed  for  help  to  the  Etruscan 
cities  of  Yeii  and  Tarquinii,  which  raised  an  army  to  assist 


Sylvanus  (Coin) 


THE  STRUGGLE  AGAINST  THE  KINGSHIP 


49 


Horatics  Cocles  (Medallion) 


him.  In  a  fierce  battle  which  followed,  Brutus  was  slain  by 
the  king's  son.  The  battle,  which  had  been  long  in  doubt, 
was  decided  by  the  god  Sylva'nus,  whose  voice  was  heard 
in  the  forest  proclaiming  that  the  Romans  had  won.  Tar- 
quinius next  appealed  to  Lars  Porsen'na, 
king  of  Clusium,  and  the  most  powerful 
prince  of  Etruria.  Collecting  his  army, 
Porsenna  suddenly  seized  the  Janiculum, 
the  hill  just  across  the  Tiber,  and  Rome 
was  saved  only  by  the  heroism  of  Hora- 
tius  Codes,  who,  with  two  companions, 
withstood  the  whole  Etruscan  army 
while  the  wooden  bridge  was  destroyed. 
Porsenna  was  thus  prevented  from  enter- 
ing the  city.  After  ravaging  the  surrounding  country  he  soon 
made  peace  with  the  Romans  and  gave  no  further  aid  to  the 
Tarquin  s. 

The  Attempt  of  the  Latins.  —  The  Tarquins  then  turned  for 
aid  to  the  Latins.  The  thirty  Latin  cities  revolted  and  joined 
the  cause  of  the  banished  king.  The  danger  was  so  great  that 
the  Romans  appointed  a  dictator  to  lead  their  armies  into  the 
field.     Then  was  fought  the  noted  battle  of  Lake  Regil'lus, 

which,  according  to  the 
old  story,  was  decided  by 
the  aid  of  two  gigantic 
youths,  \y1io  rode  npon 
snow-white  horses  in  the 
Roman  ranks,  and  whom 
the  Romans  recognized 
as  the  twin  gods  Castor 
and  Pollux.  A  temple 
to  these  gods  was  built  in  the  Eorum  in  memory  of  this 
deliverance. 

Significance  of  the  Legends.  —  Wliile  we  cannot  believe  every- 
thing contained  in  these  romantic  stories,  we  can  yet  see  in 
them  the  record  of  a  great  historical  event.    We  can  see  that  the 


Castor  and  Pollux  (Coin) 


50 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


THE   STRUGGLE   AGAINST  THE   KINGSHIP 


51 


government  of  the  kings  was  overthrown.  We  can  also  see 
that  this  change  was  not  a  peaceful  change,  but  was  attended 
by  a  severe  struggle.  We  can  see,  finally,  that  the  Komans 
honored  the  heroic  virtues  of  courage  and  patriotism ;  and  that 
they  believed  their  destiny  was  in  the  hands  of  the  gods. 

II.   The  New  Republican  Government 

The  Two  Consuls.  —  AVhen  the  kingdom  came  to  an  end,  the 
power  of  the  kings  was  put  into  the  hands  of  two  consuls 
(at  first  called  praetors),  elected  by  the  people.     The  consular 
power,  though  derived  from  the  old  kingly  power,  was  yet  differ- 
ent from  it  in  many  respects.     In  the  first  place,  the  power  of 
the  king  had  been  a  lifelong  power;  but  the  power  of  the  con- 
suls was  limited  to  one  year.     Again,  the  royal  power  had  been 
held  by  one  person ;  but  the  consular  power  was  held  by  two 
persons,  so  that  each  was  a  restraint  npon  the  other.     More- 
over, the  power  of  the  king  had  been  absolute,  that  is,  it  had 
extended  to  life  and  death  over  all  citizens  at  all  times ;  the 
power  of  the  consuls,  on  the  other  hand,  was  limited,  since 
they  could  not  exercise  the  i>ower  of  life  and  death,  except 
outside  of  the  city  and  over  the  army  in  the  field.     The  con- 
suls retained  the  old  insignia  of  the  king;  but  when  in  the 
city,  the  ax  was  withdrawn  from  the  fasces.     In  this  way  the 
chief  authority,  which  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  consuls, 
was  shorn  of  its  worst  features.     It  must  also  be  noted  that 
the  priestly  power  of  the  king  was  not  given  to  the  consuls, 
but  to  a  special  officer,  called  king  of  the  sacrifices  (rex  sacro- 
rum) ;  and  the  management  of  the  finances  was  put  in  charge 
of  two  qimstors  elected  by  the  people. 

The  Dictatorship.  —  The  Romans  were  wise  enough  to  see 
that  in  times  of  great  danger  the  power  of  the  consuls  might 
not  be  strong  enough  to  protect  the  state.  To  meet  such  an 
emergency  a  dictator  was  appointed,  who  was  a  sort  of  tempo- 
rary king.  He  had  entire  control  of  the  city  and  the  army. 
He  was  even  given  the  power  of  life  and  death  over  citizens ; 


V 


\ 


(i 


and  his  lictors  retained  the  ax  in  the  fasces.  But  this  extraor- 
dinary power  could  be  held  for  only  six  months,  after  which 
time  the  dictator  could  be  held  respon- 
sible for  his  acts  while  in  oflace.  With 
the  dictator  there  was  generally  ap- 
pointed another  officer,  who  was  second 
in  authority,  called  the  master  of  horse ; 
but  over  him,  as  over  every  one  else, 
the  dictator  was  supreme. 

The  New  Senators.  —  When  the  con- 
suls were  elected,  it  is  said  that  one  of 
their  first  acts  was  to  fill  up  the  senate 
to  the  number  of  three  hundred  mem- 
bers. The  last  king  had  practically 
ruled  without  the  senate,  and  he  had 
no  reason  to  fill  the  vacancies  when 
they  occurred.  But  the  new  consuls 
wished  the  help  of  the  senate,  and 
therefore  desired  to  keep  its  numbers 
complete.  The  new  senators  who  were 
enrolled  were  called  conscripti ;  and  the  whole  body  of  senators 
became  known  as  patres  conscripti. 

The  Popular  Assemblies.  —  With  the  establishment  of  the 
republic,  the  two  assemblies  with  which  we  are  already 
acquainted,  the  comitia  curiata  and  the  comitia  centuriata,  both 
remained.  But  the  former  lost  a  great  deal  of  its  old  power, 
which  became  transferred  to  the  latter.  The  assembly  of  the 
centuries  was  therefore  the  body  in  which  the  people  generally 
expressed  their  will.  Here  they  elected  the  officers,  and  passed 
the  most  important  laws.  It  was  this  assembly  which  became 
the  chief  legislative  body  during  the  early  republic. 

The  Laws  of  Valerius  Poplicola.  —  It  is  said  that  after  the 
death  of  Brutus,  his  colleague  Valerius  (who  had  succeeded 
Collatinus)  did  not  call  an  assembly  to  elect  another  consul. 
This  aroused  the  fear  that  Valerius  wished  to  make  himself 
king.     But  it  was  soon  found  that  instead  of  aiming  to  be 

MOKEy's  ROM.   HIST.  — 4 


LiCTOES 


52 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


king,  he  was  preparing  a  set  of  laws  which  would  prevent  any 
one  fron.  becoming  king,  and  would  also  protect  tlie  people 
from  the  arbitrary  power  of  their  magistrates.     One  ot  these 
laws  declared  thai  any  person  who  assumed  the  chief  power 
without  the  people's  consent  should  be  condemned  as  a  traitor. 
Another  law  granted  to  every  citizen  the  right  of  ''^"  =^1'P<^;^1J^ 
the  people,  in  case  he  was  condemned  for  a  crime.    Ihese  la^^s, 
known  as  the  Valerian  laws,  may  be  called  the  «  first  charter 
of  Roman  liberty,"  because  they  protected  the  people  from  the 
exercise  of  arbitrary  power.     So  highly  honored  was  \  alenus 
that  he  was  surnamed  Poplic'ola,  or  the  People  s  Friend 

The  Loss  of  Roman  Territory.  -  We  remember  how  extensive 
were  the  lands  which  were  aciuired  by  the  Romans  under 
the  kings.  But  they  had  lost  many  of  these  lands  during  the 
stmggles  against  the  last  Tarquin.  They  had  lost  their  con- 
quests in  Etruria,  and  much  of  their  land  in  Latium ;  and  Uie 
thirty  Latin  cities  had  reasserted  their  independence  So  that 
the  authority  of  the  new  government  was  now  >7^  ;«=^^|  ^  ^ 
comparatively  small  strip  of  territory  south  of  the  T.bei, 
together  with  the  Janiculum  on  the  Etruscan  side. 

SELECTIONS  FOR  READING 
Arnold,  Hist.,  Ch.  7,  "Banishing  of  Kin?  Tarquinius"  (2).' 
Shuckburgh,  Ch.  6,  "  Expulsion  of  the  Kings  "  (1). 
Pelham,  pp.  45-51,  "  Foundation  of  the  Republic     (1). 
Liddell,  Ch.  6,  "  Decline  of  Roman  Power  "  (1). 
Momnisen,  abridged,  Ch.  0,  "  Change  of  the  Constitution     (2). 
Taylor,  Ch.  2,  "  Foundation  of  the  Republic     (1). 
Plutarch,  "  Poplicola  "  (H). 
Livy,  Bk.  II.,  Chs.  »-U,  Wars  of  I-ars  Porsenna  (4). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

Tbe  Office  of  CoNStrt.  -Gow,  p.  174  (8)  ;  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  47- 

50  (1    ;  Shuckburgh.  pp.    20.<l-205  (1);  "'"%  ^'"'^  «T'l  and     ,"    , 

.,  v^i    T     nn    -^'iS-S'^O  (2)  ;   Ramsay  and  Lanciani,  pp. 

(5);   Mommsen,  Vol.  1.,  pp.  <>^'^  •^-^'  ^^^  »  / 

166-174  (8)  ;  Harper's  Diet.  AiUiqq.,  '^  Coiisules     (8). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appen- 
dix.  where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


\ 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE  STRUGGLE   FOR  ECONOMIC  RIGHTS 

I.     The  Grievances  of  the  Plebs 

The  Power  of  the  Patricians.  —  The  patricians  and  plebeians 
had  united  in  their  efforts  to  drive  out  the  kings ;  but  when 
the  struggle  against  the  kingship  was  ended,  the  chief  fruits 
of  the  victory  fell  to  the  patricians.  The  plebeians  could,  it  is 
true,  still  vote  in  the  comitia  centuriata;  but  they  could  not 
hold  any  of  the  new  offices,  nor  could  they  sit  in  the  senate. 
Rome  became  a  republic,  but  it  was  an  aristocratic,  and  not  a 
democratic  republic  ;  that  is,  the  chief  power  rested  not  in  the 
whole  people,  but  in  a  particular  class.  The  plebeians  might 
perhaps  have  submitted  to  the  government  of  the  patricians,  if 
it  had  not  been  exercised  in  a  selfish  and  oppressive  manner. 
But  the  patrician  rule  proved  to  be  as  despotic  as  that  of  the 
kings  ;  and  a  long  and  fierce  struggle  ensued  between  the  two 
orders.  As  the  patricians  were  generally  more  wealthy  than 
the  plebeians,  the  conflict  became  at  first  a  struggle  between 
the  rich  and  the  poor,  a  contest  for  a  more  equal  distribution  of 

wealth. 

Poverty  and  Distress  of  the  Plebeians.  —  The  late  wars  had 
left  the  plebeians  in  a  very  dependent  and  deplorable  condition. 
The  wealthy  patricians,  for  ^<^^^^s^ 
the  most  part,  lived  in  the 
city ;  and  their  property  was 
protected  by  the  city  walls. 
But  the  homes  of  the  plebe- 
ians were  generally  in  the 
country.  Accordingly,  when 
they    were    serving    in    the  koman  farmer 

army,  their  little  farms  were  neglected,  or   ravaged   by  the 
enemy,  their  families  were  driven  away,  and  their  property 

53 


54 


THE  ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  ECONOMIC  RIGHTS 


55 


was  destroyed.  In  this  way,  while  serving  their  country,  they 
were  deprived  of  their  houses  and  fiekls,  and  of  the  means  of 
subsistence,  and  so  were  reduced  to  a  condition  of  poverty  and 
great  distress. 

The  Unjust  Law  of  Debt.  —  The  sorest  burden  which  now 
rested  upon  the  plebeians  was  the  harsh  law  of  debt.  Having 
lost  their  property  by  the  misfortunes  of  war,  they  were 
obliged  to  borrow  money  of  the  rich  patricians;  and  they 
were  thus  reduced  to  the  condition  of  a  debtor  class.  But  a 
debtor  in  the  early  days  of  Rome  was  especially  wretched. 
If  he  could  not  pay  his  debt,  he  was  liable  to  be  arrested, 
thrown  into  a  dungeon,  and  made  the  slave  of  his  creditor. 
His  lot  was  chains,  stripes,  and  slavery. 

The  law  of  debt  was  not  only  harsh  in  itself,  but  its  effect 
was  to  keep  the  poor  in  a  continual  state  of  poverty,  from 
which  they  could  not  easily  escape. 

The  Unequal  Division  of  the  Public  Land.  —  Another  cause 
which  kept  the  plebeians  in  a  state  of  poverty  was  the  unjust 
distribution  of  the  public  land  (ager  jmblkus)  which  had  been 
acquired  in  war.  This  land  properly  belonged  to  all  the  peo- 
ple, and  might  have  been  used  to  relieve  the  distress  of  the 
poor.  But  the  government  was  in  the  hands  of  the  patricians, 
and  they  disposed  of  this  land  for  their  own  benefit;  they 
allowed  it  to  be  "  occupied,"  at  a  nominal  rent,  by  members  of 
their  own  order.  As  long  as  the  land  remained  public,  it  could 
not  be  sold  by  the  occupants;  but  the  longer  the  rich  patri- 
cians retained  the  occupation  of  this  land,  the  more  they  would 
look  upon  it  as  their  own  property,  and  ignore  the  fact  that  it 
belonged  to  the  whole  Roman  people.  So  that  the  common 
people  were  deprived  of  their  just  share  of  the  land  which 
they  had  helped  to  conquer. 

11.    First  Secession  and  its  Results 

First  Secession  of  the  Plebeians.  —  It  was  the  hard  law  of  debt 
which  first  drove  the  plebeians  to  revolt.     As  there  was  no 


'' 


lecral  way  to   redress  their   wrongs,  they  decided  that  they 
would  no  longer  serve  in  the  army,  but  leave  the  patricians  to 
fight  their  own  battles.     They  therefore  deserted  their  general, 
marched  in  full  array  to  a  hill  beyond  the  Anio,  which  they 
called  the  Sacred  Mount  (Mons  Sacer),  and  proposed  to  form 
an  independent  city  (b.c.  494).     The  patricians  saw  that  the 
loss  of  the  plebeian  army  would  be  the  destruction  of  Rome. 
They  were  therefore  compelled  to  make  a  solemn  compact  to 
the  effect  that  the  debts  of   all  persons  who  were  insolvent 
should  be  canceled ;  and  that  those  who  had  been  imprisoned 
on  a^icount  of  debt  should  be  released. 

The  Tribunes  of  the  People.  —  But  the  most  important  result 
of  the  first  secession  was  the  creation  of  a  new  office,  that  of 
tribune  of  the  people.  In  order  to  protect  the  plebeians  from 
any  further  oppressive  acts  on  the  part  of  the  patrician  magis- 
trate, it  was  agreed  to  appoint  two  tribunes  from  among  the 
plebeians  themselves.  These  new  officers  were  given  the  power 
to  u  veto  "  —  that  is,  to  forbid  — the  act  of  any  magistrate 
which  bore  unjustly  upon  any  citizen.  In  order  that  the  trib- 
unes might  exercise  their  authority  without  hindrance,  their 
persons  were  made  "  inviolable,"  —  which  means  that  they  could 
not  be  arrested,  and  that  any  one  who  interfered  with  them  in 
the  exercise  of  their  lawful  duty  could  be  put  to  death.  The 
tribunes  were  assisted  by  two  oediles,  who  were  also  chosen 
from  the  plebeian  body. 

The  Plebeian  Assembly.  —  The  meetings  which  the  plebeians 
had  occasionally  held  before  this  time  now  assumed  the  char- 
acter of  a  permanent  assembly  (concilium  pZeft/^')-  This  assem- 
bly could  be  called  together  by  the  tribunes,  who  were 
permitted  to  address  the  people  in  regard  to  their  interests; 
and  no  magistrate  was  allowed  to  interrupt  them  while  speak- 
ing or  to  disperse  this  assembly  (lex  Icilia,  b.c.  492).  The 
assembly  could  also  pass  resolutions  (plehiscita),  which  were 
binding  upon  the  plebeians,  but  not  as  yet  upon  the  whole  peo- 
ple. It  was  not  many  years  before  the  plebeian  assembly  was 
given  the  right  to  elect  their  own  tribunes  and  aediles  (lex 


56 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


PubliUa,  B.C.  472).  In  this  way  the  plebeians  acquired  a  posi- 
tion in  the  state  which  they  had  never  before  held. 

The  Agrarian  Law  of  Spurius  Cassius. — The  second  great 
cause  of  complaint  was,  as  we  have  seen,  the  unjust  distribu- 
tion of  the  public  land.  To  remove  this  injustice  was  the 
effort  of  the  consul  Spurius  Cassius.  This  man  was  both  a 
patriot  and  a  statesman.  He  loved  the  people,  and  he  labored 
to  protect  their  interests.  In  order  to  strengthen  Rome  against 
her  foreign  enemies,  he  first  of  all  made  a  new  treaty  with  the 
Latin  towns,  and  also  a  treaty  with  the  neighboring  tribe  of  the 
Hernicans. 

But  the  most  famous  work  of  Sp.  Cassius  was  the  passage  of 
the  first  "  agrarian  law,"  tliat  is,  a  law  intended  to  reform  the 
division  of  the  public  land  (b.c.  48G).  It  was  not  his  pur- 
pose to  take  away  any  private  land  which  legally  belonged  to 
the  patricians  ;  but  to  make  a  more  just  distribution  of  the 
land  which  properly  belonged  to  the  whole  state.  When  this 
law  was  finally  passed,  the  patricians  tried  in  every  way  to 
prevent  its  execution.  After  his  year  of  office  had  expired, 
Sp.  Cassius  was  charged  with  treason  and  with  the  attempt 
to  make  himself  king.  He  was  tried,  condemned,  scourged, 
and  beheaded ;  and  thus  one  of  Rome's  greatest  patriots  suf- 
fered the  doom  of  a  traitor.  But  the  people  remembered 
Sp.  Cassius,  and  his  name  was  inscribed  upon  a  tablet  and 
placed  in  the  Forum,  where  it  remained  for  many  genera- 
tions. 


III.   Wars  with  the  Yolsctaxs,  ^quians,  and 

Etruscans 


The  Foreign  Enemies  of  Rome.  —  While  these  struggles  were 
going  on  to  relieve  the  distress  of  the  poor  plebeians,  the  fron- 
tiers were  continually  threatened  by  foreign  enemies.  The 
chief  enemies  of  Rome  at  this  time  were  the  Volscians,  the 
^quians,  and  the  Etruscans.  The  Volscians  occupied  the 
southern  plains  of  Latium,  near  the  seacoast.  The  ^Equians 
held  the   slopes  of  the  Apennines  on  the  northeast.     The 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR   ECONOMIC  RIGHTS 


67 


VOLSCIAN  Cow 


Etruscans  held  aU  their  original  territory  on  the  right  bank  of 
the  Tiber,  except  the  hill  Janiculum.  On  every  side  Rome 
was  beset  by  foes  ;  and  for 
many  years  her  armies 
fought  in  defense  of  their 
homes,  and  almost  within 
sight  of  the  city.  By  the 
treaties  which  Sp.  Cassius 
had  formed,  the  Romans, 
the  Latins,  and  the  Herni- 
cans made  common  cause  in  repelling  these  attacks.  There 
is  no  continuous  history  of  these  frequent  wars,  but  the  Roman 
historians  have  preserved  the  memory  of  them  in  certain 
legends,  which  were  sacred  to  the  Romans  themselves,  and 
which  we  should  not  forget  if  we  would  understand  the  charac- 
ter and  spirit  of  the  Roman  people. 

Coriolanus  and  the  Volscians.  —The Volscian  wars  have  left  us 
the  story  of  Coriola'nus,  which  tells  us  that  this  young  patrician 
opposed  the  distribution  of  grain  among  the  plebeians ;  that  he 
was  threatened  by  the  common  people  and  fled  to  the  Volscians, 
and  led  an  army  against  his  native  city ;  that  his  mother  and 
his  wife  went  to  the  Volscian  camp  and  pleaded  with  him  to 
cease  his  wars  upon  Rome ;  that  Rome  was  thus  saved,  and  a 
temple  was  built  to  commemorate  the  patriotism  of  the  Roman 

women. 

Cincinnatus  and  the  iEquians.  —  The  memory  of  the  .Equian 
wars  is  preserved  in  the  story  of  the  Roman  patriot  Cincin- 
na'tus,  who  was  called  from  his  country  home  to  rescue  the 
Roman  army,  which  was  surrounded  by  the  ^Equians,  and 
threatened  with  destruction  in  a  narrow  defile  in  Mt.  Al'gidus, 
near  the  Alban  hills  (see  map,  page  46)  ;  and  who  with  great 
speed  and  skill  defeated  the  .Equian  army,  compelling  it  to 
"pass  under  the  yoke"  as  a  sign  of  submission,  and  then 
returned  the  next  evening  to  Rome  in  triumph.  The  "  yoke  " 
consisted  of  a  spear  supported  in  a  horizontal  position  by  two 
spears  fixed  upright  in  the  ground. 


58 


THE   ROMAN   UEPUBLIC 


Coin  or  the  Fabian  Gens 


The  Fabii  and  the  Etruscans.  —  With  the  Etruscan  wars  is 
linked  the  story  of  the  Fabian  gens,  which  was  one  of  the 
greatest  patrician  houses  of  Rome ;  and  which,  having  volun- 
teered to  carry  on  the  war  against  the  Etruscans  at  its  own 

expense,  was,  with  the  ex- 
ception    of     one     person, 
utterly   destroyed    by   the 
enemy.     The  Fabian  gens 
was  therefore  honored  for 
having  sacrificed   itself  in 
the  defense  of  Rome. 
These  stories  should  be  read,  not  as  an  accurate  narration  of 
facts,  but  because  they  show  the  kind  of  virtues  that  the  early 
Romans  most  admired. 

SELECTIONS  FOR  READING 

How  and  Leigh,  Ch.  6,  "  First  Struggle  of  the  Plebeians  "  (l).i 

Shuckburgh,  Ch.  8,  "Constitutional  History  from  ii.c.  509 to 390"  (1). 

Mommsen,  abridged,  pp.  50-58,  "  Tribunate  of  the  Plebs  "  (2). 

lime,  Early  Rome,  Ch.  13,  ''Tribunes  of  the  People"  (5). 

Arnold,  Hist.,  Ch.  9,  "  Spurius  Cassius "  (2). 

Plutarcii,  "Coriolanus"  (11). 

Livy,  Bk.  II.,  Chs.  27-33,  First  Secession  of  the  Plebs  (4). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

The  Public  Lam>,  ager  pitblicns.  —  Leighton,  pp.  60-62  (1)  ;  Liddell, 
p.  96  (1)  ;  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  50-58  (1)  ;  Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  pp.  70- 
72  (1)  ;  Ihne,  Early  Home,  Ch.  14  (5)  ;  Ihne,  Hist.,  Vol.  I.,  Bk.  2,  Ch.  7 
(2)  ;  Mommsen,  Vol.  I.,  pp.  347-350  (2)  ;  Han>er's  Diet.  Antiqq., 
*'  Agrarise  Leges"  (8)  ;  Niebuhr,  Hist.,  Vol.  II.,  p.  65  et  seq.  (2). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  t«»pic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


\ 


1 


i 


CHAPTER   VIII 

THE   STRUGGLE    FOR   EQUAL   LAWS 

I.   The  Demand  for  Written  Laws 

Proposals  of  Terentilius  Harsa  (B.C.  462).  —  The  conflict 
between  the  two  orders  had  been  going  on  for  nearly  fifty 
years ;  and  yet  no  real  solution  had  been  found  for  their  diffi- 
culties. The  plebeians  were  at  a  great  disadvantage  during  all 
this  time,  because  the  law  was  administered  solely  by  the  patri- 
cians, who  kept  the  knowledge  of  it  to  themselves,  and  who 
regarded  it  as  a  precious  legacy  from  their  ancestors,  too  sacred 
to  be  shared  with  the  lowborn  plebeians.  The  laws  had  never 
been  written  down  or  published.  The  patricians  could  therefore 
administer  them  as  they  saw  fit.  This  was  a  great  injustice 
to  the  lower  classes.  It  was  clear  that  there  was  not  much  hope 
for  the  plebeians  until  they  were  made  equal  before  the  law. 
It  was  also  clear  that  they  could  not  be  equal  before  the  law 
as  long  as  they  themselves  had  no  knowledge  of  what  the 
law  was.  Accordingly  one  of  the  tribunes,  Gains  Terentilius 
Harsa,  proposed  that  a  commission  be  appointed  to  gather  up 
the  law,  and  to  publish  it  to  the  whole  people.  This  proposal, 
though  both  fair  and  just,  was  bitterly  opposed  by  the  patri- 
cians, and  was  followed  by  ten  years  of  strife  and  dissension. 

Concessions  to  the  Plebeians.  —  To  rescue  the  city  from  these 
troubles,  the  senate  tried  to  conciliate  the  plebeians  by  making 
certain  concessions  to  them.  For  example,  the  number  of 
tribunes  was  increased  from  two  to  five,  and  then  to  ten.  This 
was  supposed  to  give  them  greater  protection  than  they  had 
had  before.  Then  it  was  decided  to  give  up  to  them  the  public 
land  on  the  Aventine  hill,  and  thus  to  atone  for  not  carrying 
out  the  agrarian  law  of  Sp.  Cassius.  Finally,  the  amount  of 
fine  which  any  magistrate  could  impose  was-  limited  to  two 
sheep  and  thirty  oxen.     It  was  thought  that  such  concessions 

59 


60 


THE  ROMAN  RErUBLIC 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EQUAL  LAWS 


61 


I 


would  appease  the  discontented  people  and  divert  their  minds 
from  the  main  point  of  the  controversy. 

Compromise  between  the  Orders.  —  But  these  concessions  did 
not  satisfy  the  plebeians,  who  still  clung  to  their  demand  for 
equal  rights  before  the  law.  The  struggle  over  the  proposal 
of  Terentilius,  which  lasted  for  nearly  ten  years,  was 
ended  only  by  a  compromise.  It  was  finally  agreed  that  a 
commission  of  ten  men,  called  decemvirs,  should  be  appointed 
to  draw  up  the  law,  and  that  this  law  should  be  published  and 
be  binding  upon  patricians  and  plebeians  alike.  It  was  also 
agreed  that  the  commissioners  should  all  be  patricians;  and 
that  they  should  have  entire  control  of  the  government  while 
compiling  the  laws.  The  patricians  were  thus  to  give  up  their 
consuls  and  quaestors;  and  the  plebeians  were  to  give  up  their 
tribunes  and  gediles.  Both  parties  were  to  cease  their  quarrel- 
ing, and  await  the  work  of  the  decemvirs. 

II.    Decemvirs  and  the  XII.  Tables 

The  Commission  to  Greece.  — It  is  said  that  a  commission  of 
three  men  was  sent  to  Greece,  to  consult  the  laws  of  Solon  and 
other  Greek  codes.  However  true  this  story  may  be,  it  is  not 
likely  that  the  Romans  intended  to  borrow  the  laws  of  another 
country  by  which  to  govern  their  own.  The  complaint  of  the 
plebeians  was  not  that  they  did  not  have  any  laws,  but  that 
the  laws  which  they  had  were  unwritten  and  known  only  to 
the  patricians.  What  they  wanted  was  that  the  unwritten 
laws  should  be  published ;  so  that  they  could  know  what  they 
were,  and  whether  they  were  properly  administered  or  not. 

Formation  of  the  XII.  Tables  (B.C.  450).— The  first  body 
of  commissioners,  or  the  First  Decemvirate,  entered  upon  the 
work  assigned  to  it,  gathered  together  the  law  which  had 
hitherto  been  kept  secret,  and  inscribed  it  on  ten  tables  of 
brass.  These  tables  were  erected  in  the  Forum,  where  they 
could  be  seen  by  every  one,  and  were  declared  binding  on  all 
the  people.    At  the  close  of  the  year,  a  Second  Decemvirate 


was  appointed  to  complete  the  code,  and  two  more  tables  were 
added.  This  whole  body  of  law  was  called  the  Twelve 
Tables,  and  formed  the  basis  of  the  most  remarkable  system 
of  law  that  the  world  has  ever  seen.  There  was  nothing 
strange,  however,  in  the  XII.  Tables  themselves.  They  con- 
tained nothing  especially  new.  The  old  law  of  debt  remained 
as  it  was,  and  the  distinction  between  patricians  and  plebeians 
was  not  destroyed.  The  XII.  Tables  were  important,  because 
they  put  the  law  before  the  eyes  of  the  people ;  and  plebeians, 
as  well  as  patricians,  could  know  what  were  their  rights.  So 
highly  valued  was  this  code  that  it  formed  a  part  of  Roman 
education,  and  the  boys  in  school  were  obliged  to  commit  it  to 

memory. 

Tyranny  of  the  Second  Decemvirate.  —  Although  the  second 
body  of  decemvirs  had  the  honor  of  completing  the  XII. 
Tables,  the  way  in  which  they  exercised  their  power  brought 
them  into  dishonor.  With  all  their  professed  love  of  equal 
laws,  they  still  hated  the  plebeians  and  used  their  authority 
in  an  oppressive  manner.  They  appeared  in  the  Forum  each 
with  twelve  lictors,  carrying  the  axes  in  the  fasces  as  a  sign 
that  they  claimed  the  power  of  life  and  death  over  every  citi- 
zen. At  the  close  of  their  year  of  office,  they  refused  to  resign, 
and  continued  their  oppressive  rule  under  the  leadership  of 
Appius  Claudius.  The  name  of  Appius  Claudius  became  most 
odious  when  he  attempted  to  gain  possession  of  Virginia, 
who  was  the  beautiful  daughter  of  a  plebeian  soldier,  and  who 
was  killed  by  her  own  father  to  save  her  from  dishonor.  The 
repeated  acts  of  tyranny  committed  by  the  second  body  of 
decemvirs  at  last  made  their  rule  intolerable. 

III.   Second  Secession  and  its  Results 

Second  Secession  of  the  Plebs.  —  The  tragic  death  of  Virginia, 
it  is  said,  aroused  the  people  to  vengeance.  With  his  bloody 
knife  in  hand,  Virginius  rushed  to  the  camp  outside  of  the  city 
and  called  upon  the  soldiers  to  resist  the  infamous  power  of 


62 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


the  decemvirs.  Witli  the  memory  of  the  Sacred  IVIount  still  iu 
mind,  the  army  once  more  seceded  from  the  city,  and,  followed 
by  a  multitude  of  citizens,  took  up  their  station  again  on  this 
hill,  determined  no  longer  to  tight  in  defense  of  tyranny.  The 
Koman  state  seemed  again  on  the  point  of  ruin,  and  the  decem- 
virs were  forced  to  resign.  The  old  government  was  restored. 
Two  new  consuls  were  elected,  both  of  whom  were  friendly  to 
the  plebeians.  These  were  Valerius  and  Horatius,  names  which 
the  Roman  people  ever  delighted  to  honor. 

The  Valerio-Horatian    Laws  (B.C.  448).  — The    second   seces- 
sion of  the  plel)eians  resulted  in  the  overthrow  of  the  decem- 
virate  and  the  restoration  of  the  consulship ;  but  it  also  resulted 
in  making  the  plebeians  more  respected  than  they  had  been 
before.      The  patncians  were  becoming  more  and  more   con- 
vinced that  the  plebeians  were  not  only  brave  in  lighting  the 
enemies  of  Rome,  but  were  also  determined  to  defend  their 
own  liberties.     The  new  consuls,  Valerius  and  Horatius,  came 
forward  as  their  champions.     Two  of  the  rights  of  the  people 
had  been  continually  disregarded,  namely,  the  right  of  appeal 
to  the  people,  and  the  right  of  the  tribunes  to  be  sacredly  pro- 
tected in  the  exercise  of  their  duties.     These  two  rights  were 
now  solemnly  reaffirmed.     But  what  was  quite  as  important, 
the  assembly  of   the   plebeians  (condlium  j^^ebis)   was  given 
power  to  make  laws  binding  upon  the  whole  people.     This 
gave  to  Rome  a  new  legislative  assembly,  based  not  upon  the 
old  patrician  families,  like  the  comitia  curiata,  nor  upon  military 
ecpiipment,  like  the  comitia  centuriatay  but  upon  residence  in  a 
tribe,  or  district.     This  new  assembly  came  to  be  known  as 
the  cmnitia  tribu'ta,  and  we  shall  see  it  grow  in  influence  and 
dignity,  until  it  becomes  the  most  important  assembly  of  the 
republic.     These  laws  of  Valerius  and  Horatius  we  may  call 
the  ''  second  charter  of  Roman  liberty." 

The  Right  of  Intermarriage.  —  The  patricians  and  plebeians 
had  long  lived  side  by  side ;  but  they  had  been  kept  socially 
distinct  because  it  was  not  legal  for  them  to  intermarry.  This 
prejudice  w\as  now  passing  away,  as  the  plebeians  were  show- 


THE   STRUGGLE   FOR  POLITICAL  EQUALITY 


63 


ing  a  spirit  worthy  of  the  patricians  themselves.  A  great  step 
toward  equalizing  the  classes  was  now  taken  by  the  passage  of 
a  law  (lex  Canuleia,  b.c.  445)  which  granted  the  right  of  inter- 
marriage between  the  two  orders.  This  insured  their  social 
and  civil  equality,  and  paved  the  way  for  their  political 
equality,  and  finally  their  union  into  a  harmonious  people. 

SELECTIONS  FOR  READING 

Arnold,  Hist.,  Ch.  1.3,  "The  Terentilian  Law"  (2).i 
Ihne,  Early  Home,  Ch.  18,  "Decemvirs  and  the  XII.  Tables"  (5). 
Mommseu,  abridged,  pp.  58-61,  "The  Decemvirate "  (2). 
Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Ch.  8,  "  Efforts  to  obtain  Equal  Laws  "  (1). 
Livy,  Bk.  III.,  Chs.  36-38,  Tyranny  of  the  Second  Decemvirate  (4). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

The  Twelve  Tables. -How  and  Leigh,  p.  VO  (1);  Shuckburgh, 
pp  101-104  (1)  ;  Mommsen,  Vol.  L,  pp.  363-368  (2)  ;  Liddell,  Ch.  11  (1)  ; 
Harper's  Diet.  Antiqq.,  -Twelve  Tables"  (8)  ;  Morey,  Koman  Law, 
pp.  25-43  (15). 


CHAPTER   IX 

THE   STRUGGLE   FOR   POLITICAL  EQUALITY 
I.   The  Contest  for  the  Consulship 

Successes  of  the  Plebeians.  —  Kever  before  had  the  cause  of 
the  plebeians  seemed  so  hopeful  as  it  did  at  this  time.  The 
tyranny  of  the  decemvirs  had  brought  to  their  aid  the  better 
class  of  patricians.  And  the  passage  of  the  recent  laws  led 
them  to  look  forward  to  still  greater  victories.  They  had 
already  gained  great  successes,  but  there  was  still  something 
else  for  them  to  obtain,  in  order  to  have  full  equality  in  the 
state.     We  may,  perhaps,  better  understand  just   what  the 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appen- 
dix, where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


ll 


64 


THE   ROMAN   KEPUBLIC 


plebeians  had  gained,  and  what  was  still  to  be  gained,  if  we 
look  at  the  following  table,  which  contains  a  list  of  the  various 
rights  possessed  by  a  full  Roman  citizen :  — 


'  Public  rights 


The  rights  of  citizenship 
(civitas). 


(  Right  of  holding  office  (hon- 


(^iura   pub- 
lico). 


ores). 
Right  of  voting  (stifraguim) . 

(  Right  of  intermarriage  {cotiu- 
Private  rights        f.      . 
.         bium). 
(lura    pri-\  ^.  , ,    , 


vata). 


Right  of  property  and  contract 
(^commercium). 


The  idebeians  already  possessed  the  lowest  right,  the  corn- 
mercmm  ;  they  could  hold  property  and  carry  on  trade  just 
like  any  other  Eoman  citizens.  They  had  just  now  obtained 
the  connUum,  or  the  right  of  contracting  a  legal  mar- 
riage with  a  patrician.  They  had  also  the  suffmgium,  or 
the""  right  of  voting,  in  the  assemblies  of  the  centuries  and  of 
the  tribes.  As  regards  the  honores,  or  the  right  of  holding 
office,  they  could  be  elected  to  the  lower  offices,  that  is,  could 
be  chosen  tribunes  of  the  people  and  tediles ;  but  could  not  be 
elected  to  the  higher  offices,  that  is,  could  not  be  chosen  con- 
suls and  qu^stors.  What  the  plebeians  now  wanted  was  a 
share  iu  the  higher  offices,  especially  in  the  consulship. 

The  MUitary  Tribunes,  with  Consular  Power  (B.C.  444).  — 
Instead  of  allowing  the  plebeians  a  direct  share  in  the  consul- 
ship, the  patricians  agreed  to  the  appointment  of  certain  new 
officers,  something  like  the  consvds,  who  could  be  elected  from 
either  the  patricians  or  the  plebeians.  These  new  officers  were 
called  "military  tribunes  with  considar  jwwer,"  and  were  to  be 
elected  in  the  comitia  centuricUa,  where  the  plebeians  as  well  as 
the  patricians  were  allowed  to  vote.  But  it  was  also  provided 
that  consuls  might  still  be  elected  instead  of  the  new  military 
tribunes,  if  the  senate  thought  such  a  course  was  best  for  the 
state.  We  can  easily  see  how  this  plan  would  work.  The 
patricians,  who  had  control  of  the  senate,  could  decide  at  any 
time  that  consuls  were  needed ;  or  else  they  might  control  the 


I 


ll 


THE   STRUGGLE  FOR  POLITICAL  EQUALITY 


65 


election  and  choose  the  military  tribunes  from  their  own  num- 
ber. As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  senate,  for  some  years  after  this, 
decided  that  consuls  should  be  elected.  But  later  the  election 
of  military  tribunes  became  the  rule,  and  the  plebeians  gradu- 
ally grew  in  political  influence  and  power. 

The  Censorship  and  the  New  Quaestors.  —  As  the  patricians 
saw  that  the  plebeians  were  growing  stronger,  they  resorted 
to  a  new  plan  to  keep  as  much  power  as  possible  in  their  own 
hands.  To  do  this,  they  created  another  new  office,  the  censor- 
ship (B.C.  443),  and  transferred  to  the  two  censors  some  of  the 
most  important  powers  hitherto  exercised  by  the  consuls.  The 
censors  were  to  draw  up  the  census,  that  is,  to  make  an  esti- 
mate  of  every  man's  property,  to  assign  each  man  to  a  proper 
class  in  the  centuries,  whether  he  belonged  to  the  equites  or  the 
pedites,  and  to  designate  who  was  entitled  to  sit  in  the  senate. 
The  new  censors  were  to  be  elected  every  five  years,  from  the 
patrician  class.  But  to  offset  this  advantage,  the  patricians 
agreed  that  there  should  be  two  new  quaestors  (b.c.  421),  to 
be  elected  from  the  plebeians.  So  it  was  that  the  period  fol- 
lowing the  decemvirate  was  a  period  full  of  adroit  schemes 
and  compromises;  but  the  plebeians  were  steadily  gaining 
new  rights  and  privileges. 

The  Fate  of  Spurius  Maelius.  —  That  the  patricians  were  not 
entirely  reconciled  to  the  growing  influence  of  the  plebeians, 
is  shown  by  the  story  told  of  Sp.  Maelius.  While  a  severe 
famine  was  raging  in  Rome,  and  many  poor  citizens  sought 
relief  in  suicide,  Sp.  Maelius,  a  wealthy  plebeian,  purchased 
grain  at  his  own  expense  and  distributed  it  to  the  suffering 
poor.  His  generosity  so  won  the  hearts  of  the  people,  that 
the  patricians  felt  alarmed  at  his  popularity,  and  charged 
him  with  the  design  of  making  himself  king.  It  was  claimed 
that  secret  meetings  were  held  at  his  house,  and  that  the 
republic  was  in  danger.  Hence  a  dictator  was  demanded. 
The  aged  Cincinnatus,  who  had  rescued  the  beleaguered  army 
at  Mt.  Algidus,  was  selected;  and  Servilius  Aha'la  was 
appointed  his    second    in    command,    or    master    of    horse. 


I 


I 


66 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


Mfelius  was  then  summoned  to  appear  before  the  dictator,  to 
answer  the  charge  of  treason.  IJut  foreseeing  his  danger,  he 
implored  the  protection  of  the  people;  whereupon  Servilius 
Ahala  drew  a  dagger  and  stabbed  him  to  the  heart.  The  fate 
of  :\helius  at  lirst  terrified  the  people,  but  they  were  soon 
excited  to  vengeance,  and  Servilius  was  driven  into  exile. 
The  name  of  8p.  .Aficlius  was  thus  associated  with  that  of 
Sp.  Cassius,  the  author  of  the  tirst  agrarian  law.  These  men 
were  accused  of  aiming  to  be  king;  and  both  suffered  death 
as  the  reward  of  their  generous  deeds. 

II.    Wars  with  Veii  and  the  Gauls 

Recovery  of  Roman  Territory.  —  The  reforms  which  had 
been  carried  on  since  the  fall  of  the  decemvirs  gave  fresh  hope 
to  the  plebeians,  and  inspired  the  whole  Roman  people  with 
new  life  and  vigor.  The  armies  in  the  field  also  began  to  be 
successful,  and  Rome  recovered  much  of  her  lost  ground  in 
Latium.  The  triple  league  formed  by  Spurius  Cassius  between 
the  Romans,  Latins,  and  Hernicans,  had  resulted  in  cheeking 
the  Volscians  and  .Ecpuans.  The  Romans  now  felt  encouraged 
to  attai'k  the  Etruscans  in  the  liope  of  recovering  the  territory 
which  they  had  lost  years  before,  when  the  Tarquins  were 
expelled.  Fidenge,  the  Etruscan  city  a  few  miles  north  of 
Rome,  was  captured,  and  the  way  was  opened  to  attack  Veii, 
the  strongest  city  of  Etruria. 

Siege  and  Capture  of  Veii  (B.C.  405-396). —  The  people  of 
Veii  were  not  disposed  to  meet  the  Romans  in  the  open  field, 
but  retreated  within  their  walls.  It  therefore  became  necessary 
to  lay  siege  to  the  city.  The  great  Etruscan  walls  were  too 
strong  to  be  taken  by  assault ;  and  the  Roman  armies  stationed 
themselves  around  the  city  for  the  purpose  of  starving  the 
people  into  submission.  The  Roman  soldiers  were  not  per- 
mitted to  return  home  and  cultivate  their  farms,  as  they  were 
wont  to  do ;  and  so,  for  the  first  time,  they  were  given  regular 
pay  for  their  services.     For  ten  years  the  siege  continued,  when 


[ 


THE   STRUGGLE   FOR   POLITICAL   EQUALITY 


67 


it  was  brought  to  a  close  by  Camil'lus,  who  was  appointed  dic- 
tator. Veii  was  deprived  of  its  inhabitants,  and  its  walls 
inclosed  a  vacant  city.  The  capture  of  Veii  was  the  greatest 
victory  which  the  Romans  had  yet  achieved,  and  Camillus  was 
given  a  splendid  triumph,  when  he  returned  to  Rome.  The 
lands  of  southern  Etruria  also  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Ro- 


Cnv  uF  Vku  (Uestoration) 

mans;   and  four  new  rural  tribes  were  added  to  the  Roman 
donuiin. 

Destruction  of  Rome  by  the  Gauls  fB.C.  390).  —  If  the  cap- 
ture of  Veii  was  the  greatest  victory  which  the  Romans  had  ever 
achieved,  we  now  approach  one  of  the  greatest  disasters  which 
they  ever  suffered.  One  reason  why  Rome  was  able  to  capture 
Veii  was  the  fact  that  the  great  body  of  the  Etruscans  were 
obliged  to  face  a  new  enemy  on  the  northern  frontier,  an  enemy 
whom  they  feared  more  than  the  Romans  on  the  south.      This 


morey's  i:(»i.  hist. 


5 


i 


m 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


Mseliiis  was  then  summoned  to  appear  before  the  dictator,  to 
answer  the  charge  of  treason.  Ihit  foreseeing  his  danger,  he 
imph)red  the  protection  of  the  people;  whereupon  Servilius 
Aliala  drew  a  dagger  and  stabbed  him  to  the  heart.  The  fate 
of  :\Iielius  at  first  terrified  the  people,  but  they  were  soon 
excited  to  vengeance,  and  Servilius  was  driven  into  exile. 
The  name  of  Sp.  Mielius  was  thus  associated  with  that  of 
Bf.  Cassius,  the  author  of  the  first  agrarian  law.  These  men 
were  accused  of  aiming  to  l>e  king;  and  both  suffered  death 
as  the  reward  of  their  generous  deeds. 

II.   Waks  wttit  Veit  axt>  the  Gauls 

Recovery  of  Roman  Territory.  —  The  reforms  which  had 
been  carried  on  since  the  fall  of  the  decemvirs  gave  fresh  hope 
to  the  plebeians,  and  inspired  the  whole  Roman  people  with 
new  life  and  vigor.  The  armies  in  the  field  also  began  to  be 
successful,  and  Rome  recovered  much  of  her  lost  ground  in 
Latium.  The  triple  league  formed  by  Spurius  Cassius  between 
the  Romans,  Latins,  and  Hernicans,  had  resulted  in  checking 
the  Yolscians  and  .Equians.  The  Romans  now  felt  encouraged 
to  attack  the  Etruscans  in  the  hope  of  recovering  the  territory 
which  they  had  lost  years  before,  when  the  Tarquins  were 
expelled.  FideucT,  the  Etruscan  city  a  few  miles  north  of 
Rome,  was  captured,  and  the  way  was  opened  to  attack  Veil, 
the  strongest  city  of  Etruria. 

Siege  and  Capture  of  Veil  (B.C.  405-396). —  The  people  of 
Veii  were  not  disposed  to  meet  the  Romans  in  the  open  field, 
but  retreated  within  their  walls.  It  therefore  became  necessary 
to  lay  siege  to  the  city.  The  great  Etruscan  walls  were  too 
strong  to  be  taken  by  assault;  and  the  Roman  armies  stationed 
themselves  around  the  city  for  the  purpose  of  starving  the 
people  into  submission.  The  Roman  soldiers  were  not  per- 
mitted to  return  home  and  cultivate  their  farms,  as  they  were 
wont  to  do ;  and  so,  for  the  first  time,  they  were  given  regular 
pay  for  their  services.     For  ten  years  the  siege  continued,  when 


»  3 


f 


THE   STRUGGLE   FOR   POLITICAL   EQUALIIY 


67 


it  was  brought  to  a  close  by  Camil'lus,  who  Avas  appointed  dic- 
tator. Veii  was  deprived  of  its  inhabitants,  and  its  Avails 
inclosed  a  vacant  city.  The  capture  of  Veii  Avas  the  greatest 
victory  which  the  Romans  had  yet  achieved,  and  Camillus  Avas 
given  a  splendid  triumph,  Avhen  he  returned  to  Rome.  The 
lands  of  southern  Etruria  also  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Ro- 


CiTY  OK  A'^Kii  (Kestoration) 

mans;   and  four  new  rural  tribes  Avere  added  to  the  Roman 
domain. 

Destruction  of  Rome  by  the  Gauls  (B.C.  390). —  If  the  cap- 
ture of  Veii  Avas  the  greatest  victory  Avhich  the  Romans  had  ever 
achieved,  Ave  noAv  approach  one  of  the  greatest  disasters  Avhich 
they  ever  suffered.  One  reason  Avhy  Rome  Avas  able  to  capture 
Veii  Avas  the  fact  that  the  great  body  of  the  Etruscans  Avere 
obliged  to  face  a  new  enemy  on  the  northern  frontier,  an  enemy 
Avliom  they  feared  more  than  the  Romans  on  the  south.  This 
MOH.n's  i:<)M.  HIST.  —  5 


r 


i 


68 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


THE   STRUGGLE  FOR  POLITICAL  EQUALITY 


69 


enemy  was  the  Gauls,  the  barbarous  nation  which  hekl  the 
valley  of  the  Fo,  and  which  now  swept  south  across  the  Apen- 
nines like  a  hurricane.  News  of  this  invasion  reached  Rome, 
and  it  was  resolved  to  aid  the  Etruscans  in  repelling  the  com- 
mon foe.  The  Roman  army  met  the  Gauls  near  the  little  river 
Allia,  about  eleven  miles  north  of  Rome,  and  suffered  a  terrible 
defeat.  The  Gauls  pressed  on  to  Rome.  They  entered,  plun- 
dered, and  burned  the  city.  Only  the  Capitol  remained.  This 
was  besieged  for  seven  months,  and,  according  to  the  legend, 
was  at  one  time  saved  by  M.  Manlius,  who  was  aroused  by  the 
cackling  of   the  sacred  geese   just  in  time  to  resist  a  night 

assault.  At  last  the  Gauls, 
sated  with  plunder,  and 
induced  by  a  large  bribe, 
retreated  unmolested  — 
or,  as  one  legend  says, 
were  driven  from  the  city 

Wounded  Gaul  j^y  Camillus,  the    hcrO    of 

the  Veientine  war.  The  destruction  of  Rome  by  the  Gauls 
was  a  great  disaster,  not  only  to  Rome,  but  to  all  the  world ; 
because  in  it  the  records  of  the  ancient  city  perished,  leaving 
many  things  in  the  early  history  of  ancient  Rome  dark  and 

obscure. 

The  Restoration  of  Rome.  —  Such  a  disastrous  event  as  the 
Gallic  invasion  would  have  disheartened  almost  any  other 
people;  but  Rome  bent  before  the  storm  and  soon  recovered 
after  the  tempest  was  past.  Many  of  the  people  desired  to 
abandon  the  city  of  ashes,  and  transfer  their  homes  to  the  vacant 
town  of  Veii.  But  it  was  decided  that  Rome  was  the  place 
for  Romans.  The  city  rose  so  quickly  from  its  ruins  that 
little  care  was  taken  in  the  work  of  rebuilding,  so  that  the  new 
streets  were  often  narrow  and  irregular. 

The  Romans  seemed  to  be  in  haste  to  resume  the  work  of 
extending  their  power,  which  had  been  so  favorably  begun  with 
the  conquest  of  Veii,  but  which  had  been  interrupted  by  the 
defeat  on   the   Allia.      Rome  raised  new  armies  and  quickly 


I 


i 


defeated  her  old  enemies,  the  Volscians,  ^quians,  and  Etrus- 
cans, who  tried  to  take  advantage  of  her  present  distress.  The 
hero  Camillus  added  fresh  laurels  to  his  fame.  The  southern 
part  of  Etruria  was  recovered,  and  its  towns  garrisoned  by  mili- 
tary colonies.  Many  towns  of  Latium  also  were  brought  into 
subjection,  and  they  afforded  homes  for  the  poor  people. 
Rome  seemed  almost  ready  to  enter  upon  a  career  of  conquest ; 
but  the  recurrence  of  poverty  and  distress  demanded  the  atten- 
tion of  the  government,  and  showed  the  need  of  further  reforms. 

III.   The  Equalization  of  the  Orders 

Desire  for  Union. —It  became  more  and  more  evident  that 
the  power  of  Rome  depended  upon  the  union  of  her  people ; 
that  harmony,  and  not  discord,  was  the  source  of  her  strength. 
The  two  orders  had  begun  to  feel  that  their  interests  were  one 
and  the  same.     There  had  been  of  late  little  severity  in  the 
application  of  the  law  of  debt ;  there  had  been  a  disposition 
even  to  give  the  plebeians  some  right  in  the  conquered  land; 
and  some  progress  had  been  made  in  opening  to  them  the  pub- 
lic offices.     But  the  great  loss  of  property  and  the  devastation 
resulting  from  the  Gallic  invasion  were  sorely  felt  by  the  poorer 
classes,  and  led  once  more  to  a  general  state  of  poverty  and 
distress.     The  old  grievances  were  revived,  and  a  new  set  of 
reformers  appeared. 

The  Attempt  of  M.  Manlius.  —The  first  attempt  to  relieve  the 
distress  of  the  poor  was  that  of  Marcus  Manlius,  the  defender 
of  the  Capitol.  It  is  said  that  he  rescued  more  than  four 
hundred  of  his  fellow-citizens  from  imprisonment  by  lending 
them  money  without  interest.  He  sold  his  estates  and  devoted 
the  proceeds  to  the  relief  of  debtors.  But  from  being  a  philan- 
thropist, Manlius  soon  became  a  social  agitator,  and  by  his 
harangues  sought  to  inflame  the  people  against  the  govern- 
ment. The  patricians  therefore  sought  to  crush  him.  He  was 
charged  with  conspiracy  against  the  state,  and  was  finally  con- 
demned to  death.     Although  his  motives  and  methods  were  not 


70 


THE   ROMAN    REPUBLIC 


above  reproach,  his  admirers  placed  hiiu  by  the  side  of  Sp. 
Cassius  and  8p.  Madius  as  a  friend  of  the  people  who  was. 
unjustly  condemned  on  the  charge  of  aspiring  to  be  king. 

The  Licinian  Laws  (B.C.  367). —  The  continuation  of  distress 
among  the  lower  classes  showed  how  useless  it  was  to  try  to 
abolish  poverty  by  mere  acts  of  charity,  or  by  exciting  the 
}>opulace.  A  more  thorough  mode  of  reform  was  adopted  under 
the  able  leadership  of  the  two  tribunes,  C.  Licinius  Stolo  and 
L.  Sextius.'  These  men  were  able  and  broad-minded  states- 
men.    It  was  not   mere   relief,  but   reformation,  which   they 

sought. 

In  the  first  place,  they  saw  that  some  relief  must  be  given 
to  the  helpless  debtor  class.  lUit  instead  of  confiscating  all 
debts,  they  proposed  that  the  interest  already  paid  upon  debts 
should  be  deducted  from  the  principal ;  and  that  for  the  pay- 
ment of  the  rest  of  the  principal  three  years'  time  should  be 
allowed. 

In  the  next  place,  they  saw  that  some  definite  regulation 
should  be  nuide  in  the  distril)ution  of  the  public  land,  which 
by  right  belonged  to  the  i)lebeians  as  well  as  to  the  patricians. 
They  therefore  provided  that  the  occupation  of  the  public  land 
should  be  thrown  open  equally  to  all  classes ;  that  no  person 
sliould  receive  and  hold  more  than  five  hundred  iugera  (about 
three  hundred  acres) ;  and  that  the  number  of  slaves  employed 
on  estates  should  be  limited,  thus  giving  an  opportunity  for  the 
poor  freemen  to  earn  something  for  themselves. 

Finally,  they  saw  that  the  plebeians  could  not  receive  full 
justice  until  they  were  admitted  to  the  highest  offices  of  the 
state.  They  therefore  provided  that  the  "  military  tribunate  " 
should  be  done  away  with,  and  that  consuls  should  hereafter 
always  he  elected,  one  of  whom  must  be  a  plebeian. 

It  was  natural  that  such  an  important  scheme  of  legislation 
as  this  should  meet  with  much  opposition,  but  after  a  few 

1  The  iDOst  ordinary  abbreviations  for  Latin  pr(>i>er  names  are  the  fol- 
lowing: C.  for  Gains;  Cn.  for  GnaBUs;  L.  for  Lucius;  M.  for  Marcus;  P.  for 
Publius;  Q.  for  Quintus;  Sp.  for  Spurius;  T.  for  Titus. 


THE   STRUGGLE   FOR  POLITICAL  EQUALITY  71 

years  of  strife,  these  proposals  became  laws.     This  noble  body 
of  law  may  be  called  the  "  third  charter  of  Roman  liberty." 

The  Praetor  and  Curule  iEdiles.  —  The  patricians  were  yet  loath 
to  lose  everything ;  and  so  the  judicial  power  was  taken  away 
from  the  consuls  and  given  to  a  new  officer,  called  the  praetor 
(B.C.  367),  who  must  still  be  a  patrician  ;  also  it  was  provided 
that   there  should  be  two  patrician 
sediles  (called  curule  adiles),  to  police 
the  city,  and  to  offset  the  plebeian 
sediles.     Although  complete  equality 
was  not  even  yet  reached,  the  struggle 
was  practically  ended ;  and  the  great 
Camillus,  who    had  been   appointed 
dictator  and  had  done  much  to  recon- 
cile the  people,  consecrated  a  temple 
to  Concord. 

Final  Equality  of  the  Orders.  —  After 
the  passage  of  the  Licinian  laws,  there 
were    a  few    offices   which   still    re- 
mained   in    the    possession    of    the 
patricians.     These  were  the  dictator- 
ship, the  censorship,  the  prgetorship, 
and   the  curule   aedileship.      But    it 
was   not   many   years    before    these 
offices  also  were  open  to  the  plebe- 
ians,^ and  the  last  barrier  between  the  two  orders  had  been 
broken  down.      There  was  then  no  longer  any  civil  or  political 
distinction  between  the  patrician  and  the  plebeian.     The  old 
Roman  aristocracy,  which  depended  upon  family  relationship, 
passed  away  with  the  Licinian  legislation  and  the  laws  which 
soon  followed  it.     The  union  of  patricians  and  plebeians  into 

1  The  distinction  between  the  plebeian  and  the  curule  aedileship  gradually 
passed  away.  The  dictatorship  was  opened  to  the  plebeians  in  b.c.  35G;  the 
censorship  by  the  law  of  Publilius  Philo,  in  b.c.  351 ;  and  the  pratorship  m 
B.C.  337.  The  legislative  power  of  the  comitia  tributa  was  confirmed  by  the 
Hortensian  law  in  b.c.  286. 


CONCOKD 


72 


THE  ROMAN  KEPUBLIC 


one  compact  body  of  citizens  was  a  triumph  for  Rome  greater 
than  the  conquest  of  Veii,  or  any  other  foreign  victory.     By  it, 
she  conquered  herself.     She  destroyed  for  a  time  the  elements 
of  discord  within  her  own  borders,  and  prepared  herself  to  be- 
come the  ruler  of  the  world. 

SELECTIONS  FOR  READING 

Pelham,  pp.  52-67,  "Struggle  between  the  Orders"  (l)A 

lime,  Early  Rome,  Ch.  21,  "Invasion  of  the  Gauls"  (5). 

How  and  Leigh,  Ch.  12,  "The  Lieinian  Laws"  (1). 

Arnold,  Hist.,  Ch.  20,  "The  Lieinian  Laws"  (2). 

Mommsen,  Vol.  I.,  Bk.  IL,  Ch.  3,  "Equalization  of  the  Orders"  (2). 

Taylor,  Chs.  3-5,  "Struggle  between  the  Orders"  (1). 

Plutarch,  "Camillus"  (11). 

Livy,  Bk.  V.,  Chs.  20-22,  Capture  of  Veii  (4). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

*  Table  of  the  Republican  Magistrates,  giving  their  names,  when 
created,  mode  of  election,  and  powers.  —  Gow,  pp.  172-184  (8)  ;  Shuck- 
burgh,  Ch.  16  (1)  ;  Ramsay  and  Lanciani,  Ch.  5  (8)  ;  Eschenburg,  pp. 
248^252  (8)  ;  Harper's  Diet.  Antiqq.,  "  Consules,"  "Tribunus,"  etc.  (8). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


PEKIOD  IV.    THE  CONQUEST  OF  THE  ITALIAN  PENINSULA 

(B.O.  343-264) 


CHAPTER   X 

THE  CONQUEST  OF  LATIUM 
I.   Beginnixg  of  the  Eoman  Conquest 

Character  of  the  New  Period.  —  The  next  period  of  Roman 
history  is  that  in  which  Rome  began  her  great  career  of  con- 
quest, in  which  she  extended  her  dominion  from  the  banks  of 
the  Tiber  to  the  shores  of  the  Italian  peninsula.  We  are  now 
to  see  how  Rome  became  the  great  conquering  nation  of  the 
world.  The  years  which  lie  before  us  are  therefore  years 
which  are  filled  with  the  clash  of  arms  and  the  stories  of 
battles.  But  they  are  also  years  in  which  Rome  learned  new 
lessons  of  government  and  law ;  and  in  which  she  came  into 
contact  with  more  civilized  peoples,  and  became  herself  more 

civilized. 

Roman  Territory  about  the  Tiber.  —  To  understand  the  course 
of  the  Roman  conquests,  we  should  first  keep  in  mind  the 
extent  of  her  territory  at  the  beginning  of  this  period.  Much 
of  the  land  about  the  Tiber,  which  she  had  lost  with  the  ex- 
pulsion of  the  kings,  she  had  gradually  recovered.  So  that 
now  her  territory  included  lands  not  only  in  Latium,  but  also 
in  Etruria  toward  the  north,  and  in  the  Volscian  country 
toward  the  south.  The  Roman  territory  at  the  beginning  of 
this  period  was  not  large,  but  it  was  compaxjt  and  well  or- 
ganized into  twenty-seven  local  tribes  —  twenty-three  in  the 

73 


I  ~ 


4 


THE  ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  LATIUM 


75 


coiintiry  and  four  in  the  city.  The  most  formidable  and  dan- 
gerous neighbors  of  Rome  at  this  time  were  the  Etruscans  on 
the  north  and  the  Samnites  on  the  south. 

The  First   Samnite  War  in   Campania   (B.C.    341-343). —In 
extending  their  territory,  tlie  Romans  lirst  came  into  contact 

with  the  Samnites,  the  most  warlike 
people  of  central  Italy.     But  the  first 
Samnite   war   was,   as   we    shall    see, 
scarcely  more  than  a  prelude  to  the 
great  Latin  war  and  the  conquest  of 
Liitium.     The  people  of  Samnium  had 
from   their   mountain  home  spread  to 
the  southwest  into  the  plains  of  Cam- 
pania.   They  had  already  taken  Cai)'ua 
from  the  Etruscans,  and  Cumae  from 
the  Greeks.     Enamored  with  the  soft 
climate  of  the  plains  and  the  refined 
manners  of  the  Greeks,  the  Samnites 
in  Campania  had  lost  their  primitive 
valor,  and  had  become  estranged  from 
the  old  Samnite  stock.     In  a  quarrel 
'    which  broke  out  between  the  old  Sam- 
nites    of    the     mountains     and     the 
Campanians,  the  latter  ai)pealed  to  Rome  for  help,  and  prom- 
ised to  become  loyal  Roman   subjects.     Although  Rome  had 
previously  made  a  treaty  with  the  Samnites,  she  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  break  this  treaty,  professing  that  she  was  under  greater 
obligations  to  her  new  subjects  than  to  her  old  allies.     In  this 
wav  be<?au  tlu^  first  contest  between  Rome  and  Samnium  for 
supremacy  in  central  Italy  —  a  contest  which  took  place  on 
the  plains  of  (yampania. 

Battles  of  Mt.  Gaums  and  Suessula.  —  Very  little  is  known 
of  the  details  of  this  war.  According  to  a  tradition,  Avhich  is 
not  very  trustworthy,  two  Roman  armies  were  sent  into  the 
field  —  the  one  for  the  protection  of  Campania,  and  the  other 
for  the  invasion  of  Samnium.     The  first  army,  it  is  said,  met 


Samnite  Warrior 


^ 


Campania  — First  Samnite  War 


the  Samnites  at  Mt.  Gaurus,  near  Cumse,  and  gained  a  decisive 

victory.     The  Samnites  retreated  toward  the  mountains,  and 

rallied  at  Sues'sula,  where 

they  were  again  defeated 

by  the  two  Roman  armies, 

which  had  united  against 

them.    So  brilliant  was  the 

success  of  the  Romans  that 

the    Carthaginians,    it    is 

said,  sent  to  them  a  con- 
gratulatory message  and  a 

golden  crown.      Although 

these  stories  may  not  be 

entirely  true,   it   is   quite 

certain  that  the  Romans  obtained  control  of  the  northern  part 

of  Campania. 

Mutiny  of  the  Roman  Legions.  —  This  success,  however,  was 
marred  by  a  mutiny  of  the  Roman  soldiers,  who  were  stationed 
at  Capua  for  the  winter,  and  who  threatened  to  take  possession 
of  the  city  as  a  reward  for  their  services.  They  submitted 
only  on  the  passage  of  a  solemn  law  declaring  that  every 
soldier  should  have  a  just  share  in  the  fruits  of  war,  regular 
pay,  and  a  part  of  the  booty ;  and  that  no  soldier  should  be 
discharged  against  his  will. 

Rome  withdraws  from  the  War.  —  The  discontent  of  the  sol- 
diers in  the  field  soon  spread  to  the  Latin  allies.  The  Latins 
had  assisted  the  Romans  and  had  taken  a  prominent  part  in  the 
war ;  and  while  the  Roman  army  was  in  a  state  of  mutiny,  they 
were  the  chief  defenders  of  Campania  against  the  Samnites. 
The  Campanians,  therefore,  began  to  look  to  the  Latins  instead 
of  the  Romans,  for  protection;  and  they  too  shared  in  the 
general  defection  against  Rome.  Under  these  circumstances, 
Rome  saw  the  need  of  subduing  her  own  allies  before  under- 
taking a  war  with  a  foreign  enemy.  She  therefore  made  a 
treaty  with  the  Samnites,  withdrew  from  the  war,  and  pre- 
pared for  the  conquest  of  Latium. 


74 


THE  ROMAN  UKPrBLIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  LATIUM 


75 


country  and  four  in  the  city.     The  most  foniiiclable  and  dan- 
gerous neighbors  of  Rome  at  this  time  were  the  Etruscans  on  • 
the  north  and  the  Samnites  on  the  south. 

The  First   Samnite  War  in   Campania    (B.C.    341-343). —  In 
extending  their  territory,  the  Konians  lirst  came  into  contact 

with  the  Samnites,  the  most  warlike 
people  of  central  Italy.     But  the  first 
Samnite   war   was,   as   we    shall    see, 
scarcely  more  than  a  prelude  to  the 
great  Latin  war  and  the  conquest  of 
Latium.     The  people  of  Samnium  had 
from  their  mountain  home  spread  to 
the  southwest  into  the  plains  of  Cam- 
pania.   They  had  already  taken  Cap'ua 
from  the  Etruscans,  and  Cunue  from 
the  Greeks.     Enamored  with  the  soft 
climate  of  the  i)lains  and  the  refined 
manners  of  the  Greeks,  the  Samnites 
in  Campania  had  lost  their  primitive 
valor,  and  had  become  estranged  from 
the  old  Sanniite  stock.     In  a  quarrel 
'    which  broke  out  between  the  old  Sam- 
nites    of     the     mountains     and     the 
Campanians,  the  latter  appealed  to  Rome  for  help,  and  prom- 
ised to  become  loyal  Roman   subjects.     Although  Rome  had 
previously  nuide  a  treaty  with  the  Samnites,  she  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  break  this  treaty,  professing  that  she  was  under  greater 
obligations  to  her  new  subjects  tlian  to  her  old  allies.     In  this 
wav  began  the  first  contest  between  Rome  and  Samnium  for 
supremacy  in  central  Italy  —  a  contest  which  took  place  on 
tht'  plains  of  Campania. 

Battles  of  Mt.  Gaurus  and  Suessula.  —  Very  little  is  known 
of  the  details  of  this  war.  According  to  a  tradition,  which  is 
not  very  trustworthy,  two  Roman  armies  were  sent  into  the 
field  —  the  one  for  the  protection  of  Campania,  and  the  other 
for  the  invasion  of  Samnium.     The  first  army,  it  is  said,  met 


Bamnite  Warrior 


\ 


the  Samnites  at  Mt.  Gaurus,  near  Cumse,  and  gained  a  decisive 
victory.  The  Samnites  retreated  toward  the  mountains,  and 
rallied  at  Sues'sula,  where 
they  were  again  defeated 
by  the  two  Roman  armies, 
which  had  iniited  against 
them.  So  brilliant  was  the 
success  of  the  Romans  that 


f-N^^,,x^^^' 


SCALE  OF  MILES 


Campania  —  First  Sammtk  War 


the  Carthaginians,  it  is 
said,  sent  to  them  a  con- 
gratulatory message  and  a 
golden  crown.  Although 
these  stories  may  not  be 
entirely  true,  it  is  quite 
certain  that  the  Romans  obtained  control  of  the  northern  part 

of  Campania. 

Mutiny  of  the  Roman  Legions.  —  This  success,  however,  was 
marred  by  a  mutiny  of  the  Roman  soldiers,  who  were  stationed 
at  Capua  for  the  winter,  and  who  threatened  to  take  possession 
of  the  city  as  a  reward  for  their  services.  They  submitted 
only  on  the  passage  of  a  solemn  law  declaring  that  every 
soldier  should  have  a  just  share  in  the  fruits  of  war,  regular 
pay,  and  a  part  of  the  booty ;  and  that  no  soldier  should  be 
discharged  against  his  will. 

Rome  withdraws  from  the  War.  —  The  discontent  of  the  sol- 
diers in  the  field  soon  spread  to  the  Latin  allies.  The  Latins 
had  assisted  the  Romans  and  had  taken  a  prominent  part  in  the 
war ;  and  while  the  Roman  army  was  in  a  state  of  mutiny,  they 
were  the  chief  defenders  of  Campania  against  the  Samnites. 
The  Campanians,  therefore,  began  to  look  to  the  Latins  instead 
of  the  Romans,  for  protection;  and  they  too  shared  in  the 
general  defection  against  Rome.  Under  these  circumstances, 
Rome  saw  the  need  of  subduing  her  own  allies  before  under- 
taking a  war  with  a  foreign  enemy.  She  therefore  made  a 
treaty  with  the  Samnites,  withdrew  from  the  war,  and  pre- 
pared for  the  conquest  of  Latium. 


76 


THE  ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


II.  The  Great  Latin  War  (b.c.  340-338) 


THE  CONQUEST  OF   LATIUM 


77 


The  Demands  of  the  Latins.  —  The  relations  between  Rome 
and  the  Latin  cities  had  been  different  at  different  times.  In 
very  early  times,  we  remember,  Home  was  at  the  head  of  the 
Latin  confederacy.  Later  she  was  united  to  the  Latin  league 
by  a  treaty  of  equal  alliance,  formed  by  Sp.  Cassius.  This 
treaty  had  been  dissolved,  and  was  afterward  renewed.  But 
the  Latins  believed  that  Rome  wished  to  resume  her  old  posi- 
tion as  head  of  Latium ;  and  this  they  were  not  willing  to  per- 
mit. They  therefore  decided  that  the  time  had  now  come  to 
demand  absolute  equality  with  Rome ;  and  if  this  were  refused, 
to  declare  their  independence.  They  at  first  sent  an  embassy  to 
Rome,  demanding  that  Romans  and  Latins  should  be  united  in 
one  republic,  on  terms  of  perfect  equality,  and  that  one  consul 
and  half  of  the  senate  be  chosen  from  the  Latins.  This  pro- 
posal was  scornfully  rejected.  One  senator,  ]\Ianlius,  declared 
that  he  would  stab  the  first  Latin  who  was  admitted  to  the 
senate.  Meeting  with  such  a  rebuff,  the  Latins  renounced 
their  allegiance  to  the  "Roman  Jupiter"  and  commenced  their 
war  for  independence. 

The  Parties  to  the  War.  —  When  Rome  withdrew  from  the 
first  Samnite  war,  and  formed  a  treaty  with  Samnium,  the 
Latins  continued  to  fight  in  behalf  of  the  Campanians. 
The  Latins  and  Campanians,  therefore,  continued  their 
friendly  relations,  and  became  the  common  enemies  of  Rome 
and  Samnium.  Bv  such  a  curious  turn  of  fortune,  Rome  was 
able  to  fight  her  previous  allies,  the  Latins,  with  the  aid  of 
her  previous  enemy,  the  Samnites. 

Battle  of  Mt.  Vesuvius  and  the  Defeat  of  the  Latins.  —  As 
Latium  was  now  a  hostile  country,  the  Roman  armies,  under 
Manlius  Torqua'tus  and  Decius  Mus,  were  obliged  to  march 
around  the  northeastern  boundaries  of  Latium,  to  join  the 
Samnite  forces.  When  they  had  formed  a  union  in  Samnium, 
they  invaded  Campania.  They  soon  gained  a  decisive  victory 
near  Mt.  Vesuvius.     Driven  from  Campania,  the  Latins  con- 


V 


tinned  the  war  with  resolute  courage,  but  without  avail.  Tibur, 
Prseneste,  Aricia,  Lanuvium,  Veli'trse,  and  Antium  were  con- 
quered in  succession;  and  in  the  third  year  the  last  city, 
Pedum,  also  surrendered,  and  the  Latin  revolt  was  at  an  end. 
(For  these  cities  see  map,  p.  4G.) 

Stories  of  Manlius  and  Decius.  —  There  are  two  famous  stories 
which  are  told  in  connection  with  this  war,  and  which  illustrate 
two  traits  of  the  Roman  character  —  stern  authority  and  patri- 
otic devotion.  The  first  story  is  told  of  Titus  Manlius,  the 
son  of  the  consul  commanding  the  army.  The  young  Manlius, 
contrary  to  his  father's  orders,  left  the  ranks  to  fight  a  single 
combat  with  one  of  the  enemy's  champions.  The  enemy  was 
slain,  and  INIanlius  carried  the  spoils  in  triumph  to  his  father. 
But  the  father,  instead  of  congratu- 
lating his  son  on  his  success,  con- 
demned him  to  death  for  disobedi- 
ence of  orders.  From  this  time  the 
"  Manlian  orders  "  became  a  synonym 
for  the  severest  discipline.  The  other 
story  is  told  of  Decius  Mus,  the  consul,  who,  in  response  to  a 
miraculous  vision,  sacrificed  his  own  life  that  the  Roman  army 
might  prevail. 

III.   The  Pacificatiox  of  Latium 

Rome's  Policy  of  Pacification. —The  chief  result  of  the  great 
Latin  war  was  the  breaking  up  of  the  Latin  confederacy,  and 
the  adoption  of  a  more  efficient  method  of  governing  the  Latin 
towns.  The  repeated  revolts  of  the  Latins  had  shown  the 
danger  of  dealing  with  a  number  of  towns  united  in  a  league, 
or  confederacy.  The  only  safety  seemed  to  lie  in  destroying 
the  league  and  dealing  with  each  city  by  itself.  This  was 
the  Roman  policy  of  isolation.  It  was  also  evident  that 
all  the  cities  were  not  equally  fit  to  exercise  the  right  of 
Roman  citizenship;  and  upon  this  was  based  the  distinction 
between  perfect  and  imperfect  citizenship.     The  subject  towns 


Coin  of  Decius  Mus 


78 


THE  ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  CENTRAL  IFALY 


79 


of  Latium  and  tliose  of  Campania  were  thus  treated  in  various 
ways. 

Towns  fully  Incorporated.  —  In  the  first  place,  many  of  the 
towns  of  Latium  were  fully  adopted  into  the  Roman  state. 
Their  inhabitants  became  full  Roman  citizens,  with  all  the 
private  and  public  rights,  comprising  the  right  to  trade  and 
intermarry  with  Romans,  the  right  to  vote  in  the  assemblies 
at  Rome,  and  the  right  to  hold  any  public  office.  Their  lands 
became  a  part  of  the  Roman  domain.  The  new  territory  was 
organized  into  two  new  tribes,  making  now  the  total  number 
twenty-nine. 

Towns  partly  Incorporated.  —  But  most  of  the  towns  of  Latium 
received  only  a  part  of  the  rights  of  citizenshij).  To  their 
inhabitants  were  given  the  right  to  trade  and  tlie  right  to 
intermarry  with  Roman  citizens,  but  not  the  right  to  vote  or 
to  liold  office.  This  imperfect,  or  qualified,  citizenship  (which 
liad  before  been  given  to  the  town  of  Ctere)  now  became 
kuown  as  the  "Latin  right." 

Latin  and  Roman  Colonies.  —  In  order  to  keep  in  subjection 
a  refractory  town,  or  to  form  an  outpost  on  the  frontier,  it  was 
customary  to  send  out  a  body  of  citizen  soldiers,  who  occupied 
the  town.  These  were  known  as  military,  or  Latiu,  colonies, 
and  were  made  up  of  persons  who  possessed  the  Latin  right. 
At  the  same  time  Rome  established  on  the  seacoast  maritime, 
or  Roman,  colonies,  as  they  were  called,  composed  entirely  of 
full  Roman  citizens. 

Dependent  Allies. — There  were  certain  other  towns  which 
were  not  incorporated  with  Rome  at  all.  They  were  allowed 
to  retain  their  local  government,  but  were  compelled  to  make 
a  treaty,  l)y  which  they  were  obliged  to  cede  their  public  lands 
to  Rome,  and  to  lend  their  support  in  time  of  war. 

This  wise  method  of  treating  the  variotts  subject  communities 
cemented  more  closely  the  Latin  cities  to  Rome ;  and  was 
the  beginning  of  an  important  policy,  which  was  more  fully 
carried  out  in  the  subsequent  organization  of  Italy  and  of  the 
Mediterranean  world. 


I 


SELECTIONS   FOR  READING 

Arnokl,  Hist.,  Cli.  20,  "The  Great  Latin  War"  (2;.i 

How  and  Lei^'h,  Ch.  13,  ''  Subjugation  of  Latium"  (1). 

LiddcU,  Cli.  20,  -'Great  Latin  War"  (1). 

Ihne,  Hist.,  Bk.  III.,  Ch.  6,  "Great  War  with  the  Latins"  (2). 

Mommsen,  Vol.  I.,  Bk.  II.,  Ch.  5,  "Subjugation  of  the  Latins"  (2). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

Map  of  Latum  and  Campania  after  the  Latin  conquest,  locating 
the  chief  towns,  and  (listin2:uishing  between  (a)  towns  fully  incorporated, 
(6)  towns  partly  incorporated,  (c)  subject  allies,  (d)  Latin  colonies,  and 
(e)  lloman  colonies.  —  How  and  Leigh,  p.  103,  also  map  between  pp.  402 
and  403  (1)  ;  Shuckburgh,  maps  on  pp.  30  and  128  (1)  ;  Liddell,  p.  193 
(1);  relham,  pp.  81,  82  (1). 


CHAPTER   XI 

THE   CONQUEST  OF  CENTRAL   ITALY 

I.    The  Second  Samnite  War  (b.c.  326-304) 

Renewal  of  the  Struggle  for  Central  Italy.  —  The  question  as 
to  who  should  be  supreme  in  central  Italy,  Rome  or  Sam- 
nium,  was  not  yet  decided.  The  tirst  struggle  had  been 
interrupted  by  the  Latin  war ;  and  a  twelve  years'  peace  fol- 
lowed. The  Samnites  saw  that  Rome  was  becoming  stronger 
and  stronger.  But  they  could  not  prevent  this,  because  they 
themselves  were  threatened  in  the  south  by  a  new  enemy. 
Alexander  of  Epi'rus,  the  uncle  of  Alexander  the  Great,  had 
invaded  Italy  to  aid  the  people  of  Taren'tum,  and  also  with  the 
hope  of  building  up  a  new  empire  in  the  West.  Rome  also 
regarded  Alexander  as  a  possible  enemy,  and  hastened  to  make 
a  treaty  with  him  against  the  Samnites.  But  the  death  of 
Alexander  left  the  Tarentines  to  shift  for  themselves,  and  left 

1  The  fij;ure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


80 


THE   ROMAN   RErUliLlC 


the  Samnites  free  to  use  their  whole  force  against  Rome  in  the 
decisive  struggle  nc  ,v  to  come  for  the  mastery  of  central  Italy. 
Cause  of  the  War  again  in  Campania.  —  The  direct  cause  of 
the  second  Samnite  war,  like  that  of  the  first,  grew  out  of 
troubles  in  Campania.  Here  were  situated  the  twin  cities  of 
Pahcp'olis  (the  old  city)  and  Neap'olis  (the  new  city),  which 
were  still  in  the  hands  of  the  Greeks,  but  under  the  protection 
of  the  Samnites.     Many  disputes  arose  between  the  people  of 


XZa  d  r  I  a  t  I  c     sea 


SCALE  OF  MILES        ___^ 

6      To     ^     55      K     S» 


N    I   A 


Centbal  Italy  — Second  and  Third  Samxite  Wars 

these  cities  and  tlie  Koman  settlers  in  Campania.  Palaepolis 
appealed  to  the  Samnites  for  help,  and  a  strong  garrison  was 
given  to  it.  The  Romans  demanded  that  this  garrison  should 
be  withdrawn.  The  Samnites  refused.  The  Romans  then 
declared  war  and  laid  siege  to  Palaepolis,  which  was  soon 
captured  by  Q.  Publilius  IMiilo. 

Battle  at  the  Caudine  Forks  (B.C.  321).  —  In  the  early  part  of 
the  war  the  Romans  were  nearly  everywhere  successful.  They 
formed  alliances  with  the  Apulians  and  Lucanians  on  the 
south,  and  they  also  took  the  strong  city  of  Luce'ria  in  Apulia; 
so  that  the  Samnites  were  surrounded  by  the  Roman  army 


THE   CONQUEST  OF   CENTRAL  ITALY 


J81 


and  their  allies.  But  in  spite  of  these  successes,  the  great 
Samnite  general,  Pontius,  inflicted  upon  the  Romans  one  of 
the  most  humiliating  defeats  that  they  ever  suffered.  The 
Roman  consuls  in  Campania,  deceived  by  the  false  report 
that  Luceria  was  besieged  by  the  whole  Samnite  force,  decided 
to  hasten  to  its  relief  by  going  directly  through  the  heart  of 
the  Samnite  territory.  In  passing  through  a  defile  in  the 
mountains  near  Caudium,  called  the  "Caudine  Forks,''  the 
whole  Roman  force  was  entrapped  by  Pontius  and  obliged  to 
surrender.  The  army  was  compelled  to  pass  under  the 
yoke ;  and  the  consuls  were  forced  to  make  a  treaty,  yielding 
up  all  the  territory  conquered  from  the  Samnites.  But  the 
Roman  senate  refused  to  ratify  this  treaty,  and  delivered  up 
the  offendiiTg  consuls  to  the  Samnites.  Pontius,  however, 
refused  to  accept  the  consuls  as  a  compensation  for  the  broken 
treaty ;  and  demanded  that  the  treaty  should  be  kept,  or  else 
that  the  whole  Roman  army  should  be  returned  to  the  Caudine 
Forks,  where  they  had  surrendered.  Rome  refused  to  do 
either,  and  the  war  was  continued. 

Uprising  of  the  Etrus- 
cans. —  After  breaking 
this  treaty  and  recover- 
ing her  army,  Rome 
looked  forward  to  im- 
mediate success.  But 
in  this  she  was  disap- 
pointed. Everything 
seemed  now  turning 
against  her.  The  cities 
in  Campania  revolted, 
the  Samnites  conquered 
Luceria  in  Apulia  and 
Fregel'lae  on  the  Liris,  wak  in  etruria 

and  gained  an  important  victory  in  the  south  of  Latium 
near  Anxur.  To  add  to  her  troubles,  the  Etruscans  came 
to  the   aid  of  the   Samnites   and   attacked  the   Roman   gar- 


ntninum 


SCALE  OF  MILES 
0    10   20   30   «U  &k) 


80 


THE   llOxMAN   REPUBLIC 


THE   CONQUEST   OF   CENTRAL   ITALY 


J81 


the  Samnites  free  to  use  their  whole  force  against  Rome  in  the 
decisive  struggle  now  to  come  for  the  mastery  of  central  Italy. 
Cause  of  the  War  again  in  Campania.  —  The  direct  cause  of 
the  second  Samnite  war,  like  that  of  the  first,  grew  out  of 
troubles  in  Campania.  Here  were  situated  the  twin  cities  of 
Pahep'olis  (the  old  city)  and  Neap'olis  (the  new  city),  which 
were  still  in  the  hands  of  the  Greeks,  but  under  the  protection 
of  the  Samnites.     Many  disputes  arose  between  the  people  of 


\  ADRIATIC       SEA 


V 


SCALE  OF  MILES       __^ 

6      To     25     30      ?5     Sd 


N   I  A 


Central  Italy  — Second  and  Third  Samnite  Wars 

these  cities  and  the  Roman  settlers  in  Campania.  Palaepolis 
appealed  to  the  Samnites  for  help,  and  a  strong  garrison  was 
given  to  it.  The  Romans  demanded  that  this  garrison  should 
be  withdrawn.  The  Samnites  refused.  The  Romans  then 
declared  war  and  laid  siege  to  Palsepolis,  which  was  soon 
captured  by  Q.  Publilius  Philo. 

Battle  at  the  Caudine  Forks  (B.C.  321).  — In  the  early  part  of 
the  war  the  Pvomans  were  nearly  everywhere  successful.  They 
formed  alliances  with  the  Apulians  and  Lucanians  on  the 
south,  and  they  also  took  the  strong  city  of  Luce'ria  in  Apulia; 
so  that  the  Samnites  were  surrounded  by  the  Roman  army 


i 


and  their  allies.  But  in  spite  of  these  successes,  the  great 
Samnite  general,  Pontius,  inflicted  upon  the  Romans  one  of 
the  most  humiliating  defeats  that  they  ever  suffered.  The 
Roman  consuls  in  Campania,  deceived  by  the  false  report 
that  Luceria  was  besieged  by  the  whole  Samnite  force,  decided 
to  hasten  to  its  relief  by  going  directly  through  the  heart  of 
the  Samnite  territory.  In  passing  through  a  defile  in  the 
mountains  near  Caudium,  called  the  "Caudine  Forks,"  the 
whole  Roman  force  was  entrapped  by  Pontius  and  obliged  to 
surrender.  The  army  was  compelled  to  pass  under  the 
yoke ;  and  the  consuls  were  forced  to  make  a  treaty,  yielding 
up  all  the  territory  conquered  from  the  Samnites.  But  the 
Roman  senate  refused  to  ratify  this  treaty,  and  delivered  up 
the  offendin-g  consuls  to  the  Samnites.  Pontius,  however, 
refused  to  accept  the  consuls  as  a  compensation  for  the  broken 
treaty ;  and  demanded  that  the  treaty  should  be  kept,  or  else 
that  the  whole  Roman  army  should  be  returned  to  the  Caudine 
Forks,  where  they  had  surrendered.  Rome  refused  to  do 
either,  and  the  war  was  continued. 

Uprising  of  the  Etrus- 
cans. —  After  breaking 
this  treaty  and  recover- 
ing her  army,  Rome 
looked  forward  to  im- 
mediate success.  But 
in  this  she  w^as  disap- 
|)ointed.  Everything 
seemed  now  turning 
against  her.  The  cities 
in  Campania  revolted, 
the  Samnites  conquered 
Luceria  in  Apulia  and 
Fregel'lae  on  the  Liris,  vvar  in  etrikia 

and  gained  an  important  victory  in  the  south  of  Latium 
near  Anxur.  To  add  to  her  troubles,  the  Etruscans  came 
to  the   aid  of  the   Samnites   and   attacked   the   Roman   gar- 


SCALg   OF 

6    10  20 


I    U    M 


I 


■ 

n 


I 


82 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


rison  at  Sutrium.  The  hostile  attitude  of  the  Etruscans 
aroused  Rome  to  new  vigor.  Under  the  leadership  of  Q.  Fabius 
Maxinius  Rullia'nus,  the  tide  was  turned  in  her  favor.  Many 
victories  were  gained  over  the  Etruscans,  closing  with  the 
decisive  battle  at  Lake  Vadimo'nis,  and  the  submission  of 
Etruria  to  Rome. 

Capture  of  Bovianum  and  End  of  the  War.  —  Rome  now  made 
desperate  eft'orts  to  recover  her  losses  in  the  south.  Under 
the  consul  L.  Papir'ius  Cursor,  who  was  afterward  appointed 
dictator,  the  Romans  recaptured  Luceria  and  Fregellae.  The 
Samnites  were  defeated  at  Capua  and  driven  out  of  Campania. 
The  war  wa&  then  carried  into  Samnium,  and  her  chief  city, 
Bovia'num,  was  captured.  This  destroyed  the  last  hope  of  the 
Samnites.  They  sued  for  peace  and  were  obliged  to  give  up 
all  their  conquests  and  to  enter  into  an  alliance  with  Rome. 

II.    The  Third  Samnite  War  (b.c.  298-290) 

The  Italian  Coalition  against  Rome.  —  Although  Rome  was 
successful  in  the  previous  war,  it  required  one  more  conflict 
to  secure  her  supremacy  in  central  Italy.  This  war  is  known 
as  the  third  Samnite  war,  but  it  was  in  fact  a  war  between 
Rome  and  the  principal  nations  of  Italy  —  the  Samnites,  the 
Umbriaiis,  the  Etruscans,  and  the  Gauls.  The  Italians  saw 
that  either  Rome  must  be  subdued,  or  else  all  Italy  would  be 
ruled  by  the  city  on  the  Tiber.  This  was  really  a  war  for 
Italian  independence. 

Cause  of  the  War  in  Lucania.  —  Rome  and  Samnium  both  saw 
the  need  of  strengthening  themselves  for  the  coming  conflict. 
Rome  could  depend  upon  the  Latins,  the  Volscians,  and  the 
Campanians  in  the  south.  She  also  brought  under  her  power 
the  iEquians  and  the  Marsians  on  the  east.  So  that  all  her 
forces  were  compact  and  well  in  hand.  The  Samnites,  on  the 
contrary,  were  obliged  to  depend  upon  forces  which  were  scat- 
tered from  one  end  of  the  peninsula  to  the  other.  They  deter- 
mined first  to  win  over  to  their  side  the  Lucanians,  who  were 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  CENTRAL  ITALY 


83 


i\(gNvjoN^6)X«)>^^» 


LUOA.NIAN   S0LDIER8 


their  nearest  neighbors  on  the  south,  but  who  had  been  the 
allies  of  Rome  in  the  previous  war.  This  attempt  of  the  Sam- 
nites to  get  control  of 
Lucania  led  to  the 
declaration  of  war  by 
Rome. 

The  War  carried  into 
Etruria.  —  The  Sam- 
nites now  made  the 
most  heroic  eft'orts  to 
destroy  their  hated 
rival.  Three  armies 
were    placed    in    the 

field,  one  to  defend  Samnium,  one  to  invade  Campania,  and  the 
third  to  march  into  Etruria.     This  last  army  was  expected  to 
join  the  Umbrians,  the  Etruscans,  and  the  Gauls,  and  to  attack 
Rome  from  the  north.     This  was  a  bold  plan,  and  alarmed  the 
city.     Business   was    stopped,   and   all    Roman   citizens  were 
called  to  arms.     Tlie  Roman  forces  moved  into  Etruria  under 
the  consuls  Q.  Fabius  Rullianus  and  Decius  Mus,  the  son  of 
the  hero  who  sacrificed  himself  in  tlie  battle  at  Mt.  Vesuvius. 
The  hostile  armies  were  soon  scattered,  and  the  Samnites  and 
Gauls  retreated  across  the  Apennines  to  Senti'num  (map,  p.  81). 
Battle  of  Sentinum  (B.C.  295).  —  Upon  the  famous  field  of 
Sentinum  was  decided  the  fate  of  Italy.     Fabius  was  opposed 
to  the   Samnites  on   the    right  wing;    and  Decius  Mus  was 
opposed  to  the  Gauls  on  the  left.     Fabius  held  his  ground; 
but  the  Roman  left  wing  under  Decius  was  driven  back  by  the 
terrible  charge  of  the  Gallic  war  chariots.     Decius,  remember- 
ing his  father's  example,  devoted  himself  to  death,  and  the 
Roman  line  was  restored.     The  battle  was  finally  decided  in 
favor  of  the  Romans ;  and  the  hope  of  a  united  Italy  under 
the  leadership  of  Samnium  was  destroyed. 

End  of  the  Italian  Coalition.  —  After  the  great  battle  of  Senti- 
num, the  (Jauls  dispersed;  Umbria  ceased  its  resistance;  and 
the  Etruscans  made  their  peace  in  the  following  year.    But  the 
morey's  ROM.  nrsT. — 0 


84 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


Samnites  continued  the  hopeless  struggle  in  their  own  land. 
They  were  at  last  compelled  to  submit  to  Curius  Denta'tus, 
and  to  make  peace  with  Rome.  Another  attempt  to  form 
a  coalition  against  Rome,  led  by  the  Lucanians,  failed;  and 
Rome  was  left  to  organize  her  new  possessions. 

III.  Results  of  the  Samnite  Wars 

Rome's  Position  in  Central  Italy.  —  The  great  result  of  the 
Samnite  wars  was  to  give  Rome  the  controlling  position  in 
central  Italy.  The  Samnites  were  allowed  to  retain  their  own 
territory  and  their  political  independence.  But  they  were 
compelled  to  give  up  all  disputed  land,  and  to  become  the  sub- 
ject allies  of  Rome.  The  Samnites  were  a  brave  people  and 
fought  many  desperate  battles ;  but  they  lacked  the  organizing 
skill  and  resources  of  the  Romans.  In  this  great  struggle  for 
supremacy  Rome  succeeded  on  account  of  her  persistence  and 
her  great  fortitude  in  times  of  danger  and  disaster ;  but  more 
than  all  else,  on  account  of  her  wonderful  ability  to  unite  the 
forces  under  her  control. 

Increase  of  the  Roman  Territory.  —  As  a  result  of  these  wars, 
the  Roman  territory  was  extended  in  two  directions.  On  the 
west  side  of  the  peninsula,  the  greater  part  of  Campania  was 
brought  into  the  Roman  domain;  and  the  Lucanians  l)ecame 
the  subject  allies  of  Rome.  On  the  east  side  the  Sabines  were 
incorporated  with  Rome,  receiving  the  partial  right  of  citizen- 
ship, which  in  a  few  years  was  extended  to  full  citizenship. 
Umbria  was  also  subdued.  The  Roman  domain  now  stretched 
across  the  Italian  peninsula  from  sea  to  sea.  The  inhabitants 
of  Picenum  and  Apulia  also  became  subject  allies. 

The  New  Colonies.  —  In  accordance  with  her  usual  policy, 
Rome  secured  herself  by  the  establishment  of  new  colonies. 
Two  of  these  were  established  on  the  west  side  —  one  at 
Mintur'nse  at  the  mouth  of  the  Liris  River,  and  the  other 
at  Sinuessa  in  Campania  (map,  p.  80).  In  the  south  a  colony 
was  placed  at  Venusia,  which  was  the  most  powerful  garrison 


M 


THE   CONQUEST  OF   SOUTHERN   ITALY 


85 


that  Rome  had  ever  established,  up  to  this  time.  It  was  made 
up  of  twenty  thousand  Latin  citizens,  and  was  so  situated  as  to 
cut  off  the  connection  between  Samnium  and  Tarentum. 

SELECTIONS   FOR   READING 

Pelham,  Bk.  IL,  Ch.  2,  "Conquest  of  Italy  "  (l).i 

Michelet,  Bk.  II.,  Ch.  2,  "  Conquest  of  Central  Italy"  (6). 

How  and  Leigh,  Ch.  15,  "  Conquest  of  the  Italians"  (1). 

Arnold,  Hist.,  Ch.  33,  "Third  Samnite  War"  (2). 

Monimsen,  Vol.  I.,  Bk.  II. ,  "  Struggle  of  the  Italians  against  Rome  "  (2). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

Roman  Roads.  —  How  and  Leigh,  p.  555  (1)  ;  Leighton,  p.  Ill  (1)  ; 
Ramsay  and  Lanciani,  pp.  76-78  (8)  ;  Guhl  and  Koner,  pp.  341-344  (16)  ; 
Harper's  Diet.  Antiqq.,  "Via"  (8). 


CHAPTER   XII 

THE   CONQUEST  OF   SOUTHERN  ITALY 

I.   Rupture  between  Rome  and  Tarentum 

Greek  Cities  in  Southern  Italy.  —  All  the  peninsular  portion 
of  Italy  was  now  under  the  practical  dominion  of  Rome,  except 
the  Greek  cities  in  the  south.  These  cities  were  the  centers 
of  Greek  art  and  culture.  Situated  upon  the  coast,  they  had 
engaged  in  commerce,  and  on  account  of  their  wealth  they 
were  subject  to  the  depredations  of  their  less  civilized  neigh- 
bors, the  Lucanians  and  Bruttians.  With  no  great  capacity 
for  organization,  they  were  accustomed,  when  assailed,  to  appeal 
to  some  stronger  power  for  help.  They  had  sometimes  looked 
to  Greek  princes,  as  in  the  case  of  Alexander  of  Epirus.  But 
now,  when  Thu'rii  was  threatened  by  the  Lucanians,  this  city 

1  The  fijjure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


86 


THE    ROMAN   REPIBLIC 


threw  itself  upon  the  mercy  of  Kome.  Rome  promptly  inter- 
fered, and  pla(;ed  garrisons  not  only  in  Thurii,  but  also  in 
other  cities  along  the  coast,  as  Croton,  Locri,  and  Khe'gium 
(see  map,  p.  88). 

Rome  and  Tarentum. — The  most  important  of  the  Greek 
cities  of  Italy  was  Tarentum.  This  city  was  now  alarmed 
at  the  rapid  advances  made  by  Rome  on  the  southern  coast. 
Hemmed  in  on  all  sides  by  the  Roman  outposts,  Tarentum 
found  it  necessary  to  decide  whether  she  should  open  her 
gates  to  Rome,  or  maintain  her  independence  with  the  aid  of 
some  Greek  ally.  She  had  already  a  commercial  treaty  with 
Rome,  which  prevented  the  ships  of  the  latter  power  from 
passing  the  Lacinian  promontory.  But  this  treaty  would  not 
prevent  the  Roman  armies  from  threatening  the  city  by  land. 

Cause  of  the  Rupture.  —  While  this 
question  was  yet  undecided,  a  Roman 
war  fleet,  on  its  way  to  the  coast  of 
Umbria,  anchored  in  the  harbor  of 
Tarentum.  The  people  were  angered 
by  this  breach  of  the  treaty,  and  im- 
mediately attacked  the  fleet.  Five  of 
the  Roman  vessels  were  captured,  and 
the  crews  were  either  put  to  death  or 
sold  into  slavery.  A  Roman  embassy 
which  was  sent  to  Tarentum  to  de- 
mand reparation  was  grossly  insulted. 
The  Romans  thereupon  declared  war, 
and  sent  an  army  to  subdue  the  in- 
solent city. 

Tarentum  calls  upon  Pyrrhus.  — 
There  was  now  but  one  course  open 
to  the  people  of  Tarentum,  and  that 
was  to  appeal  to  Greece  for  protec- 
tion. Pyrrhus  was  at  this  time  king  of  Epirus.  He  was  a 
brilliant  and  ambitious  leader,  and  aspired  to  found  an  empire 
in  the  West.     When  Tarentum  appealed  to  him  for  help,  he 


Pyrkiu'S 


THE   CONQUEST  OF   SOUTHERN  ITALY 


87 


t 


was  ready  not  only  to  aid  this  city,  but  to  rescue  all  the  Greek 
cities  of  Italy  from  Rome,  and  also  all  the  cities  of  Sicily  from 
the  power  of  Carthage.  The  war  which  the  Romans  began 
against  Tarentum  was  thus  turned  into  a  war  against  Pyrrhus, 
who  was  the  ablest  general  of  his  time. 

IT.    War  with  Pyrrhus  (b.c.  280-275) 

Pyrrhus  lands  in  Italy.  —  Pyrrhus  landed  in  Italy,  bringing 
with  him  a  mercenary  army  raised  in  different  parts  of  Greece, 
consisting  of  twenty -five  thousand  men  and  twenty  elephants. 
Tarentum  was  placed  under  the  strictest  military  discipline. 
Rome,  on  her  part,  made  the  greatest  preparations  to  meet  the 
invader.  Her  garrisons  were  strengthened.  One  army  was 
sent  into  Etruria,  to  prevent  an  uprising  in  the  north ;  and  the 
main  army,  under  the  consul  Valerius  Lsevi'nus,  was  sent  to 
southern  Italy. 

Battle  of  Heraclea  (B.C.  280).  —The  first  battle  between  the 
Italian  and  Greek  soldiers  occurred  at  Heracle'a,  not  far  from 
Tarentum.  It  was  here  that  the  Roman  legion  first  came  into 
contact  with  the  Macedonian  phalanx.  The  legion  was  drawn 
up  in  three  separate  lines,  in  open  order ;  and  the  soldiers, 
after  hurling  the  javelins,  fought  at  close  quarters  with  the 
sword.  The  phalanx,  on  the  other  hand,  was  a  solid  mass  of 
soldiers  in  close  order,  with  their  shields  touching,  and  twenty 
or  thirty  ranks  deep.  Its  weapon  was  a  long  spear,  so  long 
that  the  points  of  the  first  five  ranks  all  projected  in  front  of 
the  first  rank.  Pyrrhus  selected  his  ground  on  the  open  plain. 
Seven  times  the  Roman  legions  charged  against  his  unbroken 
phalanxes.  After  the  Roman  attack  was  exhausted,  Pyrrhus 
turned  his  elephants  upon  the  Roman  cavalry,  which  fled  in 
confusion,  followed  by  the  rest  of  the  Roman  army.  The 
Romans,  though  defeated  in  this  l)attle,  displayed  wonderful 
courage  and  discipline,  so  that  Pyrrhus  exclaimed,  "With  such 
an  army  I  could  conquer  the  world !  " 

Embassy  of  Cineas.  —  The  great  losses  which  Pyrrhus  suf- 


88 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


fered  convinced  him  that  the  Romans  could  not  be  conquered 
with  the  forces  which  lie  had  under  his  command ;  and  that 
he  had  better  turn  his  attention  to  the  Carthaginians  in  Sicily. 
He  therefore  resolved  to  use  his  victory  as  a  means  of  obtain- 
ing an  honorable  peace  with  the  Romans.     His  most  trusted 


SCALE  or  MILES 


Maona  Gb^cia— Thk  War  with  Pyrrhus 

minister,  Cin'eas,  who  is  said  to  have  conquered  more  nations 
with  his  tongue  than  Pyrrhus  had  with  his  sword,  was  sent  to 
Rome  with  the  proposal  to  make  peace,  on  condition  that  the 
Romans  should  relinquish  their  conquests  in  southern  Italy. 
So  persuasive  were  the  words  of  (Jineas,  that  the  Roman 
senate  seemed  ready  to  consider  his  offer.     But  the  charm  of 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  SOUTHERN  ITALY 


89 


his  speech  was  broken  by  the  stern  eloquence  of  Appius  Clau- 
dius, the  blind  old  censor,  who  called  upon  the  senate  never 
to  make  peace  with  an  enemy  on  Roman  soil.  Failing  in  his 
mission,  Cineas  returned  to  his  master  with  the  report  that 
the  Roman  senate  was  "  an  assembly  of  kings."  To  give  force 
to  the  claims  of  Cineas,  Pyrrhus  had  pushed  his  army  into 
Campania,  and  even  into  Latium ;  but  finding  the  cities  loyal 
to  Rome,  he  withdrew  again  to  Tarentum. 

Battle  of  Asculum  (B.C.  279).  —  In  southern  Italy,  Pyrrhus 
received  the  support  of  the  Greek  cities,  of  the  Bruttians,  the" 
Lucanians,  and  even  the  Samnites.  In  the  next  year  he 
marched  into  Apulia,  in  the  direction  of  the  Roman  strong- 
hold Luceria.  The  hostile  armies  met  at  As'culum,  a  few  miles 
south  of  Luceria.  The  battle  of  Asculum  was  a  repetition  of 
Heraclea.  The  Roman  legions  charged  in  vain  against  the 
Greek  phalanxes;  and  were  then  routed  by  the  elephants, 
which  they  could  not  withstand.  But  again,  although  the 
Romans  were  defeated,  the  great  losses  of  Pyrrhus  prevented 
him  from  following  up  his  victory. 

Pyrrhus  in  Sicily  (B.C.  278-276).  — Pyrrhus  resolved  to  turn 
his  back  upon  Italy,  where  his  victories  had  been  so  barren, 
and  go  to  the  rescue  of  the  Greek  cities  in  Sicily,  which  were 
subject  to  Carthage.  Leaving  his  general,  Milo,  at  Tarentum, 
he  crossed  over  to  Syracuse,  and  gained  many  victories  over 
the  Carthaginians.  He  drove  them  to  their  stronghold  in 
Lilybae'um,  at  the  western  extremity  of  the  island ;  but  this 
city  he  failed  to  capture.  He  then  called  upon  the  people  of 
Sicily  to  build  a  fleet,  but  they  murmured  at  his  severe  com- 
mand. Believing  that  such  a  people  was  unworthy  of  his  aid, 
he  returned  to  Tarentum.  In  the  meantime  the  Romans  had 
recovered  nearly  all  their  lost  ground  in  southern  Italy. 

Battle  of  Beneventum  and  Departure  of  Pyrrhus  (B.C.  275).  — 
Before  abandoning  Italy,  Pyrrhus  determined  once  more  to 
try  the  fortunes  of  war.  One  of  the  consular  armies,  under 
Curius  Dentatus,  lay  in  a  strong  position  near  Beneven'tum  in 
the  hilly  regions  of  Samnium.     Pyrrhus  resolved  to  attack 


88 


THE   ROMAN   KErUBLIC 


if 


fered  convinced  him  that  the  Romans  could  not  be  conquered 
with  the  forces  which  he  had  under  his  command ;  and  that 
he  had  better  turn  his  attention  to  the  Carthaginians  in  Sicily. 
He  therefore  resolved  to  use  his  victory  as  a  means  of  obtain- 
ing an  honorable  peace  with  the  Konians.     His  most  trusted 


(.'roton 
'Lucinium  Pr, 


Synicuse 


SCALE  or  MILES 


Magna  Gr-scia— Tiik  War  with  Pyrrhis 

minister,  Cin'eas,  who  is  said  to  have  conquered  more  nations 
with  his  tongue  than  Pyrrhus  liad  with  his  sword,  was  sent  to 
Rome  with  the  pro])osal  to  make  peace,  on  condition  that  the 
Romans  should  relinquish  their  coufjuests  in  southern  Italy. 
So  persuasive  were  the  words  of  ('ineas,  that  the  Roman 
senate  seemed  ready  to  consider  his  offer.     But  the  charm  of 


THE   CONQUEST  OF  SOUTHERN  ITALY 


89 


his  speech  was  broken  by  the  stern  eloquence  of  Appius  Clau- 
dius, the  blind  old  censor,  who  called  upon  the  senate  never 
to  make  peace  with  an  enemy  on  Roman  soil.  Failing  in  his 
mission,  Cineas  returned  to  his  master  with  the  report  that 
the  Roman  senate  was  "  an  assembly  of  kings."  To  give  force 
to  the  claims  of  Cineas,  Pyrrhus  had  pushed  his  army  into 
Campania,  and  even  into  Latium ;  but  finding  the  cities  loyal 
to  Rome,  he  withdrew  again  to  Tarentum. 

Battle  of  Asculum  (B.C.  279).  —  In  southern  Italy,  Pyrrhus 
received  the  support  of  the  Greek  cities,  of  the  Bruttians,  the 
Lucanians,  and  even  the  Samnites.  In  the  next  year  he 
marched  into  Apulia,  in  the  direction  of  the  Roman  strong- 
hold Luceria.  The  hostile  armies  met  at  As'culum,  a  few  miles 
south  of  Luceria.  The  battle  of  Asculum  was  a  repetition  of 
Heraclea.  The  Roman  legions  charged  in  vain  against  the 
Greek  phalanxes;  and  were  then  routed  by  the  elephants, 
which  they  could  not  withstand.  But  again,  although  the 
Romans  were  defeated,  the  great  losses  of  Pyrrhus  prevented 
him  from  following  up  his  victory. 

Pyrrhus  in  Sicily  (B.C.  278-276). — Pyrrhus  resolved  to  turn 
liis  back  upon  Italy,  where  his  victories  had  been  so  barren, 
and  go  to  the  rescue  of  the  Greek  cities  in  Sicily,  which  were 
subject  to  Carthage.  Leaving  his  general,  Milo,  at  Tarentum, 
he  crossed  over  to  Syracuse,  and  gained  many  victories  over 
the  Carthaginians.  He  drove  them  to  their  stronghold  in 
Lilybae'um,  at  the  western  extremity  of  the  island ;  but  this 
city  he  failed  to  capture.  He  then  called  upon  the  people  of 
Sicily  to  build  a  fleet,  but  they  murmured  at  his  severe  com- 
mand. Believing  that  such  a  people  was  unworthy  of  his  aid, 
he  returned  to  Tarentum.  In  the  meantime  the  Romans  had 
recovered  nearly  all  their  lost  ground  in  southern  Italy. 

Battle  of  Beneventum  and  Departure  of  Pyrrhus  (B.C.  275).  — 
Before  abandoning  Italy,  Pyrrhus  determined  once  more  to 
try  the  fortunes  of  war.  One  of  the  consular  armies,  under 
Curius  Dentatus,  lay  in  a  strong  position  near  Beneven'tum  in 
the  hilly  regions  of  Samnium.     Pyrrhus  resolved  to  attack 


90 


THE   ROMAN    REPUBLIC 


this  army  before  it  could  be  reenforced.  He  stormed  the 
Koman  position,  and  was  repulsed.  The  Koman  consul  then 
pursued  him  to  the  plains  and  gained  a  complete  victory. 
Baffled  and  disappointed,  Pyrrhus  retreated  to  Tarentum ;  and 
leaving  a  garrison  in  that  city  under  his  lieutenant,  Milo,  he 
led  the  remnants  of  his  army  back  to  Greece. 

III.    Final  Reductiox  of  Italy 

Fall  of  Tarentum  (B.C.  272).  —  After  the  departure  of 
Pyrrhus,  Rome  had  no  real  rival  left  in  Italy.  The  com- 
plete reduction  of  the  i)eninsula  speedily  followed.  Tarentum 
was  besieged,  and  after  a  stubborn  resistance  of  four  years, 
Milo  agreed  to  surrender,  on  condition  of  being  allowed  to 
withdraw  his  garrison  to  Epirus  (b.c.  272).  The  city  was 
allowed  to  retain  its  local  government,  but  was  obliged  to 
pay  an  annual  tribute  to  Rome. 

The  Lucanians,  Bruttians,  and  Samnites.  —  Some  of  the  people 
in  the  south  of  Italy  were  still  loath  to  accept  the  supremacy  of 

Rome,  and  kept  up  a  kind  of  guerrilla  war- 
fare for  some  time.  But  the  Lucanians  and 
Bruttians  were  soon  obliged  to  submit,  and 
all  the  cities  on  the  coast  finally  came  under 
the  Roman  power.  A  temi)orary  revolt  of 
the  Samnites  was  also  crushed.  The  Roman 
power  in  the  south  was  secured  by  strong 
colonies,  planted  at  Paestum  in  Lucania  (b.c. 
273)  and  at  I*>eneventum  in  Samnium  (b.c. 
208). 

Picenum  and  Umbria.  —  With  the  south 
paciHiMl,  Home  soon  brought  into  submission 
the  Italian  remnants  on  the  eastern  coast. 
The  chief  city  of  Picenum,  Anco'na  (see 
map,  p.  81),  was  taken  by  storm  (b.c.  268), 
and  the  whole  country  was  reduced.  Farther 
to  the  north,  the  chief  city  of  Umbria,  Arim'inum,  was  also 
taken  (b.c.  266),  and  the  territory  yielded  to  Rome. 


Etri'scan  Vask 


SUPREMACY   OF   ROME   IN   ITALY 


91 


:\ 


Reduction  of  Etruria.  —  A  spirit  of  defection  still  existed  in 
some  parts  of  Etruria.  The  most  haughty  of  the  Etruscan 
cities  was  Volsin'ii,  which  was  selected  as  an  example.  Its 
walls  were  razed  to  the  ground,  and  its  works  of  art  were 
transferred  to  Rome.  After  tlie  fall  of  this  city,  all  the  other 
towns  not  already  allied  to  Rome  were  willing  to  submit ;  and 
Rome  ruled  supreme  from  the  Rubicon  and  Macra  to  the 
Sicilian  strait. 

SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Liddell,  Ch.  26,  "  Pyrrhus  in  Italy"  (l).i 

How  and  Leigh,  Ch.  1(5,  "  War  with  Tarentum  and  Pyrrhus"  (1). 
Shuckburgh,  Ch.  15,  "  Rome  and  Tarentum"  (1). 

Mommsen,  Vol.   I.,   Bk.    II.,  Ch.   7,    "Struggle  between  Pyrrhus  and 
Rome"  (2). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

The  Romas  Army. —How  and  Leigh,  pp.  lo5-141  (1);  Leighton, 
Ch.  29  (1)  ;  Liddell,  pp.  187-180  (1);  Shuckburgh,  pp.  214-218  (1)  ; 
Beesly,  Ch.  0  (0)  ;  Ramsay  and  Lanciani,  Cli.  12  (8)  ;  Eschenburg, 
pp.  270-285  (8)  ;  Guhl  and  Koner,  pp.  507-591  (16)  ;  Harper's  Diet. 
Antiqq.,  "  Legio,"  "Exercitus"  (8). 


CHAPTER   XIII 

SUPREMACY   OF   ROME   IN   ITALY 

1.   The  Sovereign  Roman   State 

The  Sovereign  and  Subject  Communities.  —  To  understand  prop- 
erly the  history  of  Rome,  we  must  study  not  only  the  way  in 
which  she  conquered  her  territory,  but  also  the  way  in  which 
she  organized  and  governed  it.  The  study  of  her  wars  and 
battles  is  less  important  than  the  study  of  her  policy.  Rome 
was  always  learning  lessons  in  the  art  of   government.     As 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


92 


THE   ROxMAN  REPUBLIC 


is 


« 

s 

'I 
'I 
i 

! 


she  grew  in  power,  she  also  grew  in  political  wisdom.  With 
every  extension  of  her  territory,  she  was  obliged  to  extend  her 
authority  as  a  sovereign  power.  If  we  woukl  comprehend  the 
political  system  which  grew  up  in  Italy,  we  must  keep  clearly 
in  mind  the  distinction  between  the  people  who  made  up  the 
sovereign  body  of  the  state,  and  the  people  who  made  up  the 
subject  communities  of  Italy.  Just  as  in  early  times  we  saw 
two  distinct  bodies,  the  patrician  body,  which^  ruled  the  state, 
and  the  plebeian  body,  which  was  subject  to  the  state ;  so  now 
we  shall  see,  on  the  one  hand,  a  ruling  body  of  citizens,  who 
lived  in  and  about  the  city  upon  the  Roman  domain  (ciger 
Romanus),  and  on  the  other  hand,  a  subject  body  of  people, 
living  in  towns  and  cities  throughout  the  rest  of  Italy.  In 
other  words,  we  shall  see  a  part  of  the  territory  and  people 
incorporated  into  the  state,  and  another  part  unincorporated 
—  the  one  a  sovereign  community,  and  the  other  a  subject 
class. 

Extent  of  the  Roman  Domain.  —  The  Roman  domain  proper, 
or  the  ager  Romanus,  was  that  part  of  the  territory  in  which 
the  people  were  fully  incorporated  into  the  state,  and  were 
admitted  to  the  full  rights  of  citizenship.  It  was  the  sover- 
eign domain  of  the  Roman  people.  This  domain  land,  or 
incorporated  territory,  had  been  gradually  growing  while  the 
conquest  of  Italy  was  going  on.  It  now  included,  speaking 
generally,  the  most  of  Latium,  northern  Campania,  southern 
Etruria,  the  Sabine  country,  Picenum,  and  a  part  of  Umbria. 
There  were  a  few  towns  within  this  area,  like  Tibur  and 
Praeneste,  which  were  not  incorporated,  and  hence  not  a  part 
of  the  domain  land,  but  retained  the  position  of  subject  allies. 

The  Thirty-three  Tribes.  —  Within  the  Roman  domain  were 
the  local  tribes,  which  had  now  increased  in  number  to 
thirty-three.  They  included  four  urban  tribes,  that  is,  the 
wards  of  the  city,  and  twenty-nine  rural  tribes,  which 
were  like  townships  in  the  country.  All  the  persons  who 
lived  in  these  tribal  districts  and  were  enrolled,  formed  a  part 
of  the  sovereign  body  of  the  Roman  people,  that  is,  they  had  a 


SUPREMACY  OF  ROME   IN  ITALY 


93 


H 


share  in  the  government,  in  making  the  laws,  and  in  electing 
the  magistrates. 

The  Roman  Colonies.  —  The  colonies  of  citizens  sent  out  by 
Rome  were  allowed  to  retain  all  their  rights  of  citizenship, 
being  permitted  even  to  come  to  Rome  at  any  time  to  vote 
and  help  make  the  laws.  These  colonies  of  Roman  citizens 
thus  formed  a  part  of  the  sovereign  state ;  and  their  territory, 
wherever  it  might  be  situated,  was  regarded  as  a  part  of  the 
ager  Romanus.  Such  were  the  colonies  along  the  seacoast, 
Antium  and  Anxur  in  Latium,  Minturna3  in  the  Volscian 
country,  and  Sinuessa  in  Campania  (see  map,  p.  80). 

II.   The  Subject  Commuxities 

The  Subject  Territory.  —  Over  against  this  sovereign  body 
of  citizens  living  upon  the  ager  Romanus,  were  the  subject 
communities  scattered  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of 
the  peninsula.  The  inhabitants  of  this  territory  had  no  share 
in  the  Roman  government.  iS'either  could  they  declare  war, 
make  peace,  form  alliances,  or  coin  money,  without  the  consent 
of  Rome.  Although  they  might  have  many  privileges  given  to 
them,  and  might  govern  themselves  in  their  own  cities,  they 
formed  no  part  of  the  sovereign  body  of  the  Roman  people. 

The  Municipia.  —  Rome  was  very  skillful  in  grading  her  sub- 
ject communities,  giving  some  of  them  more  and  some  of  them 
less  privileges.  The  subject  towns  which  were  most  privileged 
were  the  municipHa.  They  could  govern  themselves  in  their 
own  affairs.  Their  inhabitants  had  the  right  to  trade  (commer- 
chim)  and  to  intermarry  (convbium)  with  Roman  citizens,  that 
is,  the  private  rights  of  citizens;  but  they  had  none  of  the 
political  rights  of  Romans,  that  is,  they  did  not  have  the  right 
to  vote  {suffragium),  nor  to  be  elected  to  the  Roman  offices 
Qionores). 

The  Latin  Colonies.  —  Another  part  of  the  subject  commu- 
nities of  Italy  were  the  Latin  colonies.  These  were  the  mili- 
tary garrisons  which  Rome  sent  out  to  hold  in  subjection  a 


\  k 


94 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


SUPREMACY   OF   ROME   IN   ITALY 


95 


conquered  city  or  territory.  They  were  generally  made  up 
of  veteran  soldiers,  or  sometimes  of  poor  Komau  citizens,  who 
were  placed  upon  the  conquered  land  and  who  ruled  the  con- 
quered peoi)le.  But  such  garrisons  did  not  retain  the  full 
rights  of  citizens.  They  lost  the  political  rights,  and  generally 
the  conubiuMf  but  retained  the  commercium.  Some  of  the 
more  important  of  these  colonies  were  Luceria  and  Venusia  in 
Apulia,  Beneventum  in  Samnium,  Picstum  in  Lucania,  Hadria 
in  Ficenuui,  and  Ariminuni  in  l'm])ria. 

The  Italian  Allies.  —  The  largest  part  of  the  subject  commu- 
nities were  the  Italian  cities  which  were  conquered  and  left 
free  to  govern  themselves,  but  which  were  bound  to  Kome  by 
a  special  treaty.  They  were  obliged  to  recognize  the  sovereign 
power  of  Rome.  They  were  not  subject  to  the  land  tax  which 
fell  upon  lioman  citizens,  but  were  obliged  to  furnish  troops 
for  the  Koman  army  in  times  of  war.  These  cities  of  Italy, 
thus  held  in  subjection  to  Rome  by  a  special  treaty,  were 
known  as  federated  cities  (cirftates  fwileratw)^  or  simply  as 
allies  {socii)  ;  they  formed  the  most  important  part  of  the 
Italian  population  not  incorporated  into  the  Roman  state. 

This  method  of  governing  Italy  was,  in  some  respects,  based 
upon  the  policy  which  had  formerly  been  adopted  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  Latium  (see  p.  77).  The  important  distinction 
between  Romans,  Latins,  and  Italians  continued  until  the 
**' social  war"  (consult  map,  p.  167). 

III.     The  Military  System 

The  Roman  Army.  —  The  conquest  of  Italy  was  due,  in 
great  measure,  to  the  efficiency  of  the  Roman  army.  The 
strength  of  the  Roman  government,  too,  depended  upon  the 
army,  which  was  the  real  support  of  the  civil  power.  By  their 
conquests  the  Romans  became  a  nation  of  warriors.  Every 
citizen  between  the  ages  of  seventeen  and  forty-five  was 
obliged  to  serve  in  the  army,  when  the  public  service 
required  it.     In  early  times  the  wars  lasted  only  for  a  short 


period,  and  consisted  in  ravaging  the  fields  of  the  enemy ; 
and  the  soldier's  reward  was  the  booty  which  he  was  able  to 
capture.  But  after  the  siege  of  Veii,  the  term  of  service 
became  longer,  and  it  became  necessary  to  give  to  the  soldiers 
regular  pay.     This  pay,  with  the  prospect  of  plunder  and  of 


Soldiers  and  their  P.oc^ty 


a  share  in  the  allotment  of  conquered  land,  furnished  a 
strong  motive  to  render  faithful  service. 

Divisions  of  the  Army.  —  In  case  of  war  it  was  customary 
to  raise  four  legions,  two  for  each  consul.  Each  legion  was 
composed  of  thirty  maniples,  or  companies,  of  heavy-armed 
troops,  —  twenty  maniples  consisting  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty  men  each,  and  ten  maniples  of  sixty  men  each, — 
making  in  all  three  thousand  heavy-armed  troops.  There 
were  also  twelve  hundred  light-armed  troops,  not  organized 
in  maniples.  The  whole  number  of  men  in  a  legion  was 
therefore  forty-two  hundred.  To  each  legion  was  usually 
joined  a  body  of  cavalry,  numbering  three  hundred  men. 
After  the  redaction  of  Latium  and  Italv,  the  allied  cities  were 
also  obliged  to  furnish  a  certain  number  of  men,  according  to 
the  terms  of  the  treaty. 

Order  of  Battle.  —  In  ancient  times  the  Romans  fought  in 
the  manner  of  the  Greek  phalanx,  in  a  solid  square.     This 


96 


THE   UUMAN   REPUBLIC 


SUPREMACY   OF   ROME   IN   ITALY 


97 


? 


t 

■  i 

t 

It 


I 


arrangement  was  well  suited  to  withstand  an  attack  on  a  level 
plain,  but  it  was  not  adapted  to  aggressive  warfare.  About 
the  time  of  Camillus,  the  Romans  introduced  the  more  open 
order  of  "maniples."  When  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle,  the 
legion  was  arranged  in  three  lines :  first,  the  hastati,  made  up 
of  young  men ;  second,  the  x>riH^cq)es,  composed  of  the  more 
experienced  soldiers;  and  third,  the  triarii,  which  comprised 
the  veterans,  capable  of  supporting  the  other  two  lines.  Each 
line  was  composed  of  ten  maniples,  those  of  the  first  two  lines 
consisting  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  men  each,  and  those  of 
the  third  line  consisting  of  sixty  men  each;  the  maniples,  or 
companies,  in  each  line  were  so  arranged  that  they  were 
opposite  the  spaces  in  the  next  line,  as  follows :  — 

1.  Hastati        -----..-.. 

2.  Frincipes        -------.., 

3.  Triarii        ------.._. 

This  arrangement  enabled  the  companies  in  front  to  retreat 
into  the  spaces  in  the  rear,  or  the  companies  in  the  rear  to 

advance  to  the  spaces  in  front. 
Behind  the  third  line  usually 
fought  the  light-armed  and  less 
experienced  soldiers  (rorarii 
and  accensi).  Each  maniple 
carried  its  own  ensign  ;  and  the 
legion  carried  a  standard  sur- 
mounted with  a  silver  eagle. 

Armor  and  Weapons.  —  The 
defensive  armor  of  all  the  three 
lines  was  alike  —  a  coat  of  mail 
for  the  breast,  a  brass  helmet 
for  the  head,  greaves  for  the 
legs,  and  a  large  oblong  shield  carried  upon  the  left  arm.  For 
offensive  weapons,  each  man  carried  a  short  sword,  which  could 
be  used  for  cutting  or  thrusting.  The  soldiers  in  the  first  two 
lines  each  had  also  two  javelins,  to  be  hurled  at  the  enemy 
before  coming  into  close  quarters  j  and  those  of  the  third  line 


Roman  Stanpabds 


each  had  a  long  lance,  which  could  be  used  for  piercing.  It 
was  with  such  arms  as  these  that  the  lioman  soldiers  conquered 
Italy. 

Military  Rewards  and  Honors.  —  The  Romans  encouraged  the 
soldiers  with  rewards  for  their  bravery.  These  were  bestowed 
by  the  general  in  the  presence  of  the  whole  army.  The  high- 
est individual  reward  was  the  "  civic  crown,"  made  of  oak 
leaves,  given  to  him  who  had  saved  the  life  of  a  fellow-citizen  on 
the  battlefield.    Other  suitable  rewards,  such  as  golden  crowns, 


Military  Rewards 


banners  of  different  colors,  and  ornaments,  were  bestowed  for 
singular  bravery.  When  a  general  slew  the  general  of  the 
enemy,  the  captured  spoils  (spolia  opima)  were  hung  up  in  the 
temple  of  Jupiter  Feretrius.  The  highest  military  honor  which 
the  Roman  state  could  bestow  was  a  triumph,  —  a  solemn  pro- 
cession, decreed  by  the  senate,  in  which  the  victorious  general, 
with  his  army,  marched  through  the  city  to  the  Capitol,  bear- 
ing in  his  train  the  trophies  of  war. 

Military  Roads.  —  An  important  part  of  the  military  system 


t'l 


96 


THE   KOMAN   REPUBLIC 


SUPREMACY   OF   ROME   IN   ITALY 


97 


( 
I 


arrangement  was  well  suited  to  withstand  an  attack  on  a  level 
plain,  but  it  was  not  adapted  to  aggressive  warfare.  About 
the  time  of  Camillus,  the  llomans  introduced  the  more  open 
order  of  "  maniples."  When  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle,  the 
legion  was  arranged  in  three  lines :  first,  the  hastati,  made  up 
of  young  men ;  second,  the  prin^cipeSy  composed  of  the  more 
experienced  soldiers ;  and  third,  the  frkin'i,  which  comprised 
the  veterans,  capable  of  supporting  the  other  two  lines.  Each 
line  was  composed  of  ten  maniples,  those  of  the  first  two  lines 
consisting  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  men  each,  and  those  of 
the  third  line  consisting  of  sixty  men  each;  the  maniples,  or 
companies,  in  each  line  were  so  arranged  that  they  were 
opposite  the  spaces  in  the  next  line,  as  follows :  — 

1.  Hastati        ----_-.___ 

2.  Frincipes        -----__-_, 

3.  Triarii        -------.., 

This  arrangement  enabled  the  companies  in  front  to  retreat 
into  the  spaces  in  the  rear,  or  the  companies  in  the  rear  to 

advance  to  the  spaces  in  front. 
Behind  the  third  line  usually 
fought  the  light-armed  and  less 
experienced  soldiers  (rorarii 
and  accensi).  Each  maniple 
carried  its  own  ensign  ;  and  the 
legion  carried  a  standard  sur- 
mounted with  a  silver  eagle. 

Armor  and  Weapons. — The 
defensive  armor  of  all  the  three 
lines  was  alike  —  a  coat  of  mail 
for  the  breast,  a  brass  helmet 
for  the  head,  greaves  for  the 
legs,  and  a  large  oblong  shield  carried  upon  the  left  arm.  For 
offensive  weapons,  each  man  carried  a  short  sword,  which  could 
be  used  for  cutting  or  thrusting.  The  soldiers  in  the  first  two 
lines  each  had  also  two  javelins,  to  be  hurled  at  the  enemy 
before  coming  into  close  quarters ;  and  those  of  the  third  line 


Roman  Standards 


I 


■ 

I 
■  I 


I 


each  had  a  long  lance,  which  could  be  used  for  piercing.  It 
was  with  such  arms  as  these  that  the  lioman  soldiers  conquered 
Italy. 

Military  Rewards  and  Honors.  —  The  Komans  encouraged  the 
soldiers  with  rewards  for  their  bravery.  These  were  bestowed 
by  the  general  in  the  presence  of  the  whole  army.  The  high- 
est individual  reward  was  the  '^  civic  crown,"  made  of  oak 
leaves,  given  to  him  who  had  saved  the  life  of  a  fellow-citizen  on 
the  battlefield.    Other  suitable  rewards,  such  as  golden  crowns, 


Military  Rewards 


banners  of  different  colors,  and  ornaments,  were  bestowed  for 
singular  bravery.  When  a  general  slew  the  general  of  the 
enemy,  the  captured  spoils  (spoUa  ophria)  were  hung  up  in  the 
temple  of  Jupiter  Feretrius.  The  highest  military  honor  which 
the  Koman  state  could  bestow  was  a  triumph,  —  a  solemn  pro- 
cession, decreed  by  the  senate,  in  which  the  victorious  general, 
with  his  army,  marched  through  the  city  to  the  Capitol,  bear- 
ing in  his  train  the  trophies  of  war. 

Military  Roads.  —  An  important  part  of  the  military  system 


98 


THE  ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


SUPREMACY  OF  ROME  IN  ITALY 


99 


of  Eome  was  the  network  of  military  roads  by  which  her  armies 
ami  munitions  of  war  could  be  sent  into  every  part  of  Italy. 
The  first  military  road  was  the  Appian  Way  {via  Appid),  built 


Ahi'Iax   Way 

by  Appius  Claudius  during  the  Samnite  wars.  It  connected 
Rome  with  Capua,  and  was  afterward  extended  to  Beneventum 
and  Venusia,  and  finally  as  far  as  Brundisium.  This  furnished 
a  model  for  tlie  roads  which  were  subsetpiently  laid  out  to 
other  points  in  Italy.  The  Latin  Way  (via  Latina)  ran  south 
into  the  Samnite  country  and  connected  with  the  Appian  Way 
near  Capua  and  at  Beneventum.  The  Flaminian  Way  (via 
Flaminia)  ran  north  through  eastern  Etruria  and  Umbria  to 
Ariminum.  From  this  last-mentioned  place,  the  .Emilian 
Way  (via  ^Emilia)  extended  into  Cisalpine  Gaul  as  far  as  Pla- 
centia  on  the  river  Po.  Another  important  road,  the  Cassian 
Way  (;via  Cassia)  ran  through  central  Etruria  to  Arre'tium,  and 
connected  with  the  .Emilian  Way  in  Cisalpine  Gaul.     Along 


the  western  coast  of  Etruria  ran  the  Aurelian  AVay  (via  Au- 
relia).  These  were  the  chief  military  roads  constructed  during 
the  time  of  the  republic.  So  durable  were  these  highways 
that  their  remains  exist  to  tlie  present  day  (see  "special 
study,"  p.  85). 

SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Ch.  16,  -Survey  of  Roman  Institutions"  (l).i 

Mommsen,  Vol.  I.,  Bk.  II.,  Ch.  7,  -Union  of  Italy"  (2). 

Liddell,  Ch.  27,  "Settlement  of  Italy  "  (1). 

Pelhani,  pp.  97-107,  ''  Rome  as  Mistress  of  Italy  "  (I). 

Leighton,  Ch.  10,  "  Roman  Supremacy  in  Italy"  (1). 

Taylor,  Ch.  6,  -  Rome  and  Italy  "  (1). 

Dumy,  Vol.  I.,  Ch.  17,  -Organization  of  Italy"  (2). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

Roman  andLatin  Colonies. -Shuckburgh,  p.  104,  note  2  (1)  ;  Liddell, 
pp  2;34-257  (1)  ;  Arnold,  Hist.,  Ch.  41  (2)  ;  Ramsay  and  Lanciani,  pp. 
118-120  (8) ;  Harper's  Diet.  Antiqq.,  -Colonia"  (8)  ;  Niebuhr,  Vol.  IIL, 
pp.  240-252  (2). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


n 


98 


THE    ROMAN    RKPUBUC 


SUriiEMACY   OF   HOME   IN  ITALY 


99 


of  Rome  was  the  network  of  military  roads  by  which  her  armies 
and  munitions  of  war  coukl  be  sent  into  every  part  of  Italy. 
The  first  military  road  was  the  Appian  Way  (via  Appia),  built 


A  PIMA  N   Way 


lij  Appius  Claudius  during  the  Samnite  wars.  It  connected 
Rome  with  Capua,  and  was  afterward  extended  to  Beneventum 
and  Venusia,  and  finally  as  far  as  Brundisium.  This  furnished 
a  model  for  the  roads  which  were  sul)se([uently  laid  out  to 
other  points  in  Italy.  The  Latin  Way  {via  Latiiai)  ran  south 
into  the  Samnite  country  and  connected  with  the  Appian  Way 
near  Capua  and  at  Beneventum.  The  Flaminian  Way  (v/a 
Flaminia)  ran  north  through  eastern  Etruria  and  Umbria  to 
Ariminum.  From  tliis  last-mentioned  place,  the  .Emilian 
Way  (via  ^Emilia)  extended  into  Cisalpine  Gaul  as  far  as  Pla- 
centia  on  the  river  Po.  Another  important  road,  the  Cassian 
Way  (via  Cassia)  ran  througli  central  Etruria  to  Arre'tium,  and 
connected  with  the  .Emilian  Way  in  Cisalpine  Gaul.     Along 


the  western  coast  of  Etruria  ran  the  Aurelian  Way  (via  Au- 
relia).  These  were  the  chief  military  roads  constructed  during 
the  time  of  the  republic.  So  durable  were  these  highways 
that  their  remains  exist  to  the  present  day  (see  "special 
study,"  p.  85). 

SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Ch.  16,  -Survey  of  Roman  Institutions"  (l).i 

Mommsen,  Vol.  L,  Bk.  IL,  Ch.  7,  -  Union  of  Italy"  (2). 

Liddell,  Ch.  27,  "  Settk-nient  of  Italy  "  (1). 

Pelhani,  pp.  U7-107,  ''  Home  as  Mistress  of  Italy  "  (1). 

Leighton,  Ch.  ID,  ''  Roman  Supremacy  in  Italy"  (1). 

Taylor,  Ch.  0,  ''  Rome  and  Italy  "  (1). 

Duruy,  Vol.  I.,  Ch.  17,  "Organization  of  Italy"  (2). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

Roman  and  Latin  Colonies. -Shuckburgh,  p.  104,  note  2  (1)  ;  Liddell, 
pp  254-257  (1)  ;  Arnold,  Hist.,  Ch.  41  (2) ;  Ramsay  and  Lanciani,  pp. 
118-120  (8)  ;  Harper's  Diet.  Antiqq.,  "Colonia"  (8)  ;  Niebuhr,  Vol.  IIL, 
pp.  240-252  (2). 

1  The  tiffure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


T»RooRTr:ssiATT:  i\t  AT»  :n^<>.  2. 


100 


PERIOD  V.     THE  CONQUEST  OP  THE  MEDITEEEANEAN 

WORLD   (B.O.  264-133) 


CHAPTER   XIV 

THE  FIRST  PUNIC   WAR   (B.C.    264-241) 

I.   Carthage  and  Rome 

Beginning  of  Foreign  Conquests.  —  The  ambition  and  the 
resources  of  Rome  were  not  exhausted  with  the  conquest  of 
Italy.  It  was  but  a  step  from  the  Greek  cities  of  Italy  to  the 
Greek  cities  of  Sicily.  But  when  Rome  ventured  to  cross  the 
Sicilian  Strait,  she  was  drawn  into  a  struggle  which  was  not 
ended  until  she  was  mistress  of  the  Mediterranean.  In  pass- 
ing  beyond  the  limits  of  her  own  peninsula,  she  became  one 
of%he  great  world  powers.  The  strength  which  she  had 
acquired  in  her  wars  with  the  Latins  and  Etruscans  and  Sam- 
nites,  she  was  now  to  use  in  the  greater  conflicts  with  Car- 
thage  and  Macedonia  and  Syria. 

The  Origin  of  Carthage.  —  The  first  foreign  power  with  which 
Rome  came  in  contact,  outside  of  Italy,  was  Carthage.  This 
city  was  originally  a  colony  of  Tyre,  and  had  come  to  be  the 
capital  of  a  great  commercial  empire  on  the  northern  coast  of 
Africa  The  origin  of  Carthage,  like  that  of  Rome,  is  almost 
lost  in  the  clouds  of  tradition.  An  old  story  tells  us  how 
Queen  Dido  was  driven  from  Tyre  and  landed  m  Africa  as 
iEneas  did  in  Italy,  with  a  band  of  fugitives.  It  is  said  that 
Dido  purchased  from  the  African  princes  as  much  land  as  an 
oxhide  would  cover ;    and  cunningly  cut  the  hide   into  thm 

MOREY's    ROM.   HIST.  — 7  101 


r»T?oo T ? k;s^ia"ti  tniat^  :n^«>.  e. 


PERIOD   V.     THE  CONQUEST   OE   THE  MEDITERRANEAN 

WORLD   (B.C.  264-133) 


100 


CHAPTER    XIV 

THE   FIRST   PUNIC   WAR   (B.C.    264-241) 

I.   Carthage  and  Rome 

Beginning  of  Foreign  Conquests.  —  The  ambition  and  the 
resources  of  Rome  were  not  exliausted  with  the  conquest  of 
Italy  It  was  but  a  step  from  the  Greek  cities  of  Italy  to  the 
Greek  cities  of  Sicily.  But  when  Rome  ventured  to  cross  the 
Sicilian  Strait,  she  was  drawn  into  a  struggle  which  was  not 
ended  until  she  was  mistress  of  the  Mediterranean.  In  pass- 
in^'  beyond  the  limits  of  her  own  peninsula,  she  became  one 
o/the  great  world  powers.  The  strength  which  she  had 
acquired  in  her  wars  with  the  Latins  and  Etruscans  and  Sam- 
nites,  she  was  now  to  use  in  the  greater  conflicts  with  Car- 
thage and  Macedonia  and  Syria. 

The  Origin  of  Carthage.  —  The  first  foreign  power  with  which 
Rome  came  in  contact,  outside  of  Italy,  was  Carthage.  This 
city  was  originally  a  colony  of  Tyre,  and  had  come  to  be  the 
capital  of  a  great  commercial  empire  on  the  northern  coast  of 
Africa  The  origin  of  Carthage,  like  that  of  Rome,  is  almost 
lost  in  the  clouds  of  tradition.  An  old  story  tells  us  how 
Queen  Dido  was  driven  from  Tyre  and  landed  m  Afnca  as 
.Eneas  did  in  Italy,  with  a  band  of  fugitives.  It  is  said  that 
Dido  purchased  from  the  African  princes  as  much  land  as  an 
oxhide  would  cover ;    and  cunningly  cut  the  hide   into  thin 

MOREY'S    ROM.    HIST.  — 7  101 


i 


102 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


THE   FIRST  PUNIC   WAR 


103 


strips  and  encircled  enough  land  upon  which  to  found  a  city. 
Virgil  has  told  us  the  romantic  story  of  Dido  and  ^neas,  and 
the  death  of  the  queen.  But  all  we  really  know  of  the  origin 
of  this  city  is  that  it  was  settled  by  Phoenicians  from  Tyre, 
and  early  acquired  dominion  over  the  native  races  of  Africa, 
the  Lydians  and  the  Numidians. 

Government  of  Carthage.  —  When  Carthage  came  into  con- 
flict with  Rome,  it  had  in  some  respects  the  same  kind  of 
government  as  the  Roman  republic.  It  had  two  chief  magis- 
trates (called  sffje'tes)y  corresponding  to  the  Roman  consuls.  It 
had  a  council  of  elders,  called  the  "  hundred,"  which  we  might 
compare  to  the  Roman  senate.  It  had  also  an  assembly  some- 
thing like  the  Roman  comitia.  But  while  the  Carthaginian 
government  had  some  outward  similarity  to  the  Roman,  it 
was  in  its  spirit  very  different.  The  real  power  was 'exercised 
by  a  few  wealthy  and  prominent  families.  The  Carthaginians, 
moreover,  did  not  understand  the  Roman  method  of  incorpo- 
rating their  subjects  into  the  state ;  and  hence  did  not  possess 
a  great  body  of  loyal  citizens,  as  did  Rome.  But  one  great 
advantage  of  the  Carthaginian  government  was  the  fact  that  it 
placed  the  command  of  the  army  in  the  hands  of  a  permanent 
able  leader,  and  not  in  the  hands  of  its  civil  magistrates,  who 
were  constantly  changing  as  were  the  consuls  at  Rome. 

The  Civilization  of  Carthage.  —  Carthage  brought  into  the 
western   Mediterranean  the  ideas  and  civilization  which  the 

Phoenicians  had  developed 
in  the  East.  Her  power 
was  based  upon  trade  and 
commercial  supremacy. 
She  had  brought  under  her 
control  the  trading  colonies 
of  northern  Africa  and 
many  of  the  Greek  cities 
of  Sicily.  She  was,  in  fact,  the  great  merchant  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean. She  had  grown  wealthy  and  strong  by  buying  and 
selling  the  products  of  the  East  and  the  West  —  the  purple  of 


Carthaginian  Com 


, 


Carthaginian  Coin 


Tyre,  the  frankincense  of  Arabia,  the  linen  of  Egypt,  the  gold 
of  Spain,  the  silver  of  the  Balear'ic  Isles,  the  tin  of  Britain, 
and  the  iron  of  Elba.      She 
had  formed  commercial  trea- 
ties with  the  chief  countries 
of  the  world.     She  coveted 
not  only  the  Greek  cities  of 
Sicily,  but  the  Greek  cities 
of  Italy  as  well.     We  can 
thus    see    how    Rome    and 
Carthage   became  rivals  for  the  possession  of  the  countries 
bordering  upon  the  western  Mediterranean  Sea. 

Rome  and  Carthage  Compared.  —  In  comparing  these  two  great 
rivals  of  the  West,  we  might  say  that  they  were  nearly  equal  in 
strength  and  resources.  Carthage  had  greater  wealth,  but 
Rome  had  a  better  organization.  Carthage  had  a  more  power- 
ful navy,  but  Rome  had  a  more  efficient  army.  Carthage  had 
more  brilliant  leaders,  while  Rome  had  a  more  steadfast  body 
of  citizens.  The  main  strength  of  Carthage  rested  in  her 
wealth  and  commercial  resources,  while  that  of  Rome  depended 
upon  the  character  of  her  people  and  her  well-organized  politi- 
cal system.  The  greatness  of  the  Carthaginians  was  shown  in 
their  successes,  while  the  greatness  of  the  Romans  was  most 
fully  revealed  in  the  dark  hours  of  disaster  and  trial. 

II.     Operations  of  the  First  Punic  War 

Outbreak  of  the  War  in  Sicily  (B.C.  264).  — The  first  conflict 
between  Rome  and  Carthage,  which  is  known  as  the  first  Punic  ^ 
war,  began  in  Sicily ;  and  really  came  to  be  a  contest  for  the 
possession  of  that  island.  Sicily  was  at  this  time  divided  be- 
tween three  powers.  (1)  Carthage  held  all  the  western  part 
of  the  island,  with  the  important  cities  of  Agrigen'tum  on  the 
south,  Panormus  on  the  north,  and  Lilybaeum  at  the  extreme 
point.     (2)  The  southeastern  part  of  the  island  was  under  the 

1  So  called  because  the  Latin  word  for  Carthaginian  is  Punicus. 


104 


TUK   KUxMAN   UEl'UBLIC 


control  of  the  king  of  Syracuse,  who  ruled  not  only  this  city, 
but  also  some  of  the  neighboring  towns.  (3)  The  northeast- 
ern corner  of  the  island  was  in  the  possession  of  a  body  of 
Campanian  soldiers,  who  had  been  in  the  service  of  the  king  of 


/CGATES  IS.   »  ' 


^■^iEryrpy^i^ 


X 

LilylwDunf 


AgngciitChii»A      /  My^ 


Clypea         <ys 


Syracuse 


8CALE  or  MILES 
6    10  20  30  40   50 


13o 


Sicily  —  The  First  Punic  War 

Syracuse,  and  who,  on  returning  home,  had  treacherously  seized 
the  city  of  Messa'na. 

These  Campanian  mercenaries,  who  called  themselves  Mam'- 
ertines,  or  Sons  of  Mars,  murdered  the  inhabitants  and  ravaged 
the  surrounding  country.  The  king  of  Syracuse  attacked  them, 
laid  siege  to  their  city,  and  reduced  them  to  such  an  extremity 
that  they  felt  obliged  to  look  for  help.  The  choice  lay  between 
Rome  and  Carthage.  They  finally  decided  to  call  upon  Rome 
for  help.  The  Roman  senate  hesitated  to  help  these  robbers 
against  Syracuse,  which  was  a  friendly  power.  l?ut  when  the 
question  was  left  to  the  assembly,  the  people  fearing  that 
Carthage  would  be  called  upon  if  they  refused,  it  was  decided 
to  help  the  IVIamertines,  and  thus  prevent  the  Carthaginians 
from  getting  possession  of  this  part  of  Sicily.  In  this  way 
began  the  first  Punic  war. 

Capture  of  Messana  and  Agrigentum.  —  A  Roman  army,  under 
Appius  Claudius,  was  dispatched  to  Sicily,  and  gained  a  foot- 
hold upon  the  island.     But  the  Mamertines,  during  the  delay 


THE   FIRST  PUNIC   WAR 


105 


of  the  Romans,  had  already  admitted  a  Carthaginian  garrison 
into  the  city.  This  seemed  to  the  Roman  general  to  be  a  breach 
of  faith.  He  accordingly  invited  the  Carthaginian  commander, 
Hanno,  to  a  friendly  conference,  and  then  treacherously  ordered 
him  to  be  seized.  Whereupon  the  latter,  in  order  to  regain  his 
liberty,  agreed  to  give  up  the  city.  Thus  the  Romans  got  pos- 
session of  Messana.  The  king  of  Syracuse  then  formed  an 
alliance  with  the  Carthaginians  to  drive  the  Romans  out  of  the 
island;  but  both  their  armies  Avere  defeated.  When  the  Ro- 
mans had  thus  shown  their  superiority,  the  king  of  Syracuse 
changed  his  policy  and  formed  an  alliance  with  the  Romans  to 
drive  the  Carthaginians  out  of  the  island.  Town  after  town 
fell  before  the  Roman  army ;  and  in  the  second  year  of  the 
w^ar,  the  important  city  of  Agrigentum  was  captured,  after  a 
siege  of  seven  months  (b.c.  262). 

Rome  becomes  a  Naval  Power.  —  The  Romans  now  learned 
that  Carthage,  to  be  overcome,  must  be  met  upon  the  sea,  as 
well  as  upon  the 
land.  Wlien  the 
Carthaginian  fleet 
first  appeared,  it 
recovered  most  of 
the  coast  cities 
which  had  been 
lost  to  the  Romans. 
It  ravaged  the 
coasts  of  Italy,  and 
by  its  command  of 
the    sea    made    it 

difficult  for  Rome  to  send  fresh  troops  to  Sicily.  The  Romans 
had,  it  is  true,  a  few  ships ;  but  these  were  triremes,  or  ships 
with  only  three  banks  of  oars,  and  were  unable  to  cope  with 
the  great  Carthaginian  vessels,  which  were  quinquiremes,  or 
ships  wiith  five  banks  of  oars.  The  Romans  saw  that  they 
must  either  give  up  the  war,  or  else  build  a  fleet  equal  to  that 
of  the  Carthaginians.     Taking  as  a  model  a  Carthaginian  vessel 


Roman  War  Vkssel 


104 


THE   KOMAN  ItEPUBLlC 


control  of  the  ling  of  Syracuse,  who  ruled  not  only  this  city, 
but  also  some  of  the  neighboring  towns.  (3)  The  northeast- 
ern corner  of  the  island  was  in  the  possession  of  a  body  of 
Campanian  soldiers,  who  had  been  in  the  service  of  the  king  of 


AGATES 

^     (fit  fEnjx  c 


Lilylxeuni 


Ulypea         <:aj 


Syracuse 


BCAlE  or  MILES 

fi~To~20~ioW5o  i3o 


Sicily  — The  First  Punic  War 

Syracuse,  and  who,  on  returning  home,  had  treacherously  seized 
the  city  of  Messa'na. 

These  Campanian  mercenaries,  who  called  themselves  Mam'- 
ertines,  or  Sons  of  Mars,  murdered  the  inhabitants  and  ravaged 
the  surrounding  country.  The  king  of  Syracuse  attacked  them, 
laid  siege  to  their  city,  and  reduced  them  to  such  an  extremity 
that  they  felt  obliged  to  look  for  help.  The  choice  lay  between 
Rome  and  Carthage.  They  finally  decided  to  call  upon  Rome 
for  help.  The  Roman  senate  hesitated  to  help  these  robbers 
against  Syracuse,  which  was  a  friendly  power.  l>ut  when  the 
question  was  left  to  the  assembly,  the  people  fearing  that 
Carthage  would  l)e  called  upon  if  they  refused,  it  was  decided 
to  help  the  Mamertines,  and  thus  prevent  the  Carthaginians 
from  getting  possession  of  this  part  of  Sicily.  In  this  way 
began  the  first  l*unic  war. 

Capture  of  Messana  and  Agrigentum.  —  A  Roman  army,  under 
Appius  Claudius,  was  dispatched  to  Sicily,  and  gained  a  foot- 
hold upon  the  island.     But  the  Mamertines,  during  the  delay 


THE   FIRST  PUNIC   WAR 


105 


of  the  Romans,  had  already  admitted  a  Carthaginian  garrison 
into  the  city.  This  seemed  to  the  Roman  general  to  be  a  breach 
of  faith.  He  accordingly  invited  the  ('arthaginian  commander, 
Hanno,  to  a  friendly  conference,  and  then  treacherously  ordered 
him  to  be  seized.  Whereupon  the  latter,  in  order  to  regain  his 
liberty,  agreed  to  give  up  the  city.  Thus  the  Romans  got  pos- 
session of  Messana.  The  king  of  Syracuse  then  formed  an 
alliance  with  the  Carthaginians  to  drive  the  Romans  out  of  the 
island ;  but  both  their  armies  were  defeated.  When  the  Ro- 
mans had  thus  shown  their  superiority,  the  king  of  Syracuse 
changed  his  policy  and  formed  an  alliance  with  the  Romans  to 
drive  the  Carthaginians  out  of  the  island.  Town  after  town 
fell  before  the  Roman  army ;  and  in  the  second  year  of  the 
war,  the  imi)ortant  city  of  Agrigentum  was  captured,  after  a 
siege  of  seven  months  (n.c.  2G2). 

Rome  becomes  a  Naval  Power.  —  The  Romans  now  learned 
that  Carthage,  to  be  overcome,  must  be  met  upon  the  sea,  as 
well  as  up(m  the 
land.  When  the 
Carthaginian  fleet 
first  appeared,  it 
recovered  most  of 
the  coast  cities 
which  had  been 
lost  to  the  Romans. 
It  ravaged  the 
coasts  of  Italy,  and 
by  its  command  of 
the    sea    made    it 

difficult  for  Rome  to  send  fresh  troops  to  Sicily.  The  Romans 
had,  it  is  true,  a  few  ships ;  but  these  were  triremes,  or  ships 
with  only  three  banks  of  oars,  and  Avere  unable  to  cope  with 
the  great  Carthaginian  vessels,  which  were  quinquiremes,  or 
ships  with  five  banks  of  oars.  The  Romans  saw  that  they 
must  either  give  up  the  war,  or  else  build  a  fleet  equal  to  that 
of  the  Carthaginians.     Taking  as  a  model  a  Carthaginian  vessel 


Roman  War  Ykssel 


106 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


which  had  been  wrecked  on  the  Italian  shore,  they  constructed, 
it  is  said,  a  hundred  vessels  like  it  in  sixty  days.  In  the 
meantime  their  soldiers  were  trained  into  sailors  by  practicing 
the  art  of  rowing  upon  rude  benches  built  upon  the  land  and 
arranged  like  the  banks  of  a  real  vessel.  The  Romans  knew 
that  tlieir  soldiers  were  better  than  the  Carthaginians  in  a 
hand-to-hand  encounter.  To  maintain  this  advantage,  they 
provided  their  ships  with  drawbridges  which  could  be  used  in 
boarding  the  enemy's  vessels.  Thus  equipped  with  a  fleet, 
Rome  ventured  upon  the  sea  as  a  rival  of  the  first  naval  power 
of  the  world. 

Victory  of   Duilius   at   Mylae  (B.C.  260).— The  new  Roman 
fleet  was  put  under  the  command  of  the  consul  Duil'ius.     The 

Carthaginians  were  now  plundering  the 
northern  coast  of  Sicily  near  Mylae. 
Without  delay  Duilius  sailed  to  meet 
them.  As  the  fleets  came  together,  the 
Romans  dropped  their  drawbridges 
upon  the  enemy's  ships  and  quickly 
boarded  them.  In  the  hand-to-hand 
encounter,  the  Romans  proved  their 
superiority.  The  Carthaginians  were 
routed ;  and  fifty  of  their  vessels  were 
either  sunk  or  captured.  This  was  a 
most  decisive  victory.  The  Romans 
had  fought  and  gained  their  first  great 
battle  upon  the  sea.  Duilius  was  given 
a  magnificent  triumph,  and  to  com- 
memorate the  victorv,  a  column  was 
erected  in  the  Forum,  adorned  with 
the  beaks  of  the  captured  vessels  {Co- 
hmt'ua  liostra'ta.) 

Invasion  of  Africa  by  Regulus  (B.C. 
256).  —  Elated  by  this  success,  the 
Romans  felt  prepared  to  carry  the  war  into  Africa.  With 
a  still   larger   fleet,  they   defeated   the   Carthaginian  squad- 


CoLtTMN  OF  Duilius 


THE  FIRST  PUNIC   WAR 


107 


ron  which  attempted  to  bar  their  way  on  the  southern  coast 
of  Sicily,  off  the  promontory  of  Ec'nomus.  Two  legions,  under 
L.  Manlius  Vulso  and  Reg'ulus,  landed  on  the  coast  of  Africa 
east  of  Carthage,  and  laid  waste  the  country.  So  easily  was 
this  accomplished  that  the  Romans  decided  that  one  consul, 
with  his  army,  would  be  enough  to  finish  the  work  in  Africa. 
Vulso  was  therefore  recalled,  and  Regulus  remained.  The  Car- 
thaginians attempted  in  vain  to  make  peace;  and  in  despair, 
it  is  said,  even  threw  some  of  their  children  into  the  flames  to 
propitiate  their  god  Moloch.  They  then  placed  their  army 
in  the  hands  of  a  Spartan  soldier  named  Xanthip'pus.  This 
general  defeated  the  Roman  legions  with  great  slaughter,  and 
made  Regulus  a  prisoner.  A  fleet  was  then  sent  from  Italy 
to  rescue  the  survivors,  but  this  fleet  on  its  return  was  wrecked 
in  a  storm.     Thus  ingloriously  closed  the  war  in  Africa. 

The  War  Confined  to  Sicily  (B.C.  255-241). —  For  several 
years  after  this,  the  war  languished  in  Sicily.  The  long 
series  of  Roman  disasters  was  relieved  by  the  capture  of 
Panormus  on  the  northern  coast,  which  was  soon  followed  by 
a  second  victory  over  the  Carthaginians  at 
the  same  place.  It  is  said  that  the  Cartha- 
ginians, after  this  second  defeat,  desired  an 
exchange  of  prisoners,  and  sent  Regulus  to 
the  Roman  senate  to  advocate  their  cause, 
under  the  promise  that  he  would  return  if 
unsuccessful.  P)Ut  Regulus,  it  is  said,  per- 
suaded the  senate  not  to  accept  the  offer  of  kegulus  (Coin) 
the  Carthaginians  ;  and  then,  in  spite  of  the  tears  and  en- 
treaties of  his  friends,  went  back  to  Carthage.  AVhether  this 
story  is  true  or  not,  it  illustrates  the  honor  and  patriotism  of 
the  true  Roman. 

After  the  Roman  victories  at  Panormus,  the  Carthaginians 
were  pushed  into  the  extreme  western  part  of  the  island.  The 
Romans  then  laid  siege  to  Lilybaeum,  the  stronghold  of  the 
Carthaginian  power.  Failing  to  capture  this  place,  the  Roman 
consul,  P.  Claudius,  determined  to  destroy  the  enemy's  fleet 


106 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


which  had  been  wrecked  on  the  Italian  shore,  they  constructed, 
it  is  said,  a  liundred  vessels  like  it  in  sixty  days.  In  the 
meantime  their  soldiers  were  trained  into  sailors  by  practicing 
the  art  of  rowing  upon  rude  benches  built  upon  the  land  and 
arranged  like  the  banks  of  a  real  vessel.  The  Romans  knew 
that  tlieir  soldiers  Avere  better  than  the  Carthaginians  in  a 
hand-to-hand  encounter.  To  maintain  this  advantage,  they 
provided  their  ships  with  drawbridges  which  could  be  used  in 
boarding  the  enemy's  vessels.  Thus  e(piipped  with  a  fleet, 
Rome  ventured  upon  the  sea  as  a  rival  of  the  first  naval  power 
of  the  world. 

Victory  of  Duilius   at   Mylae  (B.C.  260).— The  new  Roman 
fleet  was  put  under  the  command  of  the  consul  Duil'ius.     The 

Carthaginians  were  now  plundering  the 
northern  coast  of  Sicily  near  Mylge. 
Without  delay  Duilius  sailed  to  meet 
them.  As  the  fleets  came  together,  the 
Romans  dropped  their  drawbridges 
upon  the  enemy's  ships  and  quickly 
boarded  them.  In  the  hand-to-hand 
encounter,  the  Romans  proved  their 
superiority.  The  Carthaginians  were 
routed ;  and  fifty  of  their  vessels  were 
either  sunk  or  captured.  This  was  a 
most  decisive  victory.  The  Romans 
had  fought  and  gained  their  first  great 
battle  Tipon  the  sea.  Duilius  was  given 
a  magnificent  triumph,  and  to  com- 
nu^m orate  the  victory,  a  column  was 
erected  in  the  Forum,  adorned  with 
the  beaks  of  the  captured  vessels  (Co- 
l  u  m  'n  a  Host  ra  'ta. ) 

Invasion  of  Africa  by  Regulus  (B.C. 
256).  —  Elated  by  this  success,  the 
Romans  felt  prepared  to  carry  the  war  into  Africa.  With 
a  still   larger  fleet,  they  defeated   the   Carthaginian  squad- 


CoLUMN  OF  Duilius 


THE  FIRST  PUNIC   WAR 


107 


ron  which  attempted  to  bar  their  way  on  the  southern  coast 
of  Sicily,  off  the  promontory  of  Ec'nomus.  Two  legions,  under 
L.  Manlius  Vulso  and  Reg'ulus,  landed  on  the  coast  of  Africa 
east  of  Carthage,  and  laid  waste  the  country.  So  easily  was 
this  accomplished  that  the  Romans  decided  that  one  consul, 
with  his  army,  would  be  enough  to  finish  the  work  in  Africa. 
Yulso  was  therefore  recalled,  and  Regulus  remained.  The  Car- 
thaginians attempted  in  vain  to  make  peace;  and  in  despair, 
it  is  said,  even  threw  some  of  their  children  into  the  flames  to 
propitiate  their  god  Moloch.  They  then  placed  their  army 
in  the  hands  of  a  Spartan  soldier  named  Xanthip'pus.  This 
general  defeated  the  Roman  legions  with  great  slaughter,  and 
made  Regulus  a  prisoner.  A  fleet  was  then  sent  from  Italy 
to  rescue  the  survivors,  but  this  fleet  on  its  return  was  wrecked 
in  a  storm.     Thus  ingloriously  closed  the  war  in  Africa. 

The  War  Confined  to  Sicily  (B.C.  255-241). —  For  several 
years  after  this,  the  war  languished  in  Sicily.  The  long 
series  of  Roman  disasters  was  relieved  by  the  capture  of 
Ranormus  on  the  northern  coast,  which  was  soon  followed  by 
a  second  victory  over  the  Carthaginians  at 
the  same  place.  It  is  said  that  the  Cartha- 
ginians, after  this  second  defeat,  desired  an 
exchange  of  prisoners,  and  sent  Regulus  to 
the  Roman  senate  to  advocate  their  cause, 
under  the  promise  that  he  would  return  if 
unsuccessful.  But  Regulus,  it  is  said,  per- 
suaded tlie  senate  not  to  accept  the  offer  of  Keg^^lus  (Coin) 
the  Carthaginians ;  and  then,  in  spite  of  the  tears  and  en- 
treaties of  his  friends,  went  back  to  Carthage.  Wliether  this 
story  is  true  or  not,  it  illustrates  the  honor  and  patriotism  of 
the  true  Roman. 

After  the  Roman  victories  at  Panormiis,  the  Carthaginians 
were  pushed  into  the  extreme  western  part  of  the  island.  The 
Romans  then  laid  siege  to  Lilybaeum,  the  stronghold  of  the 
Carthaginian  power.  Failing  to  capture  this  place,  the  Roman 
consul,  P.  Claudius,  determined  to  destroy  the  enemy's  fleet 


108 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


THE   FIRST   PUNIC   WAR 


109 


lying  near  Drep'anum ;  but  he  was  defeated  with  the  loss  of 
over  ninety  ships.  The  superstitious  Konians  believed  that 
this  defeat  was  due  to  the  fact  that  Claudius  had  impiously 
disregarded  the  auguries;  when  the  sacred  chickens  had  re- 
fused to  eat,  he  had  in  a  fit  of  passion  thrown  them  into  the 
sea.  The  consul  was  recalled  by  the  senate,  and  a  dictator 
was  appointed  in  his  place.  After  the  loss  of  other  fleets 
l)y  storms,  and  after  fruitless  campaigns  against  tlie  great  Car- 
thaginian soldier,  Hamircar  Barca,  the  Eoman  cause  seemed 
a  failure. 

Victory  at  the  -ffigates  Islands  (B.C.  241).  —  It  is  in  the 
midst  of  such  discouraging  times  as  these  that  we  are  able  to 
see  the  strong  elements  of  the  Roman  character  —  patriotism, 
fortitude,  and  steadfast  perseverance.  AVith  a  loss  of  one 
sixth  of  their  population  and  a  vast  amount  of  treasure, 
they  still  persisted  in  the  attempt  to  conquer  Sicily.  Wealtliy 
citizens  advanced  their  money  to  build  a  new  fleet.  In  this 
way  two  hundred  ships  were  built  and  placed  under  tlie 
consul  C.  Lutatius  Cat'ulus.  A  decisive  victory  was  gained  at 
the  .Ega'tes  Islands,  off  the  western  extremity  of  Sicily.  The 
Carthaginians  were  unprepared  for  the  terrible  defeat  which 
they  suffered,  and  were  obliged  to  sue  for  peace.  They  were 
obliged  to  give  up  Sicily;  release  all  the  Roman  prisoners 
without  ransom ;  and  pay  to  the  Romans  3,200  talents  (about 
^4,000,000),  within  ten  years.  Thus  ended  the  first  Punic 
war,  which  had  lasted  for  twenty-three  years.  During  this 
time  Ronie  had  shown  her  ability  to  fight  upon  the  sea  and 
had  fairly  entered  the  lists  as  one  of  the  great  powers  of  the 
world.  But  this  first  contest  with  Cartilage,  severe  as  it  was, 
was  merely  a  preparation  for  the  more  terrible  struggle  which 
was  yet  to  come. 

III.     Events  following  the  AVar  (b.c.  241-218) 

Sicily  becomes  the  First  Roman  Province.  —  In  the  interval 
between  the  first  and   second  Funic  wars,  both   Rome  and 


M 


Carthage  sought  to  strengthen  and  consolidate  their  power. 
They  knew  that  the  question  of  supremacy  was  not  yet  de- 
cided, and  sooner  or  later  another  contest  must  come.  Rome 
found  herself  in  possession  of  a  new  territory  outside  of 
Italy,  which  must  be  organized.  She  had  already  three 
kinds  of  territory:  (1)  the  Roman  domain  about  the  Tiber 
(ager  Romanus),  where  all  were  full  citizens  ;  (2)  the  Latin 
colonies,  in  which  the  people  had  a  part  of  the  rights  of  citi- 
zens ;  and  (3)  the  Italian  land,  in  which  the  people  were  not 
citizens,  but  were  half  independent,  having  their  own  govern- 
ments, but  bound  to  Rome  as  allies  in  war.  In  Sicily  a  new 
system  was  introduced.  The  people  were  made  neither 
citizens  nor  allies,  but  subjects.  The  land  was  generally 
confiscated,  and  the  inhabitants  were  obliged  to  pay  a  heavy 
tribute.  The  whole  island  —  except  Syracuse,  which  remained 
independent  —  was  governed  by  a  praitor  sent  from  Rome. 
•By  this  arrangement  Sicily  became  a  "  province  "  —  which  is 
another  name  for  a  conquered  territory  outside  of  Italy. 

Annexation  of  Sardinia  and  Corsica.  —  Besides  Sicily,  there 
were  in  the  Mediterranean  two  other  islands  which  seemed 
by  nature  to  belong  to  Italy.  These  were  Sardinia  and 
Corsica.  AVhile  Carthage  was  engaged  in  suppressing  a  revolt 
of  its  own  mercenaries,  who  did  not  receive  their  pay  after 
the  late  war,  Rome  saw  a  favorable  opportunity  to  get  posses- 
sion of  Sardinia.  Carthage  protested  against  such  an  act; 
and  Rome  replied  by  demanding  the  cession  of  the  island,  and 
also  the  payment  of  a  fine  of  1200  talents  (about  ^1,500,000). 
Carthage  was  obliged  to  submit  to  this  unjust  demand;  but 
she  determined  to  avenge  herself  in  the  future.  As  Sardinia 
came  to  her  so  easily,  Rome  proceeded  to  take  Corsica  also, 
and  the  two  islands  were  erected  into  a  second  Roman  prov- 
ince. Rome  thus  obtained  possession  of  the  three  great  islands 
of  the  western  Mediterranean. 

Suppression  of  the  Illyrian  Pirates.  —  The  attention  of  Rome 
was  soon  directed  to  the  eastern  coast  of  the  Adriatic  Sea. 
An  appeal  came  from  the  Greek  cities  for  protection  against 


110 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


the  pirates  of  the  Adriatic.  These  pirates  were  the  people  of 
Illyr'icum,  who  made  their  living  by  plundering  the  ships  and 
ravaging  the  coasts  of  their  Greek  neighbors.  With  a  fleet 
of  two  hundred  ships,  Rome  cleared  the  Adriatic  Sea  of  these 
pirates.  She  then  took  the  Greek  cities  under  her  protection ; 
Rome  thus  obtained  a  foothold  upon  the  eastern  coast  of  the 
Adriatic,  which  brought  her  into  friendly  relations  with  Greece, 
and  afterward  into  hostile  relations  with  Macedonia. 

Conquest  of  Cisalpine  Gaul. — As  Rome  began  to  be  drawn 
into  foreign  wars,  she  became  aware  that  her  position  at  home 
could  not  be  secure  so  long  as  the  northern  part  of  Italy 
remained  unconquered.  The  Alps  formed  the  natural  bound- 
ary of  Italy ;  and  to  this  boundary  she  felt  obliged  to  extend 
her  power.  She  planted  colonies  upon  the  Gallic  frontier,  and 
in  these  towns  made  a  large  assignment  of  lands  to  her  own 
citizens.  The  Gauls  resented  this  as  an  encroachment  upon 
their  territory;  they  appealed  to  arms,  invaded  Etruria,  and 
threatened  Rome.  The  invaders  were  defeated  and  driven 
back,  and  the  war  was  continued  in  the  valley  of  the  Po  until 
the  whole  of  Cisalpine  Gaul  was  finally  subdued.  The  con- 
quered territory  was  secured  by  new  colonies,  and  Rome  was 
practically  supreme  to  the  Alps.  Her  people  were  made  more 
devoted  to  her  by  the  share  which  they  received  in  the  new 
land.  Her  dominions  were  now  so  well  organized,  and  her 
authority  so  secure,  that  she  felt  prepared  for  another  contest 
with  Carthage. 

SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Pelham,  Bk.  IIL,  Ch.  1,  "  Rome  and  Carthage"  (l).i 

Liddell,  Ch.  28,  "  Events  leading  to  the  First  Punic  War"  (1). 

Arnold,  Hist.,  Ch.  30,  ''  Constitution  and  Power  of  Carthage  "  (2). 

Mommsen,  Vol.  IL,  Bk.  UI.,  Ch.  1,  "Carthage"  ;  Ch.  2,  "  War  con- 
cerning Sicily"  (2). 

Mommsen,  abridged,  Ch.  12,  "Carthage";  Ch.  13,  "First  Punic 
War"  (2). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  iu  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  fouud. 


THE  SECOND  PUNIC   WAR 


111 


Shuckburgh,  Ch.  17,  "Rome  and  Carthage"  (1). 
How  and  Leigh,  Ch.  18,  "  First  Punic  War"  (1). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

The  Roman  Navy. — Arnold,  Hist.,  p.  428  (2);  How  and  Leigh, 
pp.  141-143,  152  (1) ;  Shuckburgh,  pp.  287,  241  (1)  ;  Eschenburgh,  p.  282 
(8)  ;  Ramsay  and  Lanciani,  pp.  4;')3-458  (8)  ;  Guhl  and  Koner,  pp.  253- 
264  (16)  ;  Harper's  Diet.  Antiqq.,  "  Navis  "  (8). 


CHAPTER   XV 


THE   SECOND   PUNIC    WAR    (B.C.  218-201) 
I.  From  Saguntum  to  Cann^   (b.c.  218-216) 

Beginning  of  the  War  in  Spain.  —  The  second  Punic  war, 
which  now  followed,  was  to  decide  the  fate  of  Rome,  and 
perhaps  of  Europe.  Its  real  cause  was  the  growing  rivalry 
between  the  two  great  powers  that  were  now  struggling  for 
supremacy  in  the  western  Mediterranean.  But  it  was  directly 
brought  about  by  the  rapid  growth  of  the  Carthaginian  domin- 
ion in  Spain.  While  Rome  was  adding  to  her  strength  by  the 
conquest  of  Cisalpine  Gaul  and  the  reduction  of  the  islands  in 
the  sea,  Carthage  was  building  up  a  great  empire  in  the  Spanish 
peninsula.  Here  she  expected  to  raise  new  armies,  with  which 
to  invade  Italy.  This  was  the  policy  of  Hamilcar  Barca,  her 
greatest  citizen  and  soldier.  The  work  was  begun  by  Hamilcar 
himself,  and  then  continued  by  his  son-in-law,  Has'drubal,  who 
founded  the  city  of  New  Carthage  as  the  capital  of  the  new 
province. 

Rome  began  to  be  alarmed,  as  she  saw  the  territory  of  her 
rival  extending  toward  the  north.  She  induced  Carthage  to 
make  a  treaty  not  to  extend  her  conquests  beyond  the  river 
Ibe'rus  (Ebro),  in  the  northern  part  of  Spain.     Rome   also 


112 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


formed  a  treaty  of  alliance  with  the  Greek  city  of  Sagun'tum, 
which,  though  south  of  the  Iberus,  was  up  to  this  time  free 
and  independent.  Carthage  continued  the  work  of  conquering 
the  southern  part  of  Spain,  without  infringing  upon  the  rights 
of  Rome,  until  Hasdrubal  died.  Then  Hannibal,  the  young 
son  of  the  great  Hamilcar,  and  the  idol  of  the  army,  was 
chosen  as  commander.     This  young  Carthaginian,  who  had  in 


Spain  — Hanmbal'8  IIoitk  -* 

his  boyhood  sworn  an  eternal  hostility  to  Kome,  now  felt  that 
his  mission  was  come.  He  marched  from  Xew  Carthage  and 
proceeded  to  attack  Sagiintum,  the  ally  of  Rome;  and  after 
a  siege  of  eight  months,  captured  it.  The  Romans  sent  an 
embassy  to  Carthage  to  demand  the  surrender  of  Hannibal. 
The  story  is  told  tluit  Quintus  Fabius,  the  chief  Roman  en- 
voy, lifted  np  a  fold  of  his  toga  and  said  to  the  Carthaginian 
senate,  "Here  we  bring  you  peace  and  war;  which  do  you 
choose?"  "Give  ns  either,"  was  the  reply.  "Then  I  offer 
you  war,"  said  Fabius.     "And  this  we  accept,"  shouted  the 


THE   SECOND   PUNIC    WAR 


113 


Carthaginians.     Thns  was  begun  the  most  memorable  war  of 
ancient  times. 

Hannibal  and  Rome.  —  Rome  was  now  at  war,  not  only  with 
Carthage,  but  with  Hannibal.  The  first  Punic  war  had  been 
a  struggle  with  the  greatest  naval  power 
of  the  Mediterranean,  but  the  second 
Punic  war  was  to  be  a  conflict  with  one 
of  the  greatest  soldiers  that  the  world 
has  ever  seen.  As  a  military  genius,  no 
Roman  could  compare  with  him.  If  the 
Romans  could  have  known  what  ruin  and 
desolation  were  to  follow  in  the  train  of 
this  young  man  of  Carthage,  they  might 
have  hesitated  to  enter  upon  this  war. 
But  no  one  could  know  the  future.  While 
Carthage  placed  her  cause  in  the  hands 
of  a  brilliant  captain,  Rome  felt  that  she 
was  supported  by  a  courageous  and  stead- 
fast people.  It  will  be  interesting  for 
us  to  follow  this  contest  between  a  great  man  and  a  great 
nation. 

Hannibal's  Invasion  of  Italy. — Even  at  the  beginning  of  the 
war  Hannibal  showed  his  great  genius  as  a  soldier.  The  Ro- 
mans formed  an  excellent  plan  to  send  two  armies  into  the  ene- 
my's country — one  into  Africa  nnder  Sempronius,  and  the  other 
into  Spain  under  P.  Cornelius  Scipio  (sip'i-o).  But  Hannibal, 
with  the  instinct  of  a  true  soldier,  saw  that  Carthage  would  be 
safe  if  Italy  were  invaded  and  Rome  threatened.  Leaving  his 
brother  Hasdrubal  to  protect  Spain,  he  crossed  the  Pyrenees 
with  fifty  thousand  infantry,  nine  thousand  cavalry,  and  a 
number  of  elephants.  AVithout  delay  he  pushed  on  to  the 
river  Rhone ;  outflanked  the  barbarians,  who  were  trying  to 
oppose  his  passage;  and  crossed  the  river  above,  jnst  as  the 
Roman  army  (which  had  expected  to  meet  him  in  Spain)  had 
reached  Massilia  (Marseilles).  When  the  Roman  commander, 
P.  Cornelius  Scipio,  found  that  he  had  been  outgeneraled  by 


Hannibal 


112 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


formed  a  treaty  of  alliance  witli  the  Greek  city  of  Sagim'tum, 
which,  though  south  of  the  Iberus,  was  up  to  this  time  free 
and  independent.  Carthage  continued  the  work  of  conquering 
the  southern  part  of  Spain,  without  infringing  ui)on  the  rights 
of  Rome,  until  Hasdrubal  died.  Then  Hannibal,  the  young 
son  of  tlie  great  llamilcar,  and  the  idol  of  the  army,  was 
chosen  as  commander.     This  young  Carthaginian,  who  had  in 


Spain  —  Hannibal's  ItoiTK  -^ 

his  boyhood  sworn  an  eternal  hostility  to  Kome,  now  felt  that 
liis  mission  was  come.  He  marched  from  New  Carthage  and 
proceeded  to  attack  Saguntum,  the  ally  of  Kome;  and  after 
a  siege  of  eight  months,  captured  it.  The  Romans  sent  an 
embassy  to  Carthage  to  demand  the  surrender  of  Hannibal. 
The  story  is  told  that  Quintus  Fabius,  the  chief  Roman  en- 
voy, lifted  up  a  fold  of  his  toga  and  said  to  the  Carthaginian 
senate,  "Here  we  bring  you  peace  and  war;  which  do  you 
choose?"  "Give  us  either,"  was  the  reply.  "Then  I  offer 
you  war,"  said  Fabius.     "And  this  we  accept,"  shouted  the 


THE   SECOND  PUNIC    WAR 


113 


Carthaginians.     Thus  was  begun  the  most  memorable  war  of 
ancient  times. 

Hannibal  and  Rome.  —  Rome  was  now  at  war,  not  only  with 
Carthage,  but  with  Hannibal.  The  first  Punic  war  had  been 
a  struggle  with  the  greatest  naval  power 
of  the  Mediterranean,  but  the  second 
l*unic  war  was  to  be  a  conflict  with  one 
of  the  greatest  soldiers  that  the  world 
has  ever  seen.  As  a  military  genius,  no 
Roman  could  compare  Avith  him.  If  the 
Romans  could  have  known  what  ruin  and 
desolation  were  to  follow  in  the  train  of 
this  young  man  of  Carthage,  they  might 
have  hesitated  to  enter  upon  this  war. 
Rut  no  one  could  know  the  future.  While 
Carthage  placed  her  cause  in  the  hands 
of  a  brilliant  captain,  Rome  felt  that  she 
was  supported  by  a  courageous  and  stead- 
fast people.  It  will  be  interesting  for 
us  to  follow  this  contest  between  a  great  man  and  a  great 
nation. 

Hannibal's  Invasion  of  Italy.  — Even  at  the  beginning  of  the 
war  Hannibal  showed  his  great  genius  as  a  soldier.  The  Ro- 
mans formed  an  excellent  plan  to  send  two  armies  into  the  ene- 
my's country —  one  into  Africa  under  Sempronius,  and  the  other 
into  Spain  under  P.  Cornelius  Scipio  (sip'i-o).  But  Hannibal, 
with  the  instinct  of  a  true  soldier,  saw  that  Carthage  would  be 
safe  if  Italy  were  invaded  and  Rouie  threatened.  Leaving  his 
brother  Hasdrubal  to  protect  Spain,  he  crossed  the  Pyrenees 
with  fifty  thousand  infantry,  nine  thousand  cavalry,  and  a 
number  of  elephants.  Without  delay  he  pushed  on  to  the 
river  Rhone ;  outflanked  the  barbarians,  who  were  trying  to 
oppose  his  passage;  and  crossed  the  river  above,  just  as  the 
Roman  army  (which  had  expected  to  meet  him  in  Spain)  had 
reached  Massilia  (Marseilles).  When  the  Roman  commander, 
P.  Cornelius  Scipio,  found  that  he  had  been  outgeneraled  by 


Hanmual 


114 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


THE  SECOND  PUNIC   WAR 


115 


Hannibal,  he  sent  his  brother  Cn.  Scipio  on  to  Spain  with  the 
niiiiu  army,  and  returned  himself  to  C'isalpine  Gaul,  expecting 
to  destroy  the  Carthaginian  if  he  should  venture  to  come  into 
Italy.  Hannibal  in  the  meantime  pressed  on ;  and  in  spite  of 
innumerable  difficulties   and   dangers  crossed  the  Alps.     He 


SCALE  OF  MILES 

— Tsr 


SkCOND         PlTNIC 

Wae  —  Hanni- 
bal's Route  -^ 

finally  reached  the 
valley  of  the  Po,  with 
only    twenty     thousand 
foot  and  six  thousand  horse. 
Here  he   recruited  his   ranks 
from    the    Gauls,    who    eagerly 
joined  his  cause  against  the  Romans. 

Hannibal's  Early  Victories.  —  When 
the  Romans  were  aware  that  Hannibal 
was  really  in  Italy,  they  made  preparations  to  meet  and 
to  destroy  him.  Sempronius  was  recalled  with  the  array 
originally  intended  for  Africa;  and  Scipio,  who  had  re- 
turned from  :Massilia,  gathered  together  the  scattered  forces 
in  northern  Italy  and  took  up  his  station  at  Placentia  on  the 
Po.     The  cavalry  of  the  two  armies  first  met  in  a  skirmish 


on  the  north  side  of  the  Po,  near  the  little  stream  Tici'nus. 
The  Romans  were  defeated,  and  Scipio  himself  was  severely 
wounded.  Hannibal  then  crossed  to  the  south  of  the  Po.  To 
prevent  his  advance,  Scipio  took  up  a  strong  position  on  the 
bank  of  the  river  Trebia.  Scipio  was  soon  joined  by  his  col- 
league Sempronius,  who  came  to  him  from  Ariminum  on  the 
Adriatic  coast.  The  two  hostile  armies  were  now  separated  by 
the  river  Trebia.  Here  again  Hannibal  showed  his  great  skill 
as  a  general.  By  a  feigned  attack  he  drew  the  Romans  over 
to  his  own  side  of  the  river.  He  then  attacked  them  in  front, 
upon  the  flank,  and  in  the  rear ;  and  the  Roman  army  was 
nearly  annihilated.  The  remnant  of  the  army  fled  to  Placentia. 
This  great  disaster  did  not  discourage  the  Romans.  They  soon 
raised  new  armies  with  which  to  resist  the  invaders. 

Battle  of  Lake  Trasumenus  (B.C.  217). —  In  the  following 
spring,  the  new  consul,  Flaminius,  placed  his  own  army  at  Ar- 
retium,  in  Etruria,  and  his 
colleague's  army  at  Arim- 
inum, to  guard  the  only 
roads  upon  which  it  seemed 
possible  that  Hannibal 
could  move,  in  order  to 
reach  Rome.  But  Hanni- 
bal, instead  of  going  by 
either  of  these  roads  on 
which  he  was  expected  to 
go,  crossed  the  Apennines  and  pushed  on  toward  Rome  through 
the  marshy  regions  of  Etruria.  He  thus  got  between  the 
Roman  armies  and  the  Roman  capital.  He  knew  that  Flamin- 
ius would  be  obliged  to  hasten  to  Rome  to  protect  the  city. 
He  also  knew  by  what  road  Flaminius  must  go,  and  he  de- 
termined to  destroy  the  Roman  army  on  its  way.  He  posted 
his  army  on  the  heiglits  near  the  northern  shore  of  Lake 
Trasume'nus  (Tras'imene),  overlooking  a  defile  through  which 
the  Roman  army  must  pass.  The  Romans  approached  this 
defile  and  entered  it,  not  suspecting  the  terrible  fate  which 


OF  MILES 


3     4    5 


Battle  of  Lake  Traritmenus 


114 


THE  liOMAN  liEPUBLIC 


THE  SECOND  PUNIC   WAR 


115 


Hannibal,  he  sent  his  brother  Cn.  Seipio  on  to  Spain  with  the 
main  army,  and  returned  himself  to  Cisalpine  Gaul,  expecting 
to  destroy  the  Carthaginian  if  he  should  venture  to  come  into 
Italy.  Hannibal  in  the  meantime  pressed  on ;  and  in  spite  of 
innumerable  difficulties   and   dangers  crossed  the  Alps.     He 


Second  Pisic 
War  — Hanni- 
bal's Route  -♦ 

finally  reached  the 
valley  of  the  Po,  with 
only    twenty     thousand 
foot  and  six  thousand  horse. 
Here  he   recruited   his   ranks 
from    the    Gauls,    who    eagerly 
joined  his  cause  against  the  Romans. 

Hannibal's  Early  Victories.  —  When 
the  Romans  were  aware  that  Hannibal 
was  really  in  Italy,  they  made  preparations  to  meet  and 
to  destroy  him.  Sempronius  was  recalled  with  the  army 
originally  intended  for  Africa;  and  Seipio,  who  had  re- 
turned from  IVrassilia,  gathered  together  the  scattered  forces 
in  northern  Italy  and  took  up  his  station  at  Placentia  on  the 
Po.     The  cavalry  of  the  two  armies  first  met  in  a  skirmish 


1 


on  the  north  side  of  tlie  Po,  near  the  little  stream  Tici'nus. 
The  Romans  were  defeated,  and  Seipio  himself  was  severely 
wounded.  Hannibal  then  crossed  to  the  south  of  the  Po.  To 
prevent  his  advance,  Seipio  took  up  a  strong  position  on  the 
bank  of  the  river  Trebia.  Seipio  was  soon  joined  by  his  col- 
league Sempronius,  who  came  to  him  from  Ariminum  on  the 
Adriatic  coast.  The  two  hostile  armies  were  now  separated  by 
the  river  Trebia.  Here  again  Hannibal  showed  his  great  skill 
as  a  general.  By  a  feigned  attack  he  drew  the  Romans  over 
to  his  own  side  of  the  river.  He  then  attacked  them  in  front, 
upon  the  flank,  and  in  the  rear ;  and  the  Roman  army  was 
nearly  annihilated.  The  remnant  of  the  army  fled  to  Placentia. 
This  great  disaster  did  not  discourage  the  Romans.  They  soon 
raised  new  armies  with  which  to  resist  the  invaders. 

Battle  of  Lake  Trasumenus  (B.C.  217).  —  In  the  following 
spring,  the  new  consul,  Flaminius,  placed  his  own  army  at  Ar- 
ret ium,  in  Etruria,  and  his 
colleague's  army  at  Arim- 
inum, to  guard  the  only 
roads  upon  which  it  seemed 
possible  that  Hannibal 
could  move,  in  order  to 
reach  Rome.  But  Hanni- 
bal, instead  of  going  by 
either  of  these  roads  on 
which  he  was  expected  to  battle  <>f  lake  trasimenus 

go,  crossed  the  Apennines  and  pushed  on  toward  Rome  through 
the  marshy  regions  of  Etruria.  He  thus  got  between  the 
Roman  armies  and  the  Roman  capital.  He  knew  that  Flamin- 
ius would  be  obliged  to  hasten  to  Rome  to  protect  the  city. 
He  also  knew  by  what  road  Flaminius  must  go,  and  he  de- 
termined to  destroy  the  Roman  army  on  its  way.  He  posted 
his  army  on  the  heights  near  the  northern  shore  of  Lake 
Trasume'nus  (Tras'imene),  overlooking  a  defile  through  which 
the  Roman  army  must  pass.  The  Romans  approached  this 
defile  and  entered  it,  not  suspecting  the  terrible  fate  which 


OF  MILES 
1 1 1 

3     4     5 


116 


THE   ROMAN   KEPUBLIC 


awaited  them.  At  a  given  signal,  the  soldiers  of  Hannibal 
rushed  to  the  altack.  The  Komans  were  overwhelmed  on  every 
side,  and  those  who  escaped  the  fierce  Gauls  and  the  dreaded 
cavalry  of  ^"^umidia  were  buried  in  the  waters  of  the  lake. 
Fifteen  thousand  Komans  and  Italians  fell  on  that  fatal  field, 
with  Flaminius,  their  leader.  The  Roman  army  was  practically 
destroyed.  Northern  Italy  was  now  at  the  mercy  of  Hannibal, 
and  Rome  seemed  an  easy  prey  to  the  victorious  Carthaginian. 

Fabius  Maximus,  Dictator. —  "We  have  lost  a  great  battle, 
our  army  is  destroyed,  Flaminius  is  killed ! "  was  the  simple 
announcement  which  the  praetor  made,  after  the  frightful 
disaster  at  Lake  Trasumenus.  Ihit  this  simple  announcement 
brought  consternation  to  tlie  Roman  people.  They  recalled  the 
days  of  the  Gauls  and  the  battle  on  the  Allia.  But  they  were 
still  determined  to  defend  their  country.  The  times  seemed 
to  demand  a  dictator,  and  Q.  Fabius  Maximus  was  appointed. 
He  was  a  member  of  that  Fabian  gens  which  had  before 
proved  its  devotion  to  the  country;  and  he  was  also  that 
ambassador  who  had  offered  to  Carthage  tlie  choice  between 
peace  and  war.  He  ordered  new  armies  to  be  raised,  and  the 
city  to  be  put  in  a  state  of  defense. 

Hannibal  did  not  see  fit  to  attack  Rome ;  Init,  turning  to  the 
east,  he  moved  through  Umbria  and  Picenum  into  Apulia, 
plundering  the  country  as  he  went.  He  hoped  to  draw  to  his 
standard  the  allies  of  Rome  in  southern  Italy,  by  showing 
that  they  were  safe  only  under  his  protection.  He  also 
wished  to  provoke  Fabius  to  a  pitched  battle.  Pmt  Fabius 
had  learned  some  lessons  from  the  war;  and  he  adopted  the 
safe  policy  of  harassing  the  army  of  Hannibal  and  of  avoid- 
ing a  general  engagement.  On  account  of  this  cautious  strat- 
egy he  was  called  Fabius  Cuncta'tor,  or  the  Delayer.  In  order 
to  irritate  liim  to  a  conflict,  Hannibal  marched  through  Sam- 
niiim  into  the  rich  fields  of  Campania.  Fabius  then  tried  to 
shut  Hannibal  up  in  this  little  territory  by  holding  the  moun- 
tain passes.  But  when  Hannibal  was  ready  to  go,  he  opened 
his  way  by  a  stratagem.     He  ordered  his  light-armed  troops  in 


I 


ll 

PI 


THE   SECOND   PUNIC   WAR 


IIT 


the  night  to  drive  up  the  mountain  side  a  herd  of  cattle,  with 
lighted  fagots  tied  to  their  horns.  The  Romans  who  guarded 
the  way,  deceived  or  panic-stricken  by  this  unusual  demon- 
stration, abandoned  their  post.  Hannibal  marched  through 
the  unguarded  pass,  and  was  free  again  to  plunder  the  coun- 
tries of  southern  Italy.  He  moved  eastward  through  Sam- 
nium,  and  then  descended  into  the  region  of  Apulia.  During 
all  this  time  the  allied  cities  of  Italy  had  remained  faithful  to 

Rome. 

Battle    of    Cannae   (B.C.    216).  — The    cautious    strategy   of 
Fabius  soon  became  unpopular;  and  the  escape  of  Hannibal 
from  Campania  especially  excited  the  dissatisfaction   of   the 
people.     Two  new  consuls  were   therefore  chosen,  who  were 
expected  to  pursue  a  more  vigorous  policy.    These  were  Teren- 
tius  Varro  and  ^milius  Paullus.     Hannibal's  army  was  now 
in  Apulia,  near  the  little  town  of  Cannai  on  the  Aufidus  River. 
To  this  place  the  consuls  led  their  new  forces,  consisting  of 
eighty   thousand   infantry   and    six   thousand    cavalry,  — the 
largest   army  that  the   Romans   had,  up   to   that  time,  ever 
gathered  on  a  single  battlefield.     Hannibal's  army  consisted 
of  forty  thousand  infantry  and  ten  thousand  cavalry.     But  the 
brain  of  Hannibal  was  more  than  a  match  for  the  forty  thou- 
sand extra  Romans,  under  the  command  of  less  able  generals. 
The  Roman  consuls  took  command  on  alternate  days.     Paul- 
lus was  cautious ;  but  Varro  was  impetuous  and  determined  to 
fight  Hannibal  at  tlie  first  opportunity.     As  this  was  Hanni- 
bal's greatest  battle,  we  may  learn  something  of  his  wonderful 
skill  by  looking  at  its  plan. 

The  Romans  drew  up  their  heavy  infantry  in  solid  columns, 
facing  to  the  south,  to  attack  the  center  of  Hannibal's  line. 
In  front  of  the  heavy-armed  troops  were  the  light-armed  sol- 
diers, to  act  as  skirmishers.  On  the  Roman  right,  near  the 
river,  were  two  thousand  of  tlie  Roman  cavalry,  and  on  the  left 
wing  were  four  thousand  cavalry  of  the  allies.  With  their 
army  thus  arranged,  the  Romans  hoped  to  defeat  Hannibal. 
But  Hannibal  laid  his  plan  not  simply  to  defeat  the  Roman 


11 


I? 


»•' 


MOHKY  S    KOM.     HIST. 


8 


118 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


THE   SECOND  PUNIC   WAR 


119 


Battle  op  Cann^ 


army,  but  to  draw  it  into  such  a  position  that  it  could  be 
entirely  destroyed.     He  therefore  placed  his  weakest  troops, 

the  Spanish  and  Gallic  in- 
fantry, in  the  center  oppo- 
site the  heavy  infantry  of 
the  Romans,  and  pushed 
them  forward  in  the  form 
of  a  crescent,  with  the  ex- 
pectation that  they  would 
be  driven  back  and  pursued 
by  the  Romans.  On  either 
flank  he  placed  an  invinci- 
ble body  of  African  troops, 
his  best  and  most  trusted 
soldiers,  drawn  back  in 
long,  solid  columns,  so 
that  they  could  fall  upon 
the  Romans  when  the  center  had  been  driven  in.  On  his  left 
wing,  next  to  the  river,  were  placed  four  thousand  Spanish  and 
Gallic  cavalry,  and  on  the  right  wing  his  superb  body  of  six 
thousand  Numidian  cavalry,  which  was  to  swing  around  and 
attack  the  Roman  army  in  the  rear,  when  it  had  become  en- 
gaged with  the  African  troops  upon  the  right  and  left. 

The  description  of  this  plan  is  almost  a  description  of  the  bat- 
tle itself.  When  the  Romans  had  pressed  back  the  weak  center 
of  Hannibal's  line,  they  found  themselves  ingulfed  in  the  midst 
of  the  Carthaginian  forces.  Attacked  on  all  sides,  the  Roman 
army  became  a  confused  mass  of  struggling  men,  and  the  battle 
became  a  butchery.  The  army  was  annihilated ;  seventy  thou- 
sand Roman  soldiers  are  said  to  have  been  slain,  among  whom 
were  eighty  senators  and  the  consul  .Emilius.  The  small 
remnant  of  survivors  fled  to  the  neighboring  towns,  and  Varro, 
with  seventy  horsemen,  took  refuge  in  the  city  of  Venusia. 
This  was  the  most  terrible  day  that  Rome  had  seen  since  the 
destruction  of  the  city  by  the  Gauls,  nearly  two  centuries 
before.     Every  house  in  Rome  was  in  mourning. 


il 


II.   From  Cann^  to  the  Metaurus  (b.c.  216-207) 

Hannibars  New  Allies.  —  The  battle  of  Cannae  convinced  the 
Italian  allies  that  it  would  be  better  to  have  the  help,  rather 
than  the  hostility,  of  such  a  man  as  Hannibal.  The  Apulians, 
the  Lucanians,  the  Samnites,  the  Bruttians,  revolted  and  put 
themselves  under  his  protection.  But  the  Latin  colonies  and 
the  Greek  cities  generally  remained  loyal  to  Rome.  Capua, 
however,  the  most  important  city  in  Italy,  after  Rome,  opened 
her  gates  to  Hannibal ;  and  Tarentum,  which  held  a  Roman 
garrison,  was  betrayed  into  his  hands.  The  influence  of  Han- 
nibal's victory  was  also  apparent  outside  of  Italy.  Syracuse 
transferred  her  allegiance  from  Rome  to  Carthage,  and  many 
other  cities  in  Sicily  threatened  to  revolt.  Philip  V.,  the  king 
of  Macedonia,  also  made  an  alliance  with  Hannibal,  and 
threatened  to  invade  Italy  to  assist  him.  Hannibal  at  this 
time  was  at  the  height  of  his  power. 

Dismay  and  Fortitude  of  the  Romans.  —  During  the  period 
which  followed  the  battle  of  Cannse,  the  Roman  character  was 
put  to  its  severest  test.  The  people  feared  the  worst.  Every- 
thing seemed  turning  against  them.  They  were  in  dismay;  but 
they  did  not  despair.  The  popular  excitement  was  soon  allayed 
by  the  firmness  of  the  senate.  Under  the  wise  counsels  of 
Fabius  Maximus,  new  plans  were  made  for  the  recovery  of 
Italy.  But  the  problem  now  seemed  greater  than  ever  before. 
The  war  must  be  carried  on,  not  only  in  Italy,  to  recover  the 
revolted  allies  and  to  meet  the  continued  attacks  of  Hannibal ; 
but  also  in  Spain,  to  prevent  reenforcements  coming  from 
Hasdrubal ;  and  in  Sicily,  to  prevent  the  cities  of  that  province 
from  following  the  example  of  Syracuse ;  and  finally  in  Greece, 
to  prevent  the  king  of  Macedonia  from  interfering  in  the  affairs 
of  Italy.  In  the  face  of  all  discouragements,  the  Roman 
people,  supported  by  the  faithful  Latin  towns  and  colonies, 
remained  firm ;  and  with  fixed  resolution  determined  to  prose- 
cute the  war  with  greater  vigor  than  ever  before. 

The  Turning  of  the  Tide.  —  It  was  at  this  point  that  the ' 


120 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


fortunes  of  war  began  to  turn  in  favor  of  the  Romans.  The 
first  ray  of  hope  came  from  Spain,  where  it  was  h^arned  that 
Hasdrubal  had  been  defeated  by  the  Scipios.  Then  Hanni- 
bal's army  met  its  first  repulse  in  Campania.  The  Romans 
also,  by  forming  a  league  with  the  ^^tolian  cities  of  Greece 
and  sending  them  a  few  troops,  were  able  to  prevent  Macedonia 
from  giving  any  aid  to  Hannibal.  Soon  Syracuse  was  captured 
after  a  siege  by  the  Roman  prtetor  Marcel'lus.  Moreover, 
Hannibal's  forces  were  weakened  by  the  need  of  protecting  his 
new  allies,  scattered  in  various  parts  of  southern  Italy. 

Recovery  of  Capua.  —  The  Romans  were  greatly  incensed  by 
the  revolt  of  Capua,  and  determined  to  punish  its  citizens. 
Regular  siege  was  laid  to  the  city,  and  two  Roman  armies 
surrounded  its  walls.  Hannibal  marched  to  the  relief  of  the 
beleaguered  city  and  attempted  to  raise  the  siege  ;  but  could 
not  draw  the  Ronum  army  from  its  intrenchments.  As  a  last 
resort,  he  marclied  directly  to  Rome,  hoi)ing  to  compel  the 
Romans  to  withdraw  their  armies  from  Capua  for  the  defense 
of  the  capital.  Although  he  plundered  the  towns  and  ravaged 
the  fields  of  Latium,  and  rode  about  the  walls  of  Rome,  the 
fact  that  "  Hannibal  was  at  the  gates,"  did  not  entice  the 
Roman  army  away  from  Capua.  Rome  was  well  defended, 
and  Hannibal,  having  no  means  of  besieging  the  city,  with- 
drew again  into  the  southern  part  of  Italy.  Capua  was  soon 
taken  by  the  Romans ;  its  chief  citizens  were  put  to  death  for 
their  treason,  many  of  the  inhabitants  were  reduced  to  slavery, 
and  the  city  itself  was  put  under  the  control  of  a  prefect.  It 
was  apparent  that  Hannibal  could  not  protect  his  Italian 
allies ;  and  his  cause  seemed  doomed  to  failure,  unless  he 
could  receive  help  from  his  brother  Hasdrubal,  who  was  still 
in  Spain. 

Battle  of  the  Metaurus  (B.C.  207).  —  While  Hannibal  had 
been  engaged  in  Italy,  Hasdrubal  had  been  kept  in  Spain  by 
the  vigorous  campaign  which  the  Romans  had  conducted  in 
that  peninsula  under  the  two  Scipios.  Upon  the  death  of  these 
generals,  the  young  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio  was  sent  to  Spain 


?!■ 


THE   SECOND   PUNIC   WAR 


121 


. 


and  earned  a  great  name  by  his  victories.  But  Hasdrubal  was 
determined  to  go  to  the  rescue  of  his  brother  in  Italy.  He 
followed  Plannibal's  path  over  the  Alps  into  the  valley  of 
the  Po.  Hannibal  had  moved  northward  into  Apulia,  and  was 
awaiting  news  from  Hasdrubal.  There  were  now  two  enemies 
in  Italy,  instead  of  one.  One  Roman  army  under  Claudius 
Nero  was,  therefore,  sent  to  oppose  Hannibal  in  Apulia;  and 
another  army  under  Livius  Salina'tor  was  sent  to  meet  Has- 
drubal, who  had  just  crossed  the  river  Metaurus,  in  Umbria. 

It  was  necessary  that  Hasdrubal  should  be  crushed  before 
Hannibal  was  informed  of  his  arrival  in  Italy.  The  consul 
Claudius  Nero  therefore  left  his  main  army  in  Apulia,  and 
with  eight  thousand  picked  soldiers  hurried  to  the  aid  of  his 
colleague  in  Umbria.  The  battle  w^hich  took  place  at  the 
Metaurus  was  decisive;  and  really  determined  the  issue  of 
the  second  Punic  war.  Tlie  army  of  Hasdrubal  was  entirely 
destroyed,  and  he  himself  was  slain.  The  first  news  which 
Hannibal  received  of  this  disaster  was  from  the  lifeless  lips  of 
his  own  brother,  whose  head  was  thrown  by  the  Romans  into 
the  Carthaginian  camp.  Hannibal  saw  that  the  death  of  his 
brother  was  the  doom  of  Carthage;  and  he  sadly  exclaimed, 
"  0  Carthage,  I  see  thy  f^te !  "  Hannibal  retired  into  Brut- 
tium ;  and  the  Roman  consuls  received  the  first  triumph  that 
had  been  given  since  the  beginning  of  this  disastrous  war. 

III.    From  the  Metaurus  to  Zama  (b.c.  207-201) 

Publius  Scipio  Afrlcanus.  —  Of  all  the  men  produced  by  Rome 
during  the  Punic  wars,  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio  (afterward 
called  Africa'nus)  came  the  nearest  to  being  a  military  genius. 
From  boyhood  he  had,  like  Hannibal,  served  in  the  army.  At 
the  death  of  his  father  and  unclg,  he  had  been  intrusted  with 
the  conduct  of  the  war  in  Spain!  With  great  ability  he  had 
defeated  the  armies  which  opposed  him,  and  had  regained  the 
entire  peninsula,  after  it  had  been  almost  lost.  With  his  con- 
quest of  New  Carthage  and  Gades  (see  map,  p.  112),  Spain 


122 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


was  brought  under  the  Roman  power.     On  his  return  to  Rome, 
Scipio  was  unanimously  elected  to  the  consulship.     He  then 

proposed  his  scheme  for 
closing  the  war.  This  plan 
was  to  keep  Hannibal  shut 
up  in  the  lUuttian  penin- 
sula, and  to  carry  the  war 
into  Africa.  Although  this 
scheme  seemed  to  the 
aged  Fabius  ^laximus  as 
rash,  the  people  had  entire 
confidence  in  the  young 
Scipio,  and  supported  him. 
From  this  time  Scipio  was 
the  chief  figure  in  the  war, 
and  the  senate  kept  him  in 
command  until  its  close. 

The  War  carried  into 
Africa.  —  Scipio  now  or- 
ganized his  new  army, 
which  was  made  up  largely  of  volunteers,  and  equipped 
by  patriotic  contributions.  He  embarked  from  Sicily  and 
landed  in  Africa.  He  was  assisted  by  the  Numidian  king, 
^Fasinis'sa,  whom  he  had  previously  met  in  Spain ;  and  whose 
royal  title  was  now  disputed  by  a  rival  named  Syphax,  an 
ally  of  Carthage.  The  title  to  the  kingship  of  Numidia 
thus  became  mixed  up  with  the  war  with  Carthage.  Scipio 
and  .\rasinissa  soon  defeated  the  Carthaginian  armies  in 
Africa,  and  the  fate  of  Carthage  was  sealed. 

Recall  of  Hannibal.  —  AVhile  the  war  was  progressing  in 
Africa,  Hannibal  still  held  his  place  in  Bruttium  like  a  lion 
at  bay.  In  the  midst  of  misfortune,  he  was  still  a  hero.  He 
kept  control  of  his  devoted  army,  and  was  faithful  to  his  duty 
when  all  was  lost.  Carthage  was  convinced  that  her  only  hope 
was  in  recalling  Hannibal  to  defend  his  native  city.  Hannibal 
left   Italy,  the  field  of  his  brilliant   exploits,  and   landed  in 


Pt'BLius  Scipio  Afriganus 


THE   SECOND   PUNIC   WAR 


123 


Africa.     Thus  Rome  was  relieved  of  her  dreaded  foe,  who  had 
brought  her  so  near  to  the  brink  of  ruin. 

Battle  of  Zama  and  End  of  the  War  (B.C.  201).  — The  two 
greatest  generals  then  living  were  now  face  to  face  upon  the 
soil  of  Africa.  The  final  battle  of  the  war  was  fought  (b.c. 
202)  near  Zama  (see  map,  p.  112).  Hannibal  fought  at  a 
great  disadvantage.  His  own  veterans  were  reduced  greatly 
in  number,  and  the  new  armies  of  Carthage  could  not  be 
depended  upon.  Scipio  changed  the  order  of  the  legions,  leav- 
ing spaces  in  his  line,  through  which  the  elephants  of  Han- 
nibal might  pass  without  being  opposed.  In  this  battle 
Hannibal  was  defeated,  and  the  Carthaginian  army  was  anni- 
hilated. It  is  said  that  twenty  thousand  men  were  slain,  and 
as  many  more  taken  prisoners.  The  great  war  was  now  ended, 
and  Scipio  imposed  the  terms  of  peace  (n.c.  201).  These  terms 
were  as  follows :  (1)  Carthage  was  to  give  up  the  wliole  of 
Spain  and  all  the  islands  between  Africa  and  Italy ;  (2)  Masi- 
nissa  was  recognized  as  the  king  of  Numidia  and  the  ally 
of  Rome ;  (3)  Carthage  was  to  pay  an  anniuil  tribute  of  200 
tidents  (about  $250,000)  for  fifty  years ;  (4)  Carthage  agreed 
not  to  wage  any  war  without  the  consent  of  Rome. 

Rome  was  thus  recognized  as  the  mistress  of  the  western 
Mediterranean.  Carthage,  although  not  reduced  to  a  province, 
became  a  dependent  state.  Syracuse  was  added  to  the  prov- 
ince of  Sicily,  and  the  territory  of  Spain  was  divided  into  two 
provinces.  Hither  and  Farther  Spain.  Rome  had,  moreover, 
been  brought  into  hostile  relations  with  Macedonia,  which 
paved  the  way  for  her  conq^uests  in  the  East. 

SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Mommsen,  Vol.  IF.,  Bk.  III.,  Ch.  4,  "  Ilamilcar  and  Hannibal"  (2).* 
Mominsen,  abridged,  Cli.  14,  "  Second  Punic  War"  (2). 
Arnold,  Hist.,  p.  478,  "  Hannibal's  Passage  of  the  Alps  "  (2). 
Shuckburgh,  p.  ;U4,  "Battle  of  Trasimene  "  (1). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


122 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


THE   SECOND   PUNIC   WAR 


123 


was  brought  under  the  Roman  power.     On  his  return  to  Eome, 
Scipio  was  unanimously  elected  to  the  consulship.     He  then 

proposed  his  scheme  for 
closing  the  war.  Tliis  plan 
was  to  keep  Hannibal  shut 
up  in  the  lUuttian  penin- 
sula, and  to  carry  the  war 
into  Africa.  Although  this 
scheme  seemed  to  the 
aged  Fabius  Maxim  us  as 
rash,  the  people  had  entire 
confidence  in  the  young 
Scipio,  and  supported  him. 
From  this  time  Scipio  was 
the  chief  figure  in  the  war, 
and  the  senate  kept  him  in 
command  until  its  close. 

The  War  carried  into 
Africa.  —  Scipio  now  or- 
ganized his  new  army, 
which  was  made  up  largely  of  volunteers,  and  equipped 
by  patriotic  contributions.  He  embarked  from  Sicily  and 
landed  in  Africa.  He  was  assisted  by  the  Numidian  king, 
Masinis'sa,  whom  he  had  previously  met  in  Spain ;  and  whose 
royal  title  was  now  disputed  l)y  a  rival  named  Sypliax,  an 
ally  of  (Carthage.  The  title  to  the  kingship  of  Numi<lia 
thus  becaiue  mixed  up  with  the  war  with  Carthage.  Scii)io 
and  Masinissa  soon  defeated  the  Carthaginian  armies  in 
Africa,  and  the  fate  of  C'arthage  was  sealed. 

Recall  of  Hannibal.  —  While  the  war  was  progressing  in 
Africa,  Hannibal  still  licld  his  place  in  r>nittium  like  a  lion 
at  bay.  In  the  midst  of  misfortune,  he  was  still  a  hero.  He 
kept  control  of  his  devoted  army,  and  was  faithful  to  his  duty 
when  all  was  lost.  Carthage  was  convinced  that  her  only  hope 
was  in  recalling  Hannibal  to  defend  his  native  city.  Hannibal 
left   Italy,  the  field  of  his  brilliant   exploits,  and   landed  in 


PtBLius  Scipio  Afkicanus 


I 


Africa.     Thus  Kome  was  relieved  of  her  dreaded  foe,  who  had 
brought  her  so  near  to  the  brink  of  ruin. 

Battle  of  Zama  and  End  of  the  War  (B.C.  201).  — The  two 
greatest  generals  then  living  were  now  face  to  face  upon  the 
soil  of  Africa.  The  final  battle  of  the  war  was  fought  (b.c. 
202)  near  Zama  (see  map,  p.  112).  Hannibal  fought  at  a 
great  disadvantage.  His  own  veterans  were  reduced  greatly 
in  number,  and  the  new  armies  of  Carthage  could  not  be 
depended  upon.  Scipio  changed  the  order  of  the  legions,  leav- 
ing spaces  in  his  line,  through  which  the  elephants  of  Han- 
nibal might  pass  without  being  opposed.  In  this  battle 
Hannibal  was  defeated,  and  the  Carthaginian  army  was  anni- 
hilated. It  is  said  that  twenty  thousand  men  were  slain,  and 
as  many  more  taken  prisoners.  The  great  war  was  now  ended, 
and  Scipio  imi)osed  the  terms  of  peace  (i}.c.  201).  These  terms 
were  as  follows :  (1)  Carthage  was  to  give  up  the  whole  of 
Spain  and  all  the  islands  between  Africa  and  Italy ;  (2)  Masi- 
nissa was  recognized  as  the  king  of  Numidia  and  the  ally 
of  Rome ;  (.3)  Carthage  was  to  pay  an  annual  tribute  of  200 
talents  (about  $2r>0,000)  for  fifty  years;  (4)  Carthage  agreed 
not  to  wage  any  war  without  the  consent  of  Rome. 

Rome  was  thus  recognized  as  the  mistress  of  the  western 
Mediterranean.  Carthage,  although  not  reduced  to  a  province, 
became  a  dependent  state.  Syracuse  was  added  to  the  prov- 
ince of  Sicily,  and  the  territory  of  Spain  was  divided  into  two 
provinces.  Hither  and  Farther  Spain.  Rome  had,  moreover, 
been  brought  into  hostile  relations  with  Macedonia,  which 
paved  the  way  for  her  concpiests  in  the  East. 

SELECTIONS   FOR   READING 

Mommsen,  Vol.  11.,  Bk.  III.,  Ch.  4,  "  Ilamilcar  and  Hannibal"  (2).i 
Momnisen,  abridged,  Ch.  14,  "  Second  Tunic  War"  (2). 
Arnold,  Hist.,  p.  478,  "  Hannibal's  Passage  of  the  Alps  "  (2). 
Shuckburgh,  p.  ;U4,  "Battle  of  Trasiinene "  (1). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  nimil)er  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


r»IiOG-RESSTT^:E    IVTAT*    TsTo.  3. 


124 


THE   CONQUESTS   IN  THE   EAST 

How  and  Leigh,  p.  220,  "  Battle  of  Zama"  (1). 
riutarch,  ^' Marcellus,"  ''Fabius"  (11). 
Livy,  Bk.  XXL,  Chs.  7-15,  Siege  of  Saguntum  (4). 
See  also  Appendix  (25)  "  Hannibal/' 


125 


SPECIAL  STUDY 

Battle  of  CxNNiE. -Liddell,  pp.  311-315  (1);  Slmckburgh,  pp. 
32.3-328  (1)  ;  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  194-198  (1)  ;  Arnold,  Hist.,  pp.  496- 
500  (2)  ;  Mommsen,  Vol.  H.,  pp.  154-158  (2)  ;  Livy,  Bk.  XXIL,  Chs. 
44-52  (4);  Appian,  Bk.  VIII.,  Ch.  4  (4);  Polybius,  Bk.  IIL.  sects. 
112-118  (4). 


CHAPTEK   XVI 

THE  CONQUESTS  IN  THE   EAST   (B.C.  200-133) 

I.   The  Condition  of  the  East 

The  Divisions  of  the  Empire  of  Alexander.  — At  the  time  of 
the  second  Funic  war,  the  countries  about  the  Mediterranean 
•  may  be  considered  as  forming  two  distinct  worlds :  the  West- 
ern world,  in  which  Rome  and  Carthage  were  struggling  for 
mastery;  and  the  Eastern  world,  which  was  divided  among 
the  successors  of  Alexander  the  Great.     It  was  more  than  a 
century  before  this  time  that  Alexander  had  built  up  a  great 
empire,  extending  from  Greece  to  the  middle  of  Asia.     By  his 
conquests  the  ideals  of  Greek  art  and  literature  and  philos- 
ophy had  been  spread  into  the  eastern  countries.     But  Alex- 
ander  had  none   of   the   genius   for   organization  which   the 
Romans  possessed,  and  so  at  his. death  his   empire   fell  to 
pieces.     The  fragments  were  seized  by  his  different  generals, 
and  became  new  and  distinct  kingdoms.     At  this  time  there 
were  three  of  these  kingdoms  which  were  quite  extensive  and 
powerful.    These  were :  (1)  the  kingdom  of  Egypt  under  the 
Ptol'emies,  in  Africa;  (2)   the  kingdom  of   Syria  under  the 
Seleu'cidae,  in  Asia ;  and  (3)  the  kingdom  of  Macedonia  under 


1 


prog-R3t:ssta'^e  m:at»  isto.s. 


THE   CONQUESTS   IN  THE   EAST  125 

How  and  Leigh,  p.  229,  "  Battle  of  Zama'*  (1). 
riutarch,  '' Marcellus,"  "Fabius"  (11). 
Livy,  Bk.  XXL,  Chs.  7-15,  Siege  of  Saguntum  (4). 
See  also  Appendix  (25)  "  Hannibal." 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

Battle  of  Cann^. -Liddell,  pp.  311-315  (1);  Slmckburgh,  pp. 
32:^328  (1)  ;  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  11)4-198  (1)  ;  Arnold,  Hist.,  pp.  496- 
500  (2)  ;  Mominsen,  Vol.  XL,  pp.  154-158  (2)  ;  Livy,  Bk.  XXIL,  Chs. 
44-52  (4);  Appian,  Bk.  VIIL,  Ch.  4  (4);  Polybius,  Bk.  IlL,  sects. 
112-118  (4). 


124 


CHAPTER   XVI 

THE   CONQUESTS   IN   THE   EAST    (B.C.  200-133) 

I.    The  Condition  of  the  East 

The  Divisions  of  the  Empire  of  Alexander.  —  At  the  time  of 
the  second  Punic  war,  the  countries  about  the  Mediterranean 
may  be  considered  as  forming  two  distinct  worlds :  the  West- 
ern workl,  in  which  Rome  and  Carthage  were  struggling  for 
mastery;  and  the  Eastern  world,  which  was  divided  among 
the  successors  of  Alexander  the  Great.     It  was  more  than  a 
century  before  this  time  that  Alexander  had  built  up  a  great 
empire,  extending  from  Greece  to  the  middle  of  Asia.     By  his 
conquests  the  ideals  of  Greek  art  and  literature  and  philos- 
ophy had  been  spread  into  the  eastern  countries.     But  Alex- 
ander  had  none   of  the   genius   for   organization  which   the 
Romans   possessed,  and  so  at  his. death  his   empire  fell  to 
pieces.     The  fragments  were  seized  by  his  different  generals, 
and  became  new  and  distinct  kingdoms.     At  this  time  there 
were  three  of  these  kingdoms  wliich  were  quite  extensive  and 
powerful.    These  were :  (1)  the  kingdom  of  Egypt  under  the 
Ptol'emies,  in  Africa;  (2)   the  kingdom  of   Syria  under  the 
Seleu'cidae,  in  Asia ;  and  (3)  the  kingdom  of  Macedonia  under 


126 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


the  direct  successors  of  Alexander,  in  southeastern  Europe  (see 
map,  p.  124). 

Egypt  under  the  Ptolemies.  —  Under  the  reign  of  the  Ptol- 
emies, Egypt  had  attained  a  remarkable  degree  of  prosperity. 
Her  territory  not  only  included  the  valley  of  the  Nile,  but 
extended  into  Asia,  taking  in  Palestine,  Phoenicia,  and  the 
southern  part  of  Syria  (Coele-Syria),  besides  Cyprus  and  some 
other  islands.  Its  capital,  Alexandria,  was  perhaps  the  most 
cultivated  city  of  the  world,  where  the  learned  men  of  all 
countries  found  their  home.  So  devoted  was  Egypt  to  the 
arts  of  peace,  that  she  kept  aloof,  as  far  as  possible,  from  the 
great  wars  of  this  period.  But  she  was  an  object  of  envy  to 
the  kings  of  Syria  and  Macedonia ;  and  toward  the  close  of  the 
second  Punic  war,  in  order  to  protect  herself,  she  had  formed 
an  alliance  with  Rome.  The  friendly  relations  between  Rome 
and  Egypt  were  preserved,  while  Rome  carried  on  war  with 
the  other  great  powers  of  the  East. 

Syria  under  Antiochus  III.  — The  most  important  fragment 
of  Alexander's  empire  in  Asia  was  Syria,  or  the  kingdom  of 
the  Seleucidae  —  so  called  from  the  name  of  its  founder,  Seleu- 
cus  the  Conqueror.     It  covered  a  large  part  of  western  Asia, 
comprising  the  valley  of  the  Euphrates,  upper  Syria,  and  por- 
tions of  Asia  Minor.     Its  rulers  included  four  kings  by  the 
name  of  Seleucus,  and  eight  by  the  name  of  Anti'ochus.    These 
names  also  appear  in  the  capital  cities  of  the  Syrian  empire, 
Seleucia  on  the  Tigris  and  An'tioch  in  upper  Syria.     The  most 
powerful  of  these  kings  was    Antiochus  III.,  surnamed  the 
Great.     He  did  much  to  enlarge  and  strengthen  the  empire. 
Rut  he  incurred  the  hostility  of  Rome  by  giving  asylum  to 
Rome^s   great   enemy,  Ha'iinil)al,  and   also  by   attempting  to 
make  conquests  in  Europe.     There  were  a  few  small  states  in 
Asia  IVIinor,  like  Per'gamiis,  Bithyn'ia,  Pontus,  and  the  island 
republic  of  Rhodes,  which  wore  not  included  in  the  kingdom  of 
Syria  and  which  were  inclined  to  look  to  Rome  for  protection. 
Macedonia  and  the  Greek  Cities.  —  The  third  great  fragment 
of  Alexander's  empire  was  Macedonia,  which  aspired  to  be 


THE   CONQUESTS  IN  THE   EAST 


12' 


,'    « 


\ 


sui)reme  in  eastern  Europe.  A  part  of  Greece  fell  under  its 
authority.  But  many  of  the  Greek  cities  remained  free ;  and 
they  united  into  leagues  or  confederations,  in  order  to  main- 
tain their  independence.  One  of  these  was  the  Achaean  league, 
made  up  of  the  cities  of  southern  Greece,  or  the  Peloponne'sus  ; 
and  another  was  the  ^tolian  league,  including  a  large  number 
of  cities  in  central  Greece.  When  Philip  Y.  came  to  the 
throne  of  Macedonia,  his  kingdom  was  in  a  flourishing  condi- 
tion. The  young  ruler  was  ambitious  to  extend  his  power; 
and  came  into  hostile  relations  with  Rome,  which  espoused  the 
cause  of  the  Greek  cities. 

II.   The  First  axd  Second  Macedonian  Wars 

The  First  Macedonian  War  (B.C.  215-206).  —  It  was  the  indis- 
creet alliance  of  Philip  of  Macedonia  with  Hannibal,  during  the 
second  Punic  war,  which  we  have  already  noticed,  that  brought 
about  the  first  conflict  between  Rome  and  Macedonia.  But 
Rome  was  then  so  fully  occupied  with  her  struggle  with  Car- 
thage that  all  she  desired  to  do  was  simply  to  prevent  Philip 
from  making  his  threatened  invasion  of  Italy.  Rome  there- 
fore sent  a  small  force  across  the  Adriatic,  made  friends  with 
the  ^tolians,  and  kept  Philip  occupied  at  home.  The  Mace- 
donian king  was  thus  prevented  from  sending  any  force  into 
Italy.  The  iEtolians,  not  satisfied  with  the  support  given  to 
them  by  Rome,  soon  made  i)eace  with  Philip ;  and  the  Romans 
themselves,  who  were  about  to  invade  Africa,  were  also  willing 
to  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace  with  him.  Thus  closed  what  is 
generally  called  the  first  Macedonian  war,  which  was  really 
nothing  more  than  a  diversion  to  prevent  Philip  from  giving 
aid  to  Hannibal  after  the  battle  of  Cannae. 

Beginning  of- the  Second  Macedonian  War  (B.C.  200-197). — 
When  the  second  Punic  war  was  fairly  ended,  Rome  felt  free 
to  deal  with  Philip  of  Macedonia,  and  to  take  a  firm  hand  in 
settling  the  affairs  of  the  East.  Philip  had  annoyed  her,  not 
only  by  making  an  alliance  with  Hannibal,  but  afterward  by 


128 


THE   ROMAN   UEPUBLIC 


sending  a  force  to  assist  him  at  the  battle  of  Zama.  And  now 
the  ambitious  schemes  of  Philip  were  not  at  all  to  the  liking 
of  Kome.  For  instance,  he  made  an  agreement  with  Antiochus 
of  Syria  to  cut  up  the  possessions  of  Egypt,  a  country  which 
was  friendly  to  Rome.  He  was  also  overrunning  the  coasts  of 
the  /Egean  Sea,  and  was  threatening  the  little  kingdom  of  Perga- 
mus  in  Asia  Minor,  and  the  little  republic  of  Rhodes,  as  well 


"^•Hj-V"'"^ 


»C*LE  OF  MtLtS 

6     ir~16    i 


loTKo 


RHODES 


Lands  abuut  the  ^Egean  Sea 


as  the  cities  of  Greece.  When  appeal  came  to  Rome  for  pro- 
tection, she  espoused  the  cause  of  the  small  states,  and  declared 
war  against  ^Macedonia. 

Battle  of  Cynoscephalae  (B.C.  197).  — The  great  hero  of  this 
war  was  T.  Quinctius  Flamini'nus;  and  the  decisive  battle  was 
fought  near  a  hill  in  Thessaly  called  Cynosceph'alae  (Dog's 
Heads).  Here  Philip  was  completely  defeated,  and  his  army 
was  destroyed.  Although  ^lacedonia  was  not  reduced  to  the 
condition  of  a  province,  it  became  practically  subject  to  Rome, 


THE   CONQUESTS  IN  THE  EAST 


129 


Macedonia  was  thus  humbled,  and  there  was  no  other  power  in 
Europe  to  dispute  the  supremacy  of  Rome. 

The  Liberation  of  Greece  (B.C.  196).  —  To  complete  her  work 
in  eastern  Europe,  and  to  justify 
her  position  as  defender  of  the 
Greek  cities,  Rome  withdrew  her 
garrisons  and  announced  the  inde- 
pendence of  Greece.  This  was 
proclaimed  by  Flamininus  at  the 
Isthmian  games,  amid  wild  enthu- 
siasm and  unbounded  expressions 
of  gratitude.  Rome  was  hailed 
as  "  the  nation  which,  at  its  own 
expense,  with  its  own  labor,  and  at 
its  own  risk,  waged  war  for  the 
liberty  of  others,  and  which  had 
crossed  the  sea  that  justice,  right,  and  law  should  everywhere 
have  sovereign  sway." 


KoMAM   UeRALD 


III.   War  with  Antiochus  of  Syria  (b.c.  192-189) 

Beginning  of  the  War ;  the  -ffitolians.  —  There  was  now  left 
in  the  world  only  one  great  power  which  could  claim  to  be 
a  rival  of  Rome.  That  power  was  Syria,  under  its  ambitious 
ruler,  Antiochus  III.     A  number  of  things  led  to  the  conflict 

between  Rome  and  this  great  power  in 
Asia.  But  the  direct  cause  of  the  war 
grew  out  of  the  intrigues  of  the  ^tolians 
in  Greece.  This  restless  people  stirred  up 
a  discord  among  the  Greek  cities,  and 
finally  called  upon  Antiochus  to  espouse 
their  cause,  and  to  aid  them  in  driving  the 
Romans  out  of  the  country.  Antiochus 
accepted  this  invitation,  crossed  the  Hel'- 
lespont,  and  landed  in  Greece  with  an  army  of  10,000  men 
(B.C.  192). 


Antiochus  III.  (Coin) 


128 


THE   KQMAN    UErUBLIC 


sending  a  force  to  assist  him  at  the  battle  of  Zama.  And  now 
the  ambitious  schemes  of  Philip  were  not  at  all  to  the  liking 
of  Home.  For  instance,  he  made  an  agreement  with  Antiochus 
of  Syria  to  cut  up  the  possessions  of  Egypt,  a  country  whicli 
was  friendly  to  Home.  He  was  also  overrunning  the  coasts  of 
the  ^Egean  Sea,  and  was  threatening  the  little  kingdom  of  Perga- 
mus  in  Asia  Minor,  and  the  little  republic  of  llhodes,  as  well 


SCALE  OF  MILES 

6  -iu  -tb  ^  ^  I'te 


Lands  about  the  ^Egean  Sea 

as  the  cities  of  Greece.  AVhen  appeal  came  to  Home  for  pro- 
tection, she  espoused  tlie  cause  of  the  small  states,  and  declared 
war  against  ^lacedonia. 

Battle  of  Cynoscephalae  (B.C.  197).  — The  great  hero  of  this 
war  was  T.  Quinctius  Flamini'nus;  and  the  decisive  battle  was 
fought  near  a  hill  in  Thessaly  called  Cynosceph'alae  (Dog's 
Heads).  Here  Philip  was  completely  defeated,  and  his  army 
was  destroyed.  Although  Macedonia  was  not  reduced  to  the 
condition  of  a  province,  it  became  practically  subject  to  Rome. 


THE   CONQUESTS   IN  THE   EAST 


129 


Roman  Uerald 


Macedonia  was  thus  humbled,  and  there  was  no  other  power  in 
Europe  to  dispute  the  supremacy  of  Rome. 

The  Liberation  of  Greece  (B.C.  196).  —  To  complete  her  work 
in  eastern  Europe,  and  to  justify 
her  position  as  defender  of  the 
Greek  cities,  Rome  withdrew  her 
garrisons  and  announced  the  inde- 
pendence of  Greece.  This  was 
proclaimed  by  Flamininus  at  the 
Isthmian  games,  amid  wild  enthu- 
siasm and  unbounded  expressions 
of  gratitude.  Rome  was  hailed 
as  "  the  nation  which,  at  its  own 
expense,  with  its  own  labor,  and  at 
its  own  risk,  waged  war  for  the 
liberty  of  others,  and  which  had 
crossed  the  sea  that  justice,  right,  and  law  should  everywhere 
have  sovereign  sway." 

III.   War  with  Antiochus  of  Syria  (b.c.  192-189) 

Beginning  of  the  War ;  the  .ffitolians.  —  There  was  now  left 
in  the  world  only  one  great  power  which  could  claim  to  be 
a  rival  of  Rome.  That  power  was  Syria,  under  its  ambitious 
ruler,  Antiochus  III.     A  number  of  things  led  to  the  conflict 

between  Rome  and  this  great  power  in 
Asia.  But  the  direct  cause  of  the  war 
grew  out  of  the  intrigues  of  the  iEtolians 
in  Greece.  This  restless  people  stirred  up 
a  discord  among  the  Greek  cities,  and 
finally  called  upon  Antiochus  to  espouse 
their  cause,  and  to  aid  them  in  driving  the 
Romans  out  of  the  country.  Antiochus 
accepted  this  invitation,  crossed  the  Hel'- 
lespont,  and  landed  in  Greece  with  an  army  of  10,000  men 
(B.C.  192). 


Antiochus  III.  (Coin) 


lao 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


Battles  of  Thermopylae  and  Magnesia.  —  Rome  now  appeared 
as  the  protector  of  Europe  against  Asia.  She  was  supported 
by  her  previous  enemy,  Philip  of  Macedonia;  and  she  was  also 
aided  by  the  kingdom  of  l*ergannis  and  the  republic  of  Rhodes. 
The  career  of  Antiochus  in  Greece  was  short.  He  was  defeated 
by  Marcus  Porcius  Cato  in  the  famous  pass  of  Thermop'ylae 
(B.C.  191),  and  was  driven  back  across  the  sea  into  Asia  Minor. 
The  next  year  the  Romans  followed  him,  and  fought  their  first 
battle  upon  the  continent  of  Asia.  The  Roman  army  was 
nominally  under  the  command  of  the  new  consul,  L.  Cornelius 
Scipio,  but  really  under  the  command  of  his  famous  brother, 
Scipio  Africanus,  who  accompanied  him.  The  decisive  battle 
was  fought  at  Magnesia  (b.c.  190),  not  far  from  Sardis  in 
western  Asia  Elinor.  Forty  thousand  of  the  enemy  were 
slain,  with  a  comparatively  small  loss  to  the  Romans.  Scipio 
imposed  the  terms  of  peace,  which  required  Antiochus  (1)  to 
give  up  all  his  possessions  in  Asia  Minor  —  the  most  of  which 
were  added  to  the  kingdom  of  Pergamus,  with  some  territory 
to  the  republic  of  Rhodes ;  (2)  to  give  up  his  fleet  and  not 
to  interfere  in  European  affairs;  (3)  to  pay  the  sum  of  15,000 
talents  (nearly  $20,000,000)  within  twelve  years;  and  (4)  to 
surrender  Hannibal,  who  had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  war. 

Subjection  of  the  ^tolians.  —  After  the  great  victory  of  Mag- 
nesia, Rome  turned  her  arms  against  the  .Etolians,  who  were 
so  foolish  as  to  continue  the  struggle.  Their  chief  city, 
Ambracia,  Avas  taken  ;  and  they  were  soon  forced  to  submit, 
^lacedonia  and  all  Greece,  with  the  excei)tion  of  the  Achaean 
league,  were  now  brought  into  subjection  to  the  Roman 
authority. 

The  Fate  of  Hannibal.  —  To  the  Romans  it  seemed  an  act  of 
treachery  that  Hannibal,  who  had  been  conquered  in  a  fair 
field  at  Zama,  should  continue  his  hostility  by  fighting  on 
the  side  of  their  enemies.  But  Hannibal  never  forgot  the  oath 
of  eternal  enmity  to  Rome,  the  oath  which  he  had  sworn  at 
his  father's  knee.  When  Antiochus  agreed  to  surrender  him, 
Hannibal  fled  to  Crete,  and  afterward  took  refuge  with  the 


THE   CONQUESTS   IN   THE   EAST 


131 


king  of  Bithynia.  Here  he  continued  his  hostility  to  Rome 
by  aiding  this  ruler  in  a  war  against  Rome's  ally,  the  king  of 
Pergamus.  The  Romans  still  pursued  him,  and  sent  Flamini- 
nus  to  demand  his  surrender.  But  Hannibal  again  fled,  and, 
hunted  from  the  face  of  the  earth,  this  great  soldier,  who  had 
been  the  most  terrible  foe  that  Rome  had  ever  encountered, 
took  his  own  life  by  drinking  poison.  It  is  said  that  the  year 
of  his  death  was  the  same  year  (b.c.  183)  in  which  died  liis 
great  and  victorious  antagonist,  Scipio  Africanus. 


IV.   The  Third  Macedoxiax  "War  (b.c.  171-168) 

Roman  Policy  in  the  East.  —  P>y  the  great  battles  of  Cynos- 
cephalae  and  Magnesia,  Rome  had  reason  to  believe  that  she 
had  broken  the  power  of  her  rivals  in  the  East.  But  she  had 
not  yet  adopted  in  that  part  of  the  world  the  policy  which  she 
had  previously  employed  in  the  case  of  Sicily  and  Spain, 
namely,  of  reducing  the  territory  to  the  condition  of  provinces. 
She  had  left  the  countries  of  the  East  nominally  free  and  inde- 
pendent ;  and  had  placed  them  in  the  condition  of  subject 
allies,  or  of  tributary  states.  She  had  compelled  them  to 
reduce  their  armies,  to  give  her  an  annual  tribute,  and  to  prom- 
ise not  to  make  a  war  without  her  consent.  In  this  way  she 
believed  that  ^Macedonia  and  Syria  would  be  obliged  to  keep 
the  peace.  Over  the  weaker  powers,  like  the  Greek  cities, 
the  kingdom  of  Pergamus,  and  the  republic  of  Rhodes,  she 
had  assumed  the  position  of  a  friendly  protector.  But  in  spite 
of  this  generous  policy,  a  spirit  of  discontent  gradually  grew 
up  in  the  various  countries,  and  Rome  was  soon  obliged,  as 
we  shall  see,  to  adopt  a  new  and  more  severe  policy,  in  order* 
to  maintain  peace  and  order  throughout  her  growing  empire. 

Beginning  of  the  Third  Macedonian  War.  —  Philip  of  Macedonia 
had  been  a  faithful  ally  of  Rome  during  the  late  war  with 
Antiochus ;  but  at  its  close  he  felt  that  he  had  not  been  suffi- 
ciently rewarded  for  his  fidelity.  He  saw  that  the  little  states 
of  Pergamus  and  Rhodes  had  received  considerable  accessions 


132 


THE  ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


to  their  territories,  while  he  himself  was  apparently  forgotten. 
On  account  of  this  seeming  neglect,  he  began  to  think  of 
regaining  his  old  power.  When  he  died,  he  was  succeeded  by 
his  son,  Perseus,  who  continued  the  design  of  making  Mace- 
donia free  from  the  dictation  of  Eome.  Perseus  did  what  he 
could  to  develop  the  resources  of  his  kingdom,  and  to  organize 
and  strengthen  his  army.  He  even  began  to  be  looked  upon 
by  the  Greek  cities  as  their  champion  against  the  encroach- 
ments of  Rome.  But  the  time  soon  came  when  he  was  obliged 
to  answer  for  his  arrogant  conduct.  The  Komans  became  con- 
vinced of  the  ambitious  scheme  of  Perseus,  and  entered  upon 
a  new  war  against  Macedonia. 

Battle  of  Pydna  (B.C.  168).— After  three  unsuccessful  cam- 
paigns, the  Komans  finally  placed  in  command  of  their  army 
an  able  general,  iEmilius  Paullus,  the  son  of  the  consul  who 
was  slain  at  Canuie.  The  two  armies  met  near  Pydna,  (see 
map,  p.  128),  and  Perseus  suffered  a  crushing  defeat.  Here 
the  Macedonian  phalanx  fought  its  last  great  battle,  and  the 
Roman  legions  gave  a  new  evidence  of  their  superior  strength. 
Twenty  thousand  Macedonians  were  slain,  and  eleven  thou- 
sand were  captured.  It  is  said  that  the  spoils  of  this  battle 
were  so  great  that  the  citizens  of  Rome  were  henceforth  re- 
lieved from  the  payment  of  taxes.  Paullus  received  at  Rome 
the  most  magnificent  triumph  that  had  ever  been  seen.  For 
three  days  the  gorgeous  procession  marched  through  the 
streets  of  Rome,  bearing  the  trophies  of  the  East.  Through 
the  concourse  of  exultant  people  was  driven  the  chariot  of  the 
defeated  king  of  ^Macedonia,  followed  by  the  victorious  army 
adorned  with  laurels,  and  its  successful  commander  decked 
.with  the  insignia  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus,  with  a  laurel  branch 
in  his  hand. 

The  Settlement  of  Macedo'nia.  —  The  question  now  arose  as 
to  what  should  be  'done  with  Macedonia,  which  had  so  many 
times  resisted  the  Roman  power.  The  Romans  were  not  yet 
ready  to  reduce  the  country  to  a  province,  and  were  not.  will- 
ing to  have  it  remain  independent.     It  was  therefore*  split  up 


THE  CONQUESTS  IN  THE   EAST 


133 


into  four  distinct  republics,  which  were  to  be  entirely  sepa- 
rated from  one  another,  but  which  were  to  be  dependent  upon 
Rome.  With  a  show  of  generosity,  Rome  compelled  the 
people  to  pay  as  tribute  only  half  of  what  had  been  previously 
paid  to  the  Macedonian  king.  But  the  republics  could  have 
no  relations  with  one  another,  either  by  way  of  commerce  or 
intermarriage.  All  the  chief  men  of  Greece  who  had  given 
any  aid  to  the  Macedonian  king  were  transported  to  Italy, 
where  they  could  not  stir  up  a  revolt  in  their  native  country. 
Among  these  Achaean  captives  was  the  famous  historian, 
Polyb'ius,  who  during  this  time  gathered  the  materials  of  his 
great  work  on  Roman  history. 

SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Pelham,  Bk.  III.,  Ch.  2,  "  Rome  and  the  East "  (l).i 

•Arnokl,  Hist.,  Ch.  35,  "  State  of  the  East"  (2). 

How  and  Leigh,   Ch.  25,   "Eastern    States   and   Second    Macedonian 

War"  (1). 
Liddell,  Ch.  39,  " Settlement  of  Greece"  (1). 
Mommsen,  Vol.  II.,  Bk.  III.,  Ch.  8,  "  The  Eastern  States"  (2). 
Mommsen,  abridged,  Ch.  17,  "  War  with  Antiochus"  (2). 
Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Ch.  25,  "  Deaths  of  Three  Great  Men  "  (1). 
Plutarch,  "^milius  Paullus,"  "  Flamininus  "  (11). 
Livy,  Bk.  XXXIIL,  Chs.  32,  33,  The  Liberation  of  Greece  (4). 


SPECIAL  STUDY 

AcHJEAN  AND  ^TOLiAN  LEAGUES.  —  Liddcll,  pp.  416-417  (1)  ;  Shuck- 
burgh,  pp.  413-415  (1)  ;  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  257-259  (1)  ;  Mommsen, 
Vol.  II.,  pp. 262-205  (2). 

^  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


CHAPTER   XVII 

REDUCTION   OF   THE    ROMAN   CONQUESTS 
I.   Reduction  of  Macedonia  and  Greece 

Change  of  the  Roman  Policy.  —  We  sometimes  tliink  that 
Rome  started  out  upon  lier  great  career  of  conquest  with  a 
definite  purpose  to  subdue  the  world,  and  with  clear  ideas  as 
to  how  it  should  be  governed.  But  nothing  could  be  farther 
from  the  truth.  She  had  been  drawn  on  from  one  war  to 
another,  often  against  her  own  will.  AVhen  she  first  crossed 
the  narrow  strait  into  Sicily  at  the  beginning  of  the  first  Tunic 
war,  she  little  thought  that  in  a  hundred  years  her  armies 
would  be  fighting  in  Asia;  and  when  in  early  times  she  was 
compelled  to  Ihid  some  way  of  keeping  peace  and  order  in 
Latium,  she  could  not  have  known  that  she  would,  sooner  or 
later,  be  compelled  to  devise  a  way  to  preserve  the  peace  and 
order  of  the  world.  I>ut  Rome  was  ever  growing  and  ever 
learning.  She  learned  how  to  conquer  before  she  learned  how 
to  g()v«'rn.  It  Avas  after  the  third  jVIacedonian  war  that  Rome 
became  convinced  that  her  method  of  governing  the  conquered 
lands  was  not  strong  enough  to  preserve  peace  and  maintain 
her  own  authority.  She  had  heretofore  left  the  conquered 
states  to  a  certain  extent  free  and  independent.  But  now, 
either  excited  by  jealousy  or  irritated  by  the  intrigues  and 
disturbances  of  the  conquered  people,  she  was  determined  to 
reduce  them  to  a  more  complete  state  of  submission. 

New  Disturbances  in  Macedonia.  —  She  was  especially  con- 
vinced of  the  need  of  a  new  policy  by  the  continued  troubles 
in  Macedonia.  The  experiment  which  she  had  tried,  of  cut- 
ting up  the  kingdom  into  four  separate  states,  had  not  been 
entirely  successful.  To  add  to  the  disturbances  there  appeared 
a  man  who  called  himself  Philip,  and  who  pretended  to  be  the 

KJ4 


REDUCTION  OF  THE   ROMAN   CONQUESTS 


135 


son  of  Perseus.  He  incited  the  people  to  revolt,  and  even 
defeated  the  Romans  in  a  battle ;  but  he  was  himself  soon 
defeated  and  made  a  prisoner. 

Revolt  of  the  Achaean  Cities.  —  The  spirit  of  revolt,  ex- 
cited by  the  false  Philip,  spread  into  Greece.  The  people 
once  more  began  to  feel  that  the  freedom  of  Rome  was  worse 


^j^ 


«> 


liUlNS  AT  CORINTII 


than  slavery.  It  is  true  that  Rome  had  liberated  the  Achaean 
captives  who  had  been  transported  to  Italy  after  the  third 
Macedonian  war ;  but  these  men,  who  had  spent  so  much  of 
their  lives  in  captivity,  carried  back  to  Greece  the  bitter  spirit 
which  they  still  cherished.  The  Greek  cities  became  not  only 
unfriendly  to  Rome,  but  were  also  at  strife  with  one  another. 
Sparta  desired  to  withdraw  from  the  Achaean  league,  and 
appealed  to  Rome  for  help.  Rome  sent  commissioners  to 
Greece  to  settle  the  difficulty ;  but  the  Achaeans  came  together 

MOUEY's  ROM.   HIST. — 9 


CHAPTER   XVII 

REDUCTION   OF   THE   ROMAN   CONQUESTS 
I.   Keductiox  of  Macedonia  and  Greece 

Change  of  the  Roman  Policy.  —  We  sometimes  tliink  that 
Rome  started  out  upon  her  great  career  of  conquest  witli  a 
definite  purpose  to  subdue  the  world,  and  with  clear  ideas  as 
to  how  it  sliould  be  governed.  But  nothing  could  be  farther 
from  tlie  truth.  She  had  been  drawn  on  from  one  war  to 
anotlier,  often  against  her  own  will.  AVhen  she  first  crossed 
the  narrow  strait  into  Sicily  at  the  beginning  of  the  first  Punic 
war,  she  little  thought  that  in  a  hundred  years  her  armies 
would  be  fighting  in  Asia;  and  when  in  early  times  she  was 
compelh^d  to  iind  some  way  of  keeping  peace  and  order  in 
Latiiim,  she  could  not  have  known  that  she  would,  sooner  or 
later,  be  compelled  to  devise  a  way  to  preserve  the  peace  and 
order  of  the  world.  But  Rome  was  ever  growing  and  ever 
learning.  She  learned  how  to  conquer  before  she  learned  how 
to  govern.  It  was  after  the  third  Macedonian  war  that  Rome 
became  convinced  that  her  method  of  governing  the  conquered 
lands  was  not  strong  enough  to  preserve  peace  and  maintain 
her  own  autlK)rity.  She  had  heretofore  left  the  conquered 
states  to  a  certain  extent  free  and  independent.  But  now, 
either  excited  by  jealousy  or  irritated  by  the  intrigues  and 
disturbances  of  the  conquered  people,  she  was  determined  to 
reduce  them  to  a  more  complete  state  of  submission. 

New  Disturbances  in  Macedonia.  —  She  was  especially  con- 
vinced of  the  need  of  a  new  policy  by  the  continued  troubles 
in  Macedonia.  The  experiment  which  she  had  tried,  of  cut- 
ting up  the  kingdom  into  four  separate  states,  had  not  been 
entirely  successful.  1\^  add  to  the  disturbances  there  appeared 
a  man  who  called  himself  Philip,  and  who  pretended  to  be  the 

1^4 


REDUCTION  OF  THE  ROMAN  CONQUESTS 


135 


son  of  Perseus.  He  incited  the  people  to  revolt,  and  even 
defeated  the  Romans  in  a  battle ;  but  he  was  himself  soon 
defeated  and  made  a  prisoner. 

Revolt  of  the  Achaean  Cities.  —  The  spirit  of  revolt,  ex- 
cited by  the  false  Philip,  spread  into  Greece.  The  people 
once  more  began  to  feel  that  the  freedom  of  Rome  was  worse 


^.j^ 


(> 


BUINS   AT   COBINTH 


than  slavery.  It  is  true  that  Rome  had  liberated  the  Achaean 
captives  who  had  been  transported  to  Italy  after  the  third 
Macedonian  war ;  but  these  men,  who  had  spent  so  much  of 
their  lives  in  captivity,  carried  back  to  Greece  the  bitter  spirit 
which  they  still  cherished.  The  Greek  cities  became  not  only 
unfriendly  to  Rome,  but  were  also  at  strife  with  one  another. 
Sparta  desired  to  withdraw  from  the  Achaean  league,  and 
appealed  to  Rome  for  help.  Rome  sent  commissioners  to 
Greece  to  settle  the  difficulty ;  but  the  Aclueans  came  together 

MOUEY's  ROM.   HIST.  9 


186 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


in  their  assembly  at  Corinth  and  insulted  the  Roman  com- 
missioners, and  were  then  rash  enough  to  declare  war  against 
Rome  herself. 

Destruction  of  Corinth  (B.C.  146).  —  The  war  which  now  fol- 
lowed, for  the  subjugation  of  Greece,  was  at  first  conducted 
by  ^letel'lus ;  and  afterward  by  Mummius,  an  able  general  but 
a  boorish  man,  who  hated  the  Greeks  and  cared  little  for  their 
culture.  Corinth,  the  chief  city  of  the  Achtean  league,  was 
captured ;  the  art  treasures,  pictures  and  statues,  the  splendid 
products  of  Greek  genius,  were  sent  to  Rome.  The  inhabit- 
ants were  sold  as  slaves.  And  by  the  cruel  command  of  the 
senate,  the  city  itself  was  reduced  to  ashes.  This  was  a  bar- 
barous act  of  war,  such  an  act  as  no  civilized  nation  has  ever 
approved.  That  the  Romans  were  not  yet  fully  civilized,  and 
knew  little  of  the  meaning  of  art,  is  shown  by  the  story  told 
of  ^lummius.  This  rude  consul  warned  the  sailors  who  carried 
the  pictures  and  statues  of  Corinth  to  Rome,  that  "  if  they  lost 
or  damaged  any  of  them,  they  must  replace  them  with  others 
of  equal  value." 

Macedonia  reduced  to  a  Province.  — The  time  had  now  come 
for  Rome  to  adopt  her  new  policy  in  respect  to  Macedonia. 
The  old  divisions  into  which  the  kingdom  had  been  divided 
were  abolished,  and  each  city  or  community  was  made  directly 
responsible  to  the  governor  sent  from  Rome.  r>y  this  new 
arrangement,  Macedonia  became  a  province.  The  cities  of 
Greece  were  allowed  to  remain  nominally  free,  but  the  politi- 
cal confederacies  were  broken  up,  and  each  city  came  into 
direct  relation  with  Rome  through  the  governor  of  Macedonia. 
Greece  was  afterward  organized  as  a  separate  province,  under 
the  name  of  Achaea. 

11.     Third  Punic  War  and  Reduction  of  Africa 

(B.C.  149-14G) 

Revival  of  Carthage.  —  The  new  policy  which  Rome  applied 
to  Macedonia  she  also  adopted  with  respect  to  Carthage. 
Since  the  close  of  the  second  Funic  war,  Carthage  had  faith- 


REDUCTION   OF   THE   ROMAN   CONQUESTS 


137 


fully  observed  the  terms  of  the  treaty  which  Rome  had  im- 
posed. She  had  abandoned  war  and  devoted  herself  to  the 
arts  of  peace.  Her  commerce  had  revived;  her  ships  were 
again  plying  the  waters  of  the  Mediterranean  ;  and  she  seemed 
destined  to  become  once  more  a  rich  and  prosperous  city. 
But  her  prosperity  was  the  cause  of  her  ruin.  The  jealousy 
of  Rome  was  aroused  by  the  recovery  of  her  former  rival. 
The  story  is  often  told,  that  Cato  (the  Censor)  was  sent  to  Car- 
thage on  an  embassy  ;  that  he  was  astonished  at  the  wealth  and 
prosperity  which  everywhere  met  his  gaze ;  that  he  pictured  the 
possibility  of  another  struggle  with  that  queen  of  the  seas ;  and 
that  he  closed  every  speech  in  the  senate  with  the  words, 
"  Carthage  must  be  destroyed." 

Beginning  of  the  Third  Punic  War.  —  Whether  Rome  was  really 
alarmed  at  the  growth  of  Carthage  or  only  jealous  of  its  com- 
mercial prosperity,  the  words  of  Cato  became  the  policy  of 
the  senate.  The  Romans  only  waited  for  an  opportunity  to 
put  this  policy  into  effect.  This  they  soon  found  in  the  quar- 
rels between  Carthage  and  Numidia,  whose  king,  Masinissa, 
was  an  ally  of  Rome.  After  appealing  in  vain  to  the  sen- 
ate to  protect  their  rights  against  Masinissa,  the  Carthagin- 
ians were  bold  enough  to  take  up  arms  to  protect  their  own 
rights.  But  to  Rome  it  was  a  deadly  offense  to  take  up  arms 
against  her  ally.  As  a  guaranty  to  keep  the  peace,  the  Cartha- 
ginians were  commanded  to  give  up  three  hundred  of  their 
noblest  youths  as  hostages.  The  hostages  were  accordingly 
given  up.  The  Carthaginians  were  then  informed  that,  as  they 
were  then  under  the  protection  of  Rome,  they  would  not  need 
to  go  to  war;  and  that  they  must  surrender  all  their  arms  and 
munitions.  This  hard  demand  was  also  complied  with,  and  Car- 
thage became  defenseless.  The  demand  was  now  made  that,  as 
the  city  was  fortified,  it  too  must  be  given  up,  and  the  inhabit- 
ants must  remove  to  a  point  ten  miles  from  the  coast ;  in  other 
words,  that  "  Carthage  must  be  destroyed."  To  such  a  revolt- 
ing and  infamous  command  the  Carthaginians  could  not  yield, 
and  they  resolved  upon  a  desperate  resistance. 


138 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


Siege  and  Destruction  of  Carthage  (B.C.  146).— Never  was 
there  a  more  heroic  defense  than  tliat  made  by  Carthage  in 
this,  her  last  struggle.  She  was  without  arms,  without  war 
ships,  witliout  allies.  To  make  new  weapons,  the  temples  were 
turned  into  workshops ;  and  it  is  said  that  the  women  cut  off 
their  long  hair  to  be  twisted  into  bowstrings.  Supplies  were 
collected  for  a  long  siege ;  the  city  became  a  camp.  For  three 
long  years  the  brave  Carthaginians  resisted  every  attempt  to 
take  the  city.     They  repelled  the   assault   upon   their  walls. 


Site  or  Carthage 


They  were  then  cut  off  from  all  communication  with  the  out- 
side world  by  land  — and  they  sought  an  egress  by  the  sea. 
Their  communication  by  water  was  then  cut  off  ])y  a  great 
mole,  or  breakwater,  built  by  the  Romans  —  and  they  cut  a  new 
outlet  to  the  sea.  They  then  secretly  built  fifty  war  ships,  and 
attacked  the  Iloman  fleet.  But  all  these  heroic  efforts  simply 
put  off  the  day  of  doom.  At  last,  under  Scipio  iEmilia'nus,  the 
Romans  forced  their  way  through  the  wall,  and  the  city  was 
taken  street  by  street,  and  house  by  house.  Carthage  became 
the  prey  of  the  Roman  soldiers.  Its  temples  were  plundered; 
its  inhabitants  were  carried  away  as  captives;  and  by  the  com- 
mand of  the  senate,  the  city  itself  was  consigned  to  flames. 


REDUCTION  OF  THE  ROMAN  CONQUESTS 


139 


The  destruction  of  Carthage  took  place  in  the  same  year  (b.c. 
146)  in  which  Corinth  was  destroyed.  The  terrible  punish- 
ment inflicted  upon  these  two  cities  in  Greece  and  Africa  was 
an  evidence  of  Rome's  grim  policy  to  be  absolutely  supreme 
everywhere. 

Africa  reduced  to  a  Province.  —  Like  Macedonia,  Africa  was  now 
reduced  to  the  form  of  a  province.  It  comprised  ail  the  land 
which  had  hitherto  been  subject  to  Carthage.  U'tica  was  made 
the  new  capital  city,  where  the  Roman  governor  was  to  reside. 
All  the  cities  which  had  favored  Carthage  were  punished  by 
the  loss  of  their  land,  or  the  payment  of  tribute.  The  cities 
which  had  favored  Rome  were  allowed  to  remain  free.  Nu- 
midia,  on  account  of  its  fidelity  to  Rome,  was  continued  as  an 
independent  ally.  In  this  way  the  condition  of  every  city  and 
people  was  dependent  upon  the  extent  of  its  loyalty  to  Rome. 
After  Africa  was  made  a  province,  it  soon  became  a  Romanized 
country.  Its  commerce  passed  into  the  hands  of  Roman 
merchants  ;  the  Roman  manners  and  customs  were  introduced  ; 
and  the  Latin  language  became  the  language  of  the  people. 


"     III.     Pacification  of  the  Provinces 

Condition  of  Spain.  —  While  the  Romans  were  thus  engaged 
in  creating  the  new  provinces  of  Macedonia  and  Africa,  they 
were  called  upon  to  maintain  their  authority  in  the  old  prov- 
inces of  Spain  and  Sicily.  We  remember  that,  after  the  second 
Punic  war,  Spain  was  divided  into  two  provinces,  each  under 
a  Roman  governor.  I>ut  the  Roman  authority  was  not  well 
established  in  Si)ain,  except  upon  the  eastern  coast.  The  tribes 
in  the  interior  and  on  the  western  coast  were  nearly  always 
in  a  state  of  revolt.  The  most  rebellious  of  these  tribes  were 
the  Lusitanians  in  the  west,  in  what  is  now  Portugal ;  and  the 
Celtiberians  (see  map,  ]).  112)  in  the  interior,  south  of  the 
Iberus  River.  In  their  efforts  to  subdue  these  barbarous 
peoples,  the  Romans  were  themselves  too  often  led  to  adopt 
the  barbarous  methods  of  deceit  and  treachery. 


138 


THE   HUMAN  RErUBLlC 


Siege  and  Destruction  of  Carthage  (B.C.  146).— Never  was 
there  a  more  heroic  defense  than  that  made  by  Carthage  in 
this,  her  last  struggle.  She  was  without  arms,  without  war 
ships,  without  allies.  To  make  new  weapons,  the  temples  were 
turned  into  workshops ;  and  it  is  said  that  the  women  cut  off 
their  long  hair  to  be  twisted  into  bowstrings.  Supplies  were 
collected  for  a  long  siege ;  the  city  became  a  camp.  For  three 
long  years  the  brave  Carthaginians  resisted  every  attempt  to 
take  the  city.     They  repelled  the   assault   upon   their  walls. 


ISiTE  or  Caktha<;k 


They  were  then  cut  off  from  all  communication  with  the  out- 
side world  by  land  — and  they  sought  an  egress  by  the  sea. 
Their  communication  by  water  was  then  cut  off  by  a  great 
mole,  or  breakwater,  built  by  the  Romans  —  and  they  cut  a  new 
outlet  to  the  sea.  They  then  secretly  built  fifty  war  ships,  and 
attacked  the  Roman  fleet.  But  all  these  heroic  efforts  simply 
put  off  the  day  of  doom.  At  last,  under  Scipio  ^milia'nus,  the 
Romans  forced  their  way  through  the  wall,  and  the  city  was 
taken  street  by  street,  and  house  by  house.  Carthage  became 
the  prey  of  the  Roman  soldiers.  Its  temples  were  plundered; 
its  inhabitants  were  carried  away  as  captives;  and  by  the  com- 
mand of  the  senate,  the  city  itself  was  consigned  to  flames. 


REDUCTION  OF  THE  ROMAN  CONQUESTS 


139 


The  destruction  of  Carthage  took  place  in  the  same  year  (b.c. 
14G)  in  which  Corinth  was  destroyed.  The  terrible  punish- 
ment inflicted  upon  these  two  cities  in  Greece  and  Africa  was 
an  evidence  of  Rome's  grim  policy  to  be  absolutely  supreme 
everywhere. 

Africa  reduced  to  a  Province.  —  Like  jMacedonia,  Africa  was  now 
reduced  to  the  form  of  a  province.  It  comprised  all  the  land 
which  had  hitherto  been  subject  to  Carthage.  U'ticawas  made 
tlie  new  capital  city,  where  the  Roman  governor  was  to  reside. 
All  the  cities  which  had  favored  Carthage  were  punislied  by 
the  loss  of  their  land,  or  the  payment  of  tribute.  The  cities 
which  had  favored  Rome  were  allowed  to  remain  fi'ee.  Xu- 
midia,  on  account  of  its  fidelity  to  Rome,  was  continued  as  an 
independent  ally.  In  this  way  the  condition  of  every  city  and 
])eople  was  dependent  upon  the  extent  of  its  loyalty  to  Rome. 
After  Africa  was  made  a  province,  it  soon  became  a  Romanized 
country.  Its  commerce  passed  into  tlie  hands  of  Roman 
merchants  ;  the  Roman  manners  and  customs  were  introduced  ; 
and  the  Latin  language  became  the  language  of  the  people. 


*     III.     Pacification  of  the  Proyixces 

Condition  of  Spain.  —  While  the  Romans  were  thus  engaged 
in  creating  the  new  provinces  of  Macedonia  and  Africa,  they 
were  called  upon  to  maintain  their  autliority  in  the  old  prov- 
inces of  Spain  and  Sicily.  AVe  remember  that,  after  the  second 
Punic  war,  Spain  was  divided  into  two  provinces,  each  under 
a  Roman  governor.  Ihit  the  Roman  authority  was  not  well 
established  in  Spain,  except  upon  the  eastern  coast.  The  tribes 
in  the  interior  and  on  the  western  coast  were  nearly  always 
in  a  state  of  revolt.  The  most  rebellious  of  these  tribes  were 
the  Lusitanians  in  the  west,  in  what  is  now  Portugal ;  and  the 
Celtiberians  (see  map,  p.  112)  in  the  interior,  south  of  the 
Iberus  River.  In  their  efforts  to  subdue  these  barbarous 
peoples,  the  Romans  were  themselves  too  often  led  to  adopt 
the  barbarous  methods  of  deceit  and  treachery. 


140 


THE   llOMAN   REPUBLIC 


War  with  the  Lusitanians.— How  perfidious  a  Roman  general 
could  be,  we  may  learn  from  the  way  in  which  Sulpicius 
(ralba  waged  war  with  tlie  Lusitanians.  After  one  Roman 
army  had  been  defeated,  Galba  persuaded  this  tribe  to  submit 
and  promised  to  settle  them  upon  fertile  lands.  When  the 
Lusitanians  came  to  him  unarmed  to  receive  their  expected 
reward,  they  were  surrounded  and  murdered  by  the  troops 
of  Galba.  r>ut  it  is  to  the  credit  of  Rome  that  Galba  was 
denounced  for  this  treacherous  act.  Among  the  few  men  who 
escaped  from  the  massacre  of  Galba  was  a  young  shepherd  by 
the  name  of  Viria'thiis.  Under  his  brave  leadership,  the  Lusi- 
tanians continued  the  war  for  nine  years.  Finally,  Viriathus 
was  murdered  by  his  own  soldiers,  who  were  bribed  to  do  this 
treacherous  act  by  the  Roman  general.  With  their  leader  lost, 
the  Lusitanians  were  obliged  to  submit  (b.c.  138). 

The  Numantine  War.  —  The  other  troublesome  tribe  in  Spain 
was  the  Celtiberians,  who  were  even  more  warlike  than  the 
Lusitanians.      At  one  time  the  Roman  general  was  defeated 
and  obliged  to  sign  a  treaty  of  peace,  acknowledging  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  Spanish  tribe.      But  the  senate  —  repeating 
what  it  had  done  many  years  before,  after  the  battle  of  the 
Caudine  Forks  —  refused  to  ratify  this  treaty,  and  surrendered 
the  Roman  commander  to  the  enemy.     The  "  fiery  war,"  as  it 
was  called,  still  continued  and  became  at  last  centered  about 
Numantia,  the  chief  town  of  the  Celtiberians.     The  defense 
of  Numantia,  like  that  of  Carthage,  was  heroic  and  desperate. 
Its  fate  was  also  like  that  of  Carthage.     It  was  compelled  to 
surrender  (b.c.  133)  to  the  same  Scipio  .Emilianus.     Its  peo- 
ple were  sold  into  slavery,  and  the  town  itself  was  blotted  from 

the  earth. 

The  Servile  War  in  Sicily. —While  Spain  was  being  pacified, 

a  more  terrible  war  broke  out  in  the  province  of  Sicily.  This 
was  an  insurrection  of  the  slaves  of  the  island.  One  of  the 
worst  results  of  the  Roman  conquest  wa,s  the  growth  of  the 
slave  system.  Immense  numbers  of  the  captives  taken  in  war 
were  thrown  upon  the  market.      One  hundred  and  fifty  thou- 


REDUCTION  OF  THE   ROMAN  CONQUESTS  141 

sand  slaves  had  been  sold  by  ^milius  Paullus ;  fifty  thousand 
captives  had  been  sent  home  from  Carthage.  Italy  and  Sicily 
swarmed  with  a  servile  population.  It  was  in  Sicily  that  this 
system  bore  its  first  terrible  fruit.  Maltreated  by  their  masters, 
the  slaves  rose  in  rebellion  under  a  leader,  called  Eunus,  who 
defied  the  Roman  power  for  three  years.  Nearly  two  hundred 
thousand  insurgents  gathered  about  his  standard.  Four  Roman 
armies  were  defeated,  and  Rome  herself  was  thrown  into  con- 
sternation. After  the  most  desperate  resistance,  the  rebellion 
was  finally  quelled  and  the  island  was  pacified  (b.c.  132). 

Bequest  of  Pergamus;  Province  of  Asia.  —  This  long  period 
of  war  and  conquest,  by  which  Rome  finally  obtained  the  proud 
position  of  mistress  of  the 
Mediterranean,  was  closed  by 
the  almost  peaceful  acquisition 
of  a  new  province.  The  little 
kingdom  of  Pergamus,  in  Asia 
Minor,  had  maintained,  for  the 
most  part,  a  friendly  relation  to 
Rome.  When  the  last  king, 
At'talus  III.,  died  (b.c.  133), 
having  no  legal  heirs,  he  be- 
queathed his  kingdom  to  the 
Roman  people.  This  newly 
acquired  territory  was  organized 
as  a  province  under  the  name 
of  "  Asia."  The  smaller  states 
of  Asia  Minor,  and  Egypt, 
5till  retained  their  peaceful  and  subordinate  relation  as  de- 
pendencies. The  supreme  authority  of  Rome,  at  home  and 
abroad,  was  now  firmly  established. 

SELECTIONS   FOR   READING 

Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Chs.  26,  27,  "  Rome  after  the  Conquests"  (l).i 
relham,  Bk.  III.,  Ch.  3,  "The  Roman  State  and  People"  (1). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


Rome  Mistress  of  the  World 


nioo^Rpissi-v^Pi  iM^r»  isro.^. 


ifi 


ROME   AS  A   WORLD   POWER  143 

Liddell,  Chs.  40,  50,  "  Rome  at  the  Close  of  the  Conquests  "  (1). 
How  and  Leigh,  Ch.  32,  "  Foreign  and  Provincial  Affairs"  (1). 
Mommsen,  Vol.  IL,  Bk.  IIL,  Ch.  11,  "The  Government  and  the  Gov- 
erned" (2). 
Arnold,  Prov.  Admin.,  Ch.  2,  "Period  of  the  Republic"  (19). 
Harper's  Diet.  Antiqq.,  "Provincia"  (8). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 
Taxation  of  the  Provinces.  — Pelham,  pp.  185-187  (1);  Liddell, 
pp.  389-303  (1)  ;  Mommsen,  abridged,  pp.  40(5-408  (2)  ;  Arnold,  Prov. 
Admin.,  pp.  170-187  (10)  ;  Ihne,  Hist.,  Vol.  IV.,  Bk.  VI.,  Ch.  7  (2)  ; 
Ramsay  and  Lanciani,  Ch.  8  (8);  Harper's  Diet.  Antiqq.,  "  Stipen- 
dium,"  "Publicani,"  "  Vectigalia,"  (8). 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

ROME  AS  A   WORLD  POWER 

I.     The  Koman  Governmext 

Effects  of  the  Conquests.  —  We  have  thus  followed  the  career 
of  Rome  during  the  most  heroic  period  of  her  history.  We 
have  traced  the  path  of  her  armies  from  the  time  they  crossed 
the  Sicilian  Strait  until  they  were  finally  victorious  in  Africa, 
in  Spain,  in  Greece,  and  in  Asia  Minor.  We  have  seen  new 
provinces  brought  under  her  authority,  until  she  had  become 
the  greatest  power  of  the  world.  We  may  well  wonder  what 
would  be  the  effect  of  these  conquests  upon  the  character  of  the 
Roman  people,  upon  their  government,  and  upon  their  civiliza- 
tion. Many  of  these  effects  were  no  doubt  very  bad.  By  their 
conquests  the  Romans  came  to  be  ambitious,  to  love  power  for 
its  own  sake,  and  to  be  oppressive  to  their  conquered  subjects. 
By  plundering  foreign  countries,  they  also  came  to  be  avari- 
cious, to  love  wealth  more  than  honor,  to  indulge  in  luxury,  and 
to  despise  the  simplicity  of  their  fathers.  Rut  still  it  was  the 
conquests  that  made  Rome  the  great  power  that  she  was.  By 
bringing  foreign  nations  under  her  sway,  she  was  obliged  to 


ROME   AS  A   WORLD   POWER 


143 


T»TlOO^riTr:SSI^^TT:   iM^vr   l^^o.^ 


Liddell,  Chs.  40,  50,  "  Rome  at  the  Close  of  the  Conquests  "  (1). 
How  and  Leigh,  Ch.  32,  "  Foreign  and  Provincial  Affairs"  (1). 
Mommsen,  Vol.  IL,  Bk.  IIL,  Ch.  11,  ''The  Government  and  the  Gov- 
erned" (2). 
Arnold,  Prov.  Admin.,  Ch.  2,  "Period  of  the  Republic"  (19). 
Harper's  Diet.  Antiqq.,  "Provincia"  (8). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 
Taxation  of  the  Provinces.  — Pelham,  pp.  185-187  (1);  Liddell, 
pp.  389-393  (1)  ;  Mommsen,  abridged,  pp.  49(5-498  (2)  ;  Arnold,  Prov. 
Admin.,  pp.  179-187  (19)  ;  Ihne,  Hist.,  Vol.  IV.,  Bk.  VL,  Ch.  7  (2)  ; 
Ramsay  and  Lanciani,  Ch.  8  (8);  Harper's  Diet.  Antiqq.,  "  Stipen- 
diuni,"  "Publicani,"  "  Vectigalia,"  (8). 


142 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

ROME  AS  A   WORLD  POWER 
I.     The  Eoman  Government 

Effects  of  the  Conquests.  —  We  have  thus  followed  the  career 
of  Rome  during  the  most  heroic  period  of  her  history.  We 
have  traced  the  path  of  her  armies  from  the  time  they  crossed 
the  Sicilian  Strait  until  they  were  finally  victorious  in  Africa, 
in  Spain,  in  Greece,  and  in  Asia  Minor.  We  have  seen  new 
provinces  brought  under  her  authority,  until  she  had  become 
the  greatest  power  of  the  world.  We  may  well  wonder  what 
would  be  the  effect  of  these  conquests  upon  the  character  of  the 
Roman  people,  upon  their  government,  and  upon  their  civiliza- 
tion. Many  of  these  effects  were  no  doubt  very  bad.  By  their 
conquests  the  Romans  came  to  be  ambitious,  to  love  power  for 
its  own  sake,  and  to  be  oppressive  to  their  conquered  subjects. 
By  plundering  foreign  countries,  they  also  came  to  be  avari- 
cious, to  love  wealth  more  than  honor,  to  indulge  in  luxury,  and 
to  despise  the  simplicity  of  their  fathers.  But  still  it  was  the 
conquests  that  made  Rome  the  great  power  that  she  was.  By 
bringing  foreign  nations  under  her  sway,  she  was  obliged  to 


144 


THE   ROMAN    UP:PUBL1C 


control  them,  and  to  create  a  system  of  law  by  which  they 
could  be  governed.  In  spite  of  all  its  faults,  her  government 
was  the  most  successful  that  had  ever  existed  np  to  this 
time.  It  was  the  way  in  which  Rome  secured  her  conquests 
that  showed  the  real  character  of  the  lloman  people.  The 
chief  effect  of  the  conquests  was  to  transform  Kome  from  the 
greatest  conquerhuj  peoxde  of  the  world,  to  tlie  greatest  goveni- 
iiHj  people  of  the  world. 

The  New  Nobility. — The  oldest  Roman  government  was,  we 
remember,  l)ased  upon  the  patrician  class.     We  have  already 
seen  how  the  separation  between  the  patricians  and  the  ple- 
beians was  -radually  broken  down.     The  old  patrician  aristoc- 
racy had  piisbed  awiiy,  and  Rome  had  become,  in  theory,  a 
democratic   rei)ublic.      Every  one   who  was   enrolled   in   the 
thirty-live  tribes  was  a  full  Roman  citizen,  and  had  a  share  in 
the  government.     lUit  we  must  remember  tliat  not  all  the  per- 
sons who  were  under  the  Roman  authority  were  full  Roman 
citizens.     The  inhabitants  of  the  Latin  colonies  were  not  full 
Roman  citizens.     They  could  not  hold  office,  and  only  under 
certain  conditions  could  they  vote.      The  Italian  allies  were 
not  citizens  at  all,  and  could  neitlier  vote  nor  hold  office.    And 
now  the  concpiests  had  added  millions  of  people  to  those  who 
were  not  citizens.     The  Roman  world  was,  in  fact,  governed 
by  the  comparatively  few  people  who  lived  in  and  about  the 
city  of  Rome.     Rut  even  within  this  class  of  citizens  at  Rome, 
there  had  gradually  grown  up  a  smaller  body  of  persons,  who 
became  the  real  holders  of  political  power.     This  small  body 
formed  a  new  nobility  — the  optima'tes.     All  who  had  held  the 
office  of  consul,  pnetor,  or  curule  tedile  — that  is,  a  "curule 
office"  — were  regarded  as  nobles  (nobiles)  ;  and  their  fami- 
lies were  distinguished  by  the  right  of  setting  up  the  ancestral 
images  in  their  homes   {ius  imnginis).     Any  citizen  might,  it 
is  true,  be  elected  to  the  curule  offices ;  but  the  noble  families 
were  able,  by  their  wealth,  to  influence  the  elections,  so  as 
practically  to  retain  these  offices  in  their  own  hands. 

The  Greatness  of  the  Senate.  —  The  new  nobility  songht  to 


ROME   AS   A   WORLD   POWER 


145 


govern  the  world  through  the  senate.  The  senators  were 
chosen  by  the  censor,  who  was  obliged  to  place  upon  his  list, 
first  of  all,  those  who  had  held  a  curule  office.  On  this  account, 
the  nobles  had  the  first  claim  to  a  seat  in  the  senate ;  and,  con- 
sequently, they  came  to  form  the  great  body  of  its  members. 
When  a  person  was  once  chosen  senator  he  remained  a  senator 
for  life,  unless  disgraced  for  gross  misconduct.  In  this  way 
the  nobles  gained  possession  of  the  senate,  which  became,  in 
fact,  the  most  permanent  and  powerful  branch  of  the  Roman 
government.  Although  it  was  an  aristocratic  and  exclusive 
body,  it  was  made  up  of  some  of  the  most  able  men  of 
Rome.  Its  members  were  men  of  distinction,  of  wealth,  and 
generally  of  great  political  ability.  Though  often  inspired  by 
motives  which  were  selfish,  ambitious,  and  avaricious,  it  was 
still  the  greatest  body  of  rulers  that  ever  existed  in  the 
ancient  world.  It  managed  the  finances  of  the  state;  con- 
trolled the  erection  of  public  works;  directed  the  foreign 
policy ;  administered  the  provinces ;  determined  largely  the 
character  of  legislation,  and  was,  in  fact,  the  real  sovereign 
of  the  Roman  state. 

The  Weakness  of  the  Assemblies. —  We  should  naturally  infer 
that  with  the  increase  of  the  power  of  the  senate,  the  power 
of  the  popular  assemblies  would  decline.  The  old  patrician 
assembly  of  the  curies  (comitia  curiata)  had  long  since  been 
reduced  to  a  mere  shadow.  But  the  other  two  assemblies  — 
that  of  the  centuries  and  that  of  the  tribes  —  still  held  an 
important  place  as  legislative  bodies.  But  there  were  two 
reasons  why  they  declined  in  influence.  The  first  reason  was 
their  unwieldy  character.  As  they  grew  in  size  and  could 
only  say  Yes  or  No  to  the  questions  submitted  to  them, 
they  were  made  subject  to  the  influence  of  demagogues,  and 
lost  their  independent  position.  The  second  reason  for  their 
decline  was  the  gi-owing  custom  of  first  submitting  to  the 
senate  the  proposals  which  were  to  be  passed  upon  by  them. 
So  that,  as  long  as  the  senate  was  so  influential  in  the  state, 
the  popular  assemblies  were  weak  and  inefficient. 


146 


THE   ROMAN  KEPUBLIC 


II.    Rome  and  the  Provinces 


The   Organization   of   the   Provinces.  —  The   most    important 
feature  of  the  new  Roman  government  was  the  organization  of 
the  provinces.     There  were  now  eight  of  these  provinces  :  (1) 
Sicily,  acquired  as  the  result  of  the  first  Punic  war ;  (2)  Sar- 
dinia and  Corsica,  obtained  during  the  interval  between  the 
first  and  second  Punic  wars ;  (3)  Hither  Spain  and  (4)  Farther 
Spain,  acquired  in  the  second  Punic  war;  (5)    Illyricum,  re- 
duced after  the  third  Macedonian 
war;    (6)    Macedonia    (to    which 
Achtea    was    attached),    reduced 
after  the  destruction  of  Corinth; 
(7)    Africa,    organized    after    the 
third  Punic   war;    and  (8)  Asia, 
bequeathed   by  Attains   III.,  the 
last  king  of  Pergamus. 

The  method  of  organizing  these 
provinces   was   in   some    respects 
similar  to   that   which   had  been 
adopted  for  governing  tlie  cities 
in  Italy.     Rome  saw  clearly  that 
to  control  these  newly  con(iuered 
cities  and  communities,  they  must, 
like  the  cities  of  Italy,  be  isolated, 
that  is,  separated  entirely  from  one 
another,  so  that  they  could  not  combine  in  any  effort  to  resist  her 
authority.     Every  city  was  made  directly  responsible  to  Rome. 
The  great  difference  between  the  Italian  and  the   provincial 
towns  was  the  fact  that  the  chief  burden  of  the  Italian  town 
was  to  furnish  military  aid  —  soldiers  and  ships ;  while  that 
of  the  provincial  town  was  to   furnish  tribute  —  money  and 
grain.     Another  difference  was  that  Italian  land  was  generally 
free  from  taxes,  while  provincial  land  was  subject  to  tribute. 

The  Provincial  Governor.  —  A  province  might  be  defined  as  a 
group  of  conquered  cities,  outside  of  Italy,  under  the  control 


_\,_u|||y//^/fc\^q|;iifr''''^'''^i'''''-*'. 


TiiK  Captive  Province 


ROME   AS  A   WORLD   POWER 


147 


of  a  governor  sent  from  Rome.  At  first  these  governors  were 
praetors,  who  were  elected  by  the  people.  Afterward  they  were 
propraetors  or  proconsuls  —  that  is,  persons  who  had  already 
served  as  praetors  or  consuls  at  Rome.  The  governor  held  his 
office  for  one  year;  and  during  this  time  was  the  supreme 
military  and  civil  ruler  of  the  province.  He  was  commander 
in  chief  of  the  army,  and  was  expected  to  preserve  his  territory 
from  internal  disorder  and  from  foreign  invasion.  He  con- 
trolled the  collection  of  the  taxes,  with  the  aid  of  the  quaestor, 
who  kept  the  accounts.  He  also  administered  justice  between 
the  provincials.  Although  the  governor  was  responsible  to  the 
senate,  the  welfare  or  misery  of  the  provincials  depended 
largely  upon  his  own  disposition  and  will. 

The  Towns  of  the  Province.  —  All  the  towns  of  the  province 
were  subject  to  Rome ;  but  it  was  Rome's  i)olicy  not  to  treat 
them  all  in  exactly  the  same  way.  Like  the  cities  of  Italy, 
they  were  graded  according  to  their  merit.  Some  were  favored, 
like  Gades  and  Athens,  and  were  treated  as  allied  towns 
(civitates  foederatce)  ]  others,  like  Utica,  were  free  from  tribute 
(hnmunes)  ;  but  the  great  majority  of  them  were  considered  as 
tributary  (stipencUariix).  But  all  these  towns  alike  possessed 
local  self-government,  so  far  as  this  was  consistent  with  the 
supremacy  of  Rome ;  that  is,  they  retained  their  own  laws,  as- 
semblies, and  magistrates. 

The  Administration  of  Justice.  —  In  civil  matters,  the  citizens 
of  every  town  were  judged  by  their  own  magistrates.  But 
when  a  dispute  arose  between  citizens  of  different  towns,  it 
was  the  duty  of  the  governor  to  judge  between  them.  At  the 
beginning  of  his  term  of  office,  he  generally  issued  an  edict, 
setting  forth  the  rules  upon  which  he  would  decide  their  dif- 
ferences. Each  succeeding  governor  reissued  the  rules  of  his 
predecessor,  with  the  changes  which  he  saw  fit  to  make.  In 
this  way  justice  was  administered  with  great  fairness  through- 
out the  provinces ;  and  there  grew  up  a  great  body  of  legal 
principles,  called  the  "  law  of  nations  '^  (ins  gentimn),  which 
formed  an  important  part  of  the  Roman  law. 


148 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


The  Collection  of  Taxes.  —  The  Roman  revenue  was  mainly 
derived  from  the  new  provinces.     But  instead  of  raising  these 
taxes  directly  through  her  own  officers,  Rome  let  out  the  busi- 
ness of  collecting  the  revenue  to  a  set  of  money  dealers,  called 
pitbUai'nL     These  persons  agreed  to  pay  into  the  treasury  a 
certain   sum   for   the  .right   of  collecting  taxes   in  a  certain 
province.     Whatever  they  collected  above  this  sum,  they  appro- 
priated  to   themselves.     This  rude  mode  of  collecting  taxes, 
called  "farming"  the  revenues,  was  unworthy  of  a  great  state 
like  Rome,  and  was  the  chief  cause  of  the  oppression  of  the 
provincials.     The  governors,  it  is  true,  had  the  power  of  pro- 
tecting the  people  from  being  plundered.     But  as  they  them- 
selves received  no  pay  for  their   services,  except  what   they 
could  get  out  of  the  provinces,  tliey  were  too  busy  in  making 
their  own  fortunes  to  watch  closely  the  methods  of  the  tax- 
gatherers.     Like  every  other  con([uering  nation,  the  Romans 
were  tempted  to  benefit  themselves  at  the   expense  of  their 
subjects. 

III.     The  New  Civilization 

Foreign  Influences.  —  Wlien  we  think  of  the  conquests  of 
Rome,  we  usually  think  of  the  battles  which  she  fought,  of 
the  armies  which  she  defeated,  and  the  lands  which  she  sul>- 
dued.  But  these  were  not  the  only  conquests  which  she  made. 
She  appropriated  not  only  foreign  lands,  but  also  foreign 
ideas.  While  she  was  plundering  foreign  temples,  she  was 
obtaining  new  ideas  of  religion  and  art.  The  educated  and 
civilized  people  whom  she  captured  in  war  and  of  whom  she 
made  slaves,  often  became  the  teachers  of  her  children  and  the 
writers  of  her  books.  In  such  ways  as  these  Rome  came  under 
the  influence  of  foreign  ideas.  The  most  powerful  of  these 
foreign  influences  was  that  of  Greece.  We  might  say  that 
when  Greece  was  conquered  by  Rome,  Rome  was  civilized  by 
Greece.  These  foreign  influences  were  seen  in  her  new  ideas 
of  religion  and  philosophy,  in  her  literature,  her  art,  and  her 
manners. 


ROME   AS  A    WORLD   POWER 


149 


The  Roman  Religion. — As  Rome  came  into  contact  with 
other  people,  we  can  see  how  her  religion  was  affected  by 
foreign  influences.  The  worship  of  the  family  remained 
much  the  same;  but  the  religion  of  the  state  became  consid- 
erably changed.  It  is  said  that  the  entire  Greek  Olympus 
was  introduced  into  Italy.  The  Romans  adopted  the  Greek 
ideas  and  stories  regarding  the  gods;  and  their  worship 
became  more  showy  and  elaborate.  Even  some  of  the  super- 
stitious and  fantastic  rites  of  Asia  found  their  way  into  Rome. 
These  changes  did  not  improve  the  religion.     On  the  contrary, 


Mini   MM^IIIWitl 


•      t'-'   l-.?»    . 


'■■•.'  » 


Tbmplbs  of  Loyalty,  Juno,  and  Hope 


they  made  it  more  corrupt.  The  Roman  religion,  by  absorb- 
ing the  various  ideas  of  other  people,  became  a  world-wide  and 
composite  form  of  paganism.  One  of  the  redeeming  features 
of  the  Roman  religion  was  the  worship  of  exalted  qualities, 
like  Honor  and  Virtue ;  for  example,  alongside  of  the  temple 
to  Juno,  temples  were  also  erected  to  Loyalty  and  Hope. 

Roman  Philosophy.  —  The  more  educated  Romans  lost  their 
interest  in  religion,  and  betook  themselves  to  the  study  of 
Greek  philosophy.  They  studied  the  nature  of  the  gods  and 
the  moral  duties  of  men.  In  this  way  the  Greek  ideas  of 
philosophy  found  their  way  into  Rome.  Some  of  these  ideas, 
like  those  of  the  Sto'ics,  were  elevating,  and  tended  to  preserve 


148 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


The  Collection  of  Taxes.  —  The  Roman  revenue  was  mainly 
derived  from  the  new  provinces.     But  instead  of  raising  these 
taxes  directly  through  her  own  officers,  Rome  let  out  the  busi- 
ness of  collecting  the  revenue  to  a  set  of  money  dealers,  called 
puhlica'ni.     These  persons  agreed  to  pay  into  the  treasury  a 
certain   sum   for   the  .right   of   collecting  taxes   in  a  certain 
province.     Whatever  they  collected  above  this  sum,  they  ai)pro- 
priated   to   themselves.     This  rude  mode  of  collecting  taxes, 
called  "farming"  the  revenues,  was  unworthy  of  a  great  state 
like  Rome,  and  was  the  chief  cause  of  the  oppression  of  the 
provincials.     The  governors,  it  is  true,  had  the  power  of  pro- 
tecting the  people  from  being  plundered.     lUit  as  tliey  them- 
selves received  no  pay  for  their   services,  except  what   they 
could  get  out  of  the  provinces,  they  were  too  busy  in  making 
their  own  fortunes  to  watch  closely  the  methods  of  the  tax- 
gatherers.     Like  every  other  concpiering  nation,  the  Romans 
were  tempted  to  benefit  themselves  at  the   expense  of   their 
subjects. 

III.     The  New  Civilization 

Foreign  Influences.  —  When  we  think  of  the  conquests  of 
Rome,  we  usually  think  of  the  battles  which  she  fought,  of 
the  armies  which  she  defeated,  and  the  lands  which  she  sul> 
dued.  Rut  these  were  not  the  only  conquests  which  she  made. 
She  appropriated  not  only  foreign  lands,  but  also  foreign 
ideas.  While  she  was  plundering  foreign  temples,  she  was 
obtaining  new  ideas  of  religion  and  art.  The  educated  and 
civilized  people  whom  she  captured  in  war  and  of  whom  she 
made  slaves,  often  became  the  teachers  of  her  children  and  the 
writers  of  her  books.  In  such  ways  as  these  Rome  came  under 
the  influence  of  foreign  ideas.  The  most  powerful  of  these 
foreign  influences  was  that  of  Greece.  We  might  say  that 
when  Greece  was  conquered  by  Rome,  Rome  was  civilized  by 
Greece.  These  foreign  influences  were  seen  in  her  new  ideas 
of  religion  and  philosophy,  in  her  literature,  her  art,  and  her 
manners. 


ROME   AS   A   WORLD   POWER 


149 


The  Roman  Religion. — As  Rome  came  into  contact  with 
other  people,  we  can  see  how  her  religion  was  affected  by 
foreign  influences.  The  worship  of  the  family  remained 
much  the  same;  but  the  religion  of  the  state  became  consid- 
erably changed.  It  is  said  that  the  entire  Greek  Olympus 
was  introduced  into  Italy.  The  Romans  adopted  the  Greek 
ideas  and  stories  regarding  the  gods ;  and  their  worship 
became  more  showy  and  elaborate.  Even  some  of  the  super- 
stitious and  fantastic  rites  of  Asia  found  their  way  into  Rome. 
Tliese  changes  did  not  improve  the  religion.     On  the  contrary, 


Temples  of  Loyalty,  Juno,  and  Hope 


they  made  it  more  corrupt.  The  Roman  religion,  by  absorb- 
ing the  various  ideas  of  other  people,  became  a  world-wide  and 
composite  form  of  paganism.  One  of  the  redeeming  features 
of  the  Roman  religion  was  the  worship  of  exalted  qualities, 
like  Honor  and  Virtue ;  for  example,  alongside  of  the  temple 
to  Juno,  temples  were  also  erected  to  Loyalty  and  Hope. 

Roman  Philosophy.  —  The  more  educated  Romans  lost  their 
interest  in  religion,  and  betook  themselves  to  the  study  of 
Greek  philosophy.  They  studied  the  nature  of  the  gods  and 
the  moral  duties  of  men.  In  this  way  the  Greek  ideas  of 
philosophy  found  their  way  into  Rome.  Some  of  these  ideas, 
like  those  of  the  Sto'ics,  were  elevating,  and  tended  to  preserve 


150 


THE   ROMAN    REPUBLIC 


the  simplicity  and  strength  of  the  old  Roman  character.  But 
other  ideas,  like  those  of  the  Epicure'ans,  seemed  to  justify  a 
life  of  pleasure  and  luxury. 

Roman  Literature.  —  Before  the  Romans  came  into  contact 
with  the  Greeks,  they  cannot  be  said  to  have  had  anything 
which  can  properly  be  called  a  literature.  They  had  certain 
crude  verses  and  ballads ;  but  it  was  the  Greeks  who  first 
taught  them  how  to  write.  It  was  not  until  the  close  of  the 
first  Funic  war,  when  the  Greek  influence  became  strong,  that 
we  begin  to  find  the  names  of  any  Latin  authors.  Tlie  first 
author,  Androni'cus,  who  is  said  to  have  been  a  Greek  slave, 
wrote  a  Latin  poem  in  imitation  of  Homer.  Then  came 
Ntevius,  who  coml)ined  a  (h-eek  taste  with  a  Roman  spirit,  and 
who  wrote  a  poem  on  the  first  Tunic  war;  and  after  him, 
Ennius,  who  tauglit  Greek  to  tlie  Romans,  and  wrote  a  great 
poem  on  the  history  of  Rome,  called  the  "Annals."  The 
Greek  influence   is   also   seen   in   mautus   and   Terence,  the 

greatest  writers  of  Roman  comedy ;  and 
•      in  Fabius  Tictor,  who  wrote  a  history  of 
Rome,  in  the  Greek  language. 

Roman  Art. —As  the  Romans  were  a 
practical  people,  their  earliest  art   was 
shown   in   their    buildings.      From    the 
Etruscans  they  had  learned  to  use  the 
arch  and  to  build  strong  and   massive 
structures.      But  the  more  refined  fea- 
tures   of   art    they   obtained   from    the 
Greeks.    While  the  Romans  could  never 
hope  to  acquire  the  pure  aesthetic  spirit 
of  the  Greeks,  they  were  inspired  with  a 
passion  for  collecting  Greek  works  of  art, 
and  for  adorning   their   buildings  with 
Greek  ornaments.     They  imitated  the  Greek  models  and  pro- 
fessed to  admire  the  Greek  taste;  so  that  they  came  to  be,  in 
fact,  the  preservers  of  Greek  art. 

Roman  Manners  and  Morals.  -  It  is  difficult  for  us  to  think 


CoEiNTHiAX  Capital 


ROME    AS   A    WORLD   POWER 


151 


of  a  nation  of  warriors  as  a  nation  of  refined  people.  The 
brutalities  of  war  seem  inconsistent  with  the  finer  arts  of 
living.  But  as  the  Romans  obtained  wealth  from  their  wars, 
they  affected  the  refinement  of  their  more  cultivated  neigh- 
bors. Some  men,  like  Scipio  Afiicanus,  looked  with  favor 
upon   the   introduction   of    Greek    ideas   and    manners;    but 


«,:. 


The  Gladiatoe 


others,  like  Cato  the  Censor,  were  bitterly  opposed  to  it. 
When  the  Romans  lost  the  simplicity  of  the  earlier  times, 
they  came  to  indulge  in  luxuries  and  to  be  lovers  of  pomp 
and  show.  They  h)aded  their  tables  with  rich  services  of 
plate ;  they  ransacked  the  land  and  the  sea  for  delicacies  with 
which  to  ])lease  their  palates.  Roman  culture  was  often  more 
artificial  thnu  real.  The  survival  of  the  barbarous  spirit  of 
the  Romans  in  the  midst  of  their  professed  refinement  is  seen 
in   their   amusements,    especially   the   gladiatorial    shows,   in 


150 


THE    ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


the  simplicity  and  strength  of  the  okl  Roman  character.  But 
other  ideas,  like  those  of  the  Epicure'ans,  seemed  to  justify  a 
life  of  pleasure  and  luxury. 

Roman  Literature.  —  r»ef ore  the  Eomans  came  into  contact 
with  the  Greeks,  they  cannot  be  said  to  have  had  anything 
which  can  properly  be  called  a  literature.     They  had  certain 
crude   verses  and   balLads;  but   it  was  the  Greeks  who  first 
taught  them  how  to  write.     It  was  not  until  the  close  of  the 
first  Tunic  war,  when  the  Greek  influence  became  strong,  that 
we  begin  to  find  the  names  of  any  Latin  authors.     The  first 
author,  Androni'cus,  who  is  said  to  have  been  a  Greek  slave, 
wrote   a   Latin    poem   in  imitation   of    Homer.     Then  came 
Nan-ius,  who  combined  a  (Jreek  taste  with  a  Koman  spirit,  and 
who  wrote  a  poem  on  the  first  Punic  war;  and  after  him, 
Ennius,  who  taught  Greek  to  the  Romans,  and  wrote  a  great 
poem  on  the   history   of   Rome,  called   the  '^Annals."     The 
Greek  influence   is   also   seen   in   Plautus   and   Terence,  the 

greatest  writers  of  Roman  comedy ;  and 
;      in  Fabius  Pictor,  who  wrote  a  history  of 
Rome,  in  the  Greek  language. 

Roman  Art.  —  As  the  Romans  were  a 
practical  people,  their  earliest  art   was 
shown   in  their    buildings.      From    the 
Etruscans  they  had  learned  to  use  the 
arch  and  to  build  strong  and   massive 
structures.      Rut  the  more  refined  fea- 
tures   of    art    they   obtained   from    the 
Greeks.     While  the  Romans  could  never 
hope  to  accpiire  the  pure  aesthetic  spirit 
of  the  Greeks,  they  were  inspired  with  a 
passion  for  collecting  Greek  works  of  art, 
and  for  adorning   their   buildings  with 
Greek  ornaments.     They  imitated  the  Greek  models  and  pro- 
fessed to  admire  the  Greek  taste;  so  that  they  came  to  be,  in 
fact,  the  preservers  of  Greek  art. 

Roman  Manners  and  Morals.  —  It  is  difficult  for  us  to  think 


Corinthian  Capital 


ROME   AS   A    WORLD   POWER 


151 


of  a  nation  of  warriors  as  a  nation  of  refined  people.  The 
brutalities  of  war  seem  inconsistent  with  the  finer  arts  of 
living.  But  as  the  Romans  obtained  wealth  from  their  wars, 
they  affected  the  refinement  of  their  more  cultivated  neigh- 
bors. Some  men,  like  Scipio  Africanus,  looked  with  favor 
upon   the   introduction   of    Greek    ideas   and    manners;    but 


The  Gladiatoe 


others,  like  Cato  the  Censor,  were  bitterly  opposed  to  it. 
When  the  Romans  lost  the  simplicity  of  the  earlier  times, 
they  came  to  indulge  in  luxuries  and  to  be  h)vers  of  pomp 
and  show.  Tliey  loaded  their  tables  with  rich  services  of 
plate ;  they  ransacked  the  land  and  the  sea  for  delicacies  with 
which  to  ])lease  their  palates.  Roman  culture  was  often  more 
artificial  than  real.  The  survival  of  the  barbarous  spirit  of 
the  Romans  in  tlie  midst  of  their  professed  refinement  is  seen 
in   their    amusements,    especially   the   gladiatorial    shows,   in 


152 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


which  men  were  forced  to  fight  with  wild  beasts  and  with 
one  another  to  entertain  the  people. 

In  conclusion,  we  may  say  that  by  their  conquests  the 
Romans  became  a  great  and,  in  a  certain  sense,  a  civilized 
people,  who  appropriated  and  preserved  many  of  the  best 
elements  of  the  ancient  world ;  but  who  were  yet  selfish,  am- 
bitious, and  avaricious,  and  who  lacked  the  genuine  taste  and 
generous  spirit  which  belong  to  the  highest  type  of  human 
culture. 

SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Mommsen,  Vol.  II.,  Bk.  III.,  Ch.  10,  "  Thinl  Macedonian  War"  (2).' 
Michelet,    Bk.     II.,    Ch.    8,    "  Keduction '  of    Spam    and    the    Greek 

States"  (fi)- 
How  and  Leigh,  Ch.  27,  "  Fall  of  Macedonia  and  Greece  "  (1). 
Smith,  Ch.  10,  "  Destruction  of  Carthage  "  (G). 
Liddell,  Ch.  46,  "  Fall  of  Carthage  "  (1). 
Shuckburgh,  Ch.  33,  "  Wars  in  Spain  "  (1). 


SPECIAL  STUDY 
Cato  THE  Censor  AXD  the  Greek  Influence.- Liddell,  pp.  45(M55 
(1)  ;  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  302^305,  see  also  index  -  Ilellernsm  (1)  ; 
Shu  kburgh,  pp.  405,  400,  518-521  (1)  ;  Cmttwell,  pp.  01-08  (17  1  el- 
ham,  pp.  102-108  (1);  Mommsen,  Vol.  IL,  pp.  413-423,  557-507  (2)  , 
Plutarch,  '^Cato  the  Censor"  (11). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


PEEIOD  VI.     THE  PALL  OF  THE   EEPUBLIO   (B.C.   133-31) 


CHAPTER   XIX 


THE   TIMES   OF   THE    GRACCHI 


I.     The  Causes  of  Civil  Strife 


Character  of  the  New  Period. — If  the  period  which  we  have 
just  considered  is  the  most  heroic  in  Iloman  history,  that 
wliich  we  are  about  to  consider  is  one  of  the  saddest,  and  yet 
one  of  the  most  interesting.  It  is  one  of  the  saddest,  because 
it  Avas  a  time  when  the  Koman  state  was  torn  asunder  by  civil 
strifes,  and  the  arms  of  the  conquerors  were  turned  against 
themselves.  It  is  one  of  the  most  interesting,  because  it  shows 
to  us  some  of  the  greatest  men  that  Home  ever  produced,  men 
whose  names  are  a  part  of  the  world's  historv.  Our  attention 
will  now  be  directed  not  so  much  to  foreign  wars  as  to  politi- 
cal questions,  to  the  struggle  of  parties,  and  the  rivalry  of 
party  leaders.  And  as  a  result  of  it  all,  we  shall  see  the 
republic  gradually  passing  away,  and  giving  place  to  the 
emj)ire. 

Divisions  of  the  Roman  People.  — If  we  would  understand  this 
period  of  conflict,  we  should  at  the  outset  get  a  clear  idea  of 
the  various  classes  of  people  in  the  Roman  world.  Let  us 
briefly  review  these  different  grades  of  society. 

First,  there  was  the  senatorial  order.  —  men  who  kept  con- 
trol of  the  higher  offlees,  who  furnished  the  members  of  the 
senate,  and  who  really  ruled  the  state.  Xext  was  the  eques- 
trian order,  —  men    who   were   called  equites,  or  knights,  on 


»-' 


MOREY'S  ROM.   HIST. 


10 


153 


154 


TTIE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


account  of  their  great  wealth,  who  fonned  the  moneyed  class 
the  capitalists  of  Rome,  and  who  nrnde  their  fortunes  by  all 
sorts  of  speculation,  especially  by  gathering  the  taxes  ,u  the 
provinces.     These  two  orders  formed  the  aristocratic  classes. 

Below  these  was  the  great  mass  of  the  city  papulaUon-- 
the  poor  artisans  and  paupers,  who  formed  a  rabble  and  he 
materials  of  a  mob,  and  who  lived  upon  public  charity  and  the 
bribes  of  office-seekers,  and  were  amused  by  public  shows  given 
by  the  state  or  by  rich  citizens.  Then  came  the  poor  conntry 
farmers  living  upon  the  Koman  domain -the  peasants  many 
of  whom  had  been  deprived  of  their  lands  by  rich  creditors  or 
by  the  avaricious  policy  of  the  government.  These  two  classes 
formed  the  mass  of  the  poorer  citizens  of  Kome. 

Outside  of  the  Roman  domain  proper  {<mer  Romamis)  were 
the  Lathi  coloulsts,  who  were  settled  upon  conquered  lands  in 
Italy,  who  had  practically  no  political  rights,  and  who  were 
very  much  in  the  same  social  condition  as  the  Roman  peasants^ 
Besides  these  were  the  Italian  allies,  who  had  been  subdued 
by  Rome  in  early  times,  and  had  been  given  none  of  the  rights 
of  citizenship.     These  two  classes  formed  the  subject  popu- 

lation  of  Italy.  a.  u  ^  .  ^i? 

Now  if  we  go  outside  of  Italy  we  find  the  great  body  of 
provincials,  some  of  them  favored  by  being  left  free  from  taxa. 
tion,  but  the  mass  of  them  subject  to  the  Roman  tribute;  and 
all  of  them  excluded  from  the  rights  and  privileges  of  citizens. 

Finally,  if  we  go  to  the  very  bottom  of  the  Roman  popula- 
tion, we  find  the  slaves,  having  none  of  the  rights  of  citizens 
or  of  men.  A  part  of  them,  the  house  slaves,  were  treated  with 
some  consideration;  but  the  field  slaves  were  treated  wretch- 
edly,  chained  in  gangs  by  day  and  confined  in  dungeons  by 

""' Thus  we  have  an  aristocratic  class,  made  up  of  the  senators 
and  equites ;  a  poor  citizen  class,  made  up  of  the  city  rabble 
and  the  country  farmers  about  Rome ;  and  then  a  disfranchised 
class,  made  up  of  the  Latins,  the  Italians,  and  the  provincials, 
besides  the  slaves. 


THE  TIMES  OF  THE   GRACCHI 


155 


Defects  of  the  Roman  Government.  —  When  we  look  over  these 
various  classes  of  the  Roman  people,  we  must  conclude  that 
there  were  some  radical  defects  in  the  Roman  system  of  gov- 
ernment. The  great  mass  of  the  population  were  excluded 
from  all  political  rights.  The  Latins,  the  Italians,  the  pro- 
vincials, and  the  slaves,  as  we  have  seen,  had  no  share  in  the 
government.  This  seems  quite  contrary  to  the  early  policy  of 
Rome.  We  remember  that  before  she  began  her  great  con- 
quests, Rome  had  started  out  with  the  policy  of  incorpora- 
tion. She  had  taken  in  the  Sabines  on  the  Quirinal  hill,  the 
Luceres  on  the  Caelian,  the  plebeians  of  the  city,  and  the  rural 
tribes  about  Rome.  But  after  that  time  she  had  abandoned 
this  policy,  and  no  longer  brought  her  conquered  subjects 
within  the  state.  This  was  the  first  defect  of  the  Roman 
system. 

But  even  those  people  who  were  given  the  rights  of  citizens 
were  not  able  to  exercise  these  rights  in  an  efficient  way. 
Wherever  a  Roman  citizen  might  be,  he  must  go  to  Rome  to 
vote  or  to  take  part  in  the  making  of  the  laws.  But  when  the 
citizens  of  Rome  met  together  in  the  Forum,  or  on  the 
Campus  Martins,  they  made  a  large  and  unwieldy  body, 
which  could  not  do  any  important  political  business.  Rome 
never  learned  that  a  democratic  government  in  a  large  state  is 
impossible  without  representation  ;  that  is,  the  election  by  the 
people  of  a  few  leading  men  to  protect  their  interests,  and  to 
make  the  laws  for  them.  The  giving  up  of  the  policy  of  incor- 
poration and  the  absence  of  the  principle  of  representation 
were  the  two  great  defects  in  the  Roman  political  system. 

The  Decay  of  Patriotism.  —  We  may  not  blame  the  Romans 
for  not  discovering  the  value  of  representation,  since  this  sys- 
tem may  be  regarded  as  a  modern  invention.  But  we  must 
blame  those  who  were  the  rulers  of  the  state  for  their  selfish- 
ness and  their  lack  of  true  patriotism.  There  were,  no  doubt, 
some  patriotic  citizens  at  Rome  who  were  devoted  to  the  public 
welfare ;  but  the  majority  of  the  men  who  governed  the  state 
were  men  devoted  to  their  own  interests  more  than  to  the 


156 


THE  ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


THE  TIMES  OF  THE  GRACCHI 


157 


interests  of  tlie  country  at  large.  The  aristocratic  classes 
sought  to  enrich  themselves  by  the  spoils  of  war  and  the 
spoils  of  office ;  while  the  rights  and  the  welfare  of  the  com- 
mon citizens,  the  Italians,  and  the  provincials  were  too  often 
forgotten  or  ignored. 

The  Growth  of  Large  Estates.  — One  of  the  causes  which  led 
to  the  civil  strife  was  the  distress  and  misery  of  the  people 
in  different  parts  of  Italy,  resulting  from  the  growth  of 
large  landed  estates.  Years  before,  the  people  had  pos- 
sessed their  little  farms,  and  were  able  to  make  a  respect- 
able living  from  them.  Laws  had  been  passed  —  especially 
the  Licinian  laws  (see  p.  70)  —  to  keep  the  public  lands 
distributed  in  such  a  way  as  to  benefit  the  poorer  people. 
But  it  was  more  than  two  hundred  years  since  the  Licinian 
laws  were  passed ;  and  they  were  now  a  dead  letter.  Many  of 
the  small  farms  had  become  absorbed  into  large  estates  held 
by  rich  landlords  ;  and  the  class  of  small  farmers  had  well-nigh 
disappeared.  Tliis  change  benefited  one  class  of  the  people  at 
the  expense  of  the  other.  The  Roiiiau  Avriter  Pliny  afterward 
saw  the  disastrous  effects  of  this  system,  and  said  that  it  was 
the  large  estates  which  destroyed  Italy. 

The  Evils  of  Slave  Labor.  —  Ihit  this  was  not  all.  If  the 
poor  farmers,  who  had  been  deprived  of  their  own  fields,  could 
have  received  good  wages  by  working  upon  the  estates  of  the 
rich  landlords,  they  might  still  have  had  some  means  of  living. 
But  they  were  even  deprived  of  this ;  because  the  estates  were 
everywhere  worked  by  slaves.  So  that  slavery,  as  well  as  large 
estates,  was  a  cause  which  helped  to  bring  Italy  to  the  brink 
of  ruin.  * 

II.     The  Reforms  of  Tiberius  Gracchus 

Character  of  Tiberius  Gracchus.  —  The  first  serious  attempt  to 
remedy  the  existing  evils  was  made  by  Tibe'rius  Sempronius 
Gracchus.  He  was  the  elder  of  two  brothers  who  sacrificed 
their  lives  in  efforts  to  benefit  their  fellow-citizens.  Their 
mother  was  the  noble-minded  Cornelia,  the  daughter  of  the 


great  Scipio  Africanus,  the  type  of  the  perfect  mother,  who 
regarded  her  boys  as  "jewels"  more  precious  than  gold,  and 
who  taught  them  to  love  truth,  justice,  and  their  country. 
Tiberius  when  a  young  man  had  served  in  the  Spanish  army 
under  Scipio  ^milianus,  the  distinguished  Roman  who  con- 
quered Carthage  and  Numantia.     It  is  said  that  when  Tiberius 


The  Geacciii 


Gracchus  passed  through  Etruria,  on  his  way  to  and  from 
Spain,  he  was  shocked  to  see  the  fertile  fields  cultivated  by 
gangs  of  slaves,  while  thousands  of  free  citizens  were  living 
in  idleness  and  poverty.  He  was  a  man  of  refined  nature  and 
a  deep  sense  of  justice,  and  he  determined  to  do  what  he  could 
to  remedy  these  evils. 

His  Agrarian  Laws.  —  Tiberius  Gracchus  was  elected  tribune 
and  began  his  work  of  reform  (b.c.  133).     He  believed  that 


156 


TIIK   ROMAN   KEPUBLIC 


THE   TIMES   OF  THE   CxRACCHI 


157 


interests  of  the  country  at  large.  The  aristocratic  classes 
sought  to  enrich  themselves  by  the  spoils  of  Avar  and  the 
spoils  of  office;  while  the  rights  and  the  welfare  of  the  com- 
mon citizens,  the  Italians,  and  the  provincials  were  too  often 
forgotten  or  ignored. 

The  Growth  of  Large  Estates.  —  One  of  the  causes  which  led 
to  the  civil  strife  was  the  distress  and  misery  of  the  people 
in  different  parts  of  Italy,  resulting  from  the  growth  of 
large  landed  estates.  Years  before,  the  people  had  pos- 
sessed their  little  farms,  and  were  able  to  make  a  respect- 
able living  from  them.  Laws  had  been  passed  —  especially 
the  Licinian  laws  (see  p.  70)  —  to  keep  the  public  lands 
distributed  in  such  a  way  as  to  benefit  the  poorer  people. 
But  it  was  more  than  two  hundred  years  since  the  Licinian 
laws  were  passed ;  and  they  were  now  a  dead  letter.  Many  of 
the  small  farms  had  become  absorbed  into  large  estates  held 
by  rich  landlords ;  and  the  class  of  small  farmers  had  well-nigh 
disappeared.  This  change  benefited  one  class  of  the  people  at 
the  expense  of  the  other.  The  Roman  writer  Pliny  afterward 
saw  the  disastrous  effects  of  this  system,  and  said  that  it  was 
the  large  estates  which  destroyed  Italy. 

The  Evils  of  Slave  Labor. —  Ihit  this  was  not  all.  If  the 
poor  farmers,  who  had  been  deprived  of  their  own  fields,  could 
have  received  good  wages  by  working  upon  the  estates  of  the 
rich  landlords,  they  might  still  have  had  some  means  of  living. 
But  they  were  even  deprived  of  this ;  because  the  estates  were 
everywhere  worked  by  slaves.  So  that  slavery,  as  well  as  large 
estates,  was  a  cause  which  helped  to  bring  Italy  to  the  brink 
of  ruin. 

II.     The  Eeforms  of  Ttberius  Gracchus 

Character  of  Tiberius  Gracchus.  —  The  first  serious  attempt  to 
remedy  the  existing  evils  was  nuide  by  Tibe'rius  Sempronius 
Gracchus.  He  was  the  elder  of  two  brothers  who  sacrificed 
their  lives  in  efforts  to  benefit  their  fellow-citizens.  Their 
mother  was  the  noble-minded  Cornelia,  the  daughter  of  the 


great  Scipio  Africanus,  the  type  of  the  perfect  mother,  who 
regarded  her  boys  as  "jewels"  more  precious  than  gold,  and 
who  taught  them  to  love  truth,  justice,  and  their  country. 
Tiberius  when  a  young  man  had  served  in  the  Spanish  army 
under  Scipio  ^Emilianus,  the  distinguished  Roman  who  con- 
quered Carthage  and  I^umantia.     It  is  said  that  when  Tiberius 


The  Graccui 

Gracchus  passed  through  Etruria,  on  his  way  to  and  from 
Spain,  he  was  shocked  to  see  the  fertile  fields  cultivated  by 
gangs  of  slaves,  while  thousands  of  free  citizens  were  living 
in  idleness  and  poverty.  He  was  a  man  of  refined  nature  and 
a  deep  sense  of  justice,  and  he  determined  to  do  what  he  could 
to  remedy  these  evils. 

His  Agrarian  Laws.  —  Tiberius  Gracchus  was  elected  tribune 
and  began  his  work  of  reform  (b.c.  133).     He  believed  that 


158 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


THE   TIMES  OF  THE   GRACCHI 


159 


the  wretched  condition  of  the  Roman  people  was  due  chiefly  to 
the  unequal  division  of  the  public  land,  and  especially  to  the 
failure  to  enforce  the  Licinian  laws.  He  therefore  proposed 
to  revive  these  laws ;  to  limit  the  holding  of  public  land  to 
five  hundred  iugera  (about  tliree  hundred  acres)  for  each 
person;  to  pay  the  present  holders  for  any  improvements  they 
had  made ;  and  then  to  rent  the  land  thus  taken  up  to  the 
poorer  class  of  citizens.  This  seemed  fair  enough ;  for  the 
state  was  the  real  owner  of  the  public  land,  and  could  do 
what  it  wished  with  its  own.  But  the  rich  landlords,  who  had 
held  possession  of  this  land  for  so  many  years,  looked  upon 
the  measure  as  the  same  thing  as  taking  away  their  own 
property.  When  it  was  now  proposed  to  redistribute  this 
land,  there  immediately  arose  a  fierce  conflict  between  the 
old  senatorial  party  and  the  followers  of  Tiberius. 

His  Illegal  Action.  —  Tiberius  determined  to  pass  his  law  in 
spite  of  the  senate.  The  senate,  on  the  other  hand,  was 
equally  determined  that  the  law  should  not  be  passed.  Ac- 
cordingly, the  senators  induced  one  of  the  tribunes,  whose 
name  was  M.  Octa'vius,  to  put  his  "  veto  "  upon  the  passage  of 
the  law.  This  act  of  Octavius  was  entirely  legal,  for  he  did 
what  the  law  gave  him  the  right  to  do.  Tiberius,  on  the  other 
hand,  in  order  to  outdo  his  opponent,  had  recourse  to  a  high- 
handed measure.  Instead  of  waiting  a  year  for  the  election 
of  new  tribunes  who  might  be  devoted  to  the  people's  cause,  he 
called  upon  the  people  to  deprive  Octavius  of  his  oflice.  This 
was  an  illegal  act,  because  there  was  no  law  which  authorized 
such  a  proceeding.  But  the  people  did  as  Tiberius  desired, 
and  Octavius  was  deposed.  The  law  of  Tiberius  was  then 
passed  in  the  assembly  of  the  tribes,  and  three  commissioners 
were  chosen  to  carry  it  into  effect. 

This  of  course  roused  the  indignation  of  the  senators,  who 
determined  to  prosecute  Tiberius  when  his  term  of  office  had 
exi)ired.  Tiberius  knew  that  as  long  as  he  held  the  office  of 
tribune  his  person  would  be  sacred,  and  he  could  not  be  tried 
for  his  action ;  hence  he  announced  himself  as  a  candidate  for 


reelection.     This,  too.  was  illegal,  for  the  law  forbade  a  reelec- 
tion until  after  an  interval  of  ten  years. 

Fall  of  Tiberius  Gracchus.  —  The  law  of  Tiberius  and  the 
method  which  he  had  used  to  pass  it,  increased  the  bitter- 
ness between  the  aristocratic  party  and  the  popular  party  — 
who  came  to  be  known,  respectively,  as  the  optimates  and  the 
popula'res.  The  senators  denounced  Tiberius  as  a  traitor ;  the 
people  extolled  him  as  a  patriot.  The  day  appointed  for 
the  election  came.  Two  tribes  had  already  voted  for  the  re- 
election of  Tiberius,  when  a  band  of  senators  appeared  in  the 
Forum,  headed  by  Scipio  Nasi'ca,  armed  with  sticks  and  clubs; 
and  in  the  riot  which  ensued  Tiberius  Gracchus  and  three 
hundred  of  his  followers  were  slain.  This  was  the  first  blood 
shed  in  the  civil  wars  of  Rome.  The  killing  of  a  tribune  by 
the  senators  was  as  much  an  illegal  act  as  was  the  deposition 
of  Octavius.  Both  parties  had  disregarded  the  law,  and  the 
revolution  was  begun. 

III.     The  Reforms  of  Gaius  Gracchus 

The  Rise  of  Gaius  Gracchus.  —  After  the  death  of  Tiberius  his 
law  was  for  a  time  carried  into  execution.  The  commission- 
ers proceeded  with  their  work  of  re-dividing  the  land.  But 
the  people  were  for  a  time  without  a  real  leader.  The  cause 
of  reform  was  then  taken  up  by  Gaius  Gracchus,  the  brother 
of  Tiberius,  and  the  conflict  was  renewed.  Gaius  was  in  many 
respects  an  abler  man  than  Tiberius.  No  more  sincere  and 
patriotic,  he  was  yet  a  broader  statesman  and  took  a  wider 
view  of  the  situation.  He  did  not  confine  his  attention  sim- 
ply to  relieving  the  poor  citizens.  He  believed  that  to  rescue 
Rome  from  her  troubles,  it  was  necessary  to  weaken  the 
power  of  the  senate,  whose  selfish  and  avaricious  policy  had 
brought  on  these  troubles.  He  also  believed  that  the  Latins 
and  the  Italians  should  be  protected,  as  well  as  the  poor 
Roman  citizens. 

His  Efforts  to  Benefit  the  People.  —  When  Gaius  Gracchus 


160 


THE   HOMAN   REPUBLIC 


THE  TIMES   OF  THE   GRACCHI 


161 


obtained  the  position  of  tribune  (b.c.  123)  his  influence  for  a 
time  was  all-powerful.     He  was  eloquent  and  persuasive,  and 
practically   had   the   control   of   the    government.     From   his 
various  laws  we  may  select  those  which  were  the  most  impor- 
tant, and  which  best  show  his  general  policy.     First  of  all,  he 
tried  to  help  the  people  by  a  law  which  was  really  the  most 
mischievous  of  all  his  measures.     This  was  his  famous  ''  corn 
law.'*     It  was  intended  to  benefit  the  i)oor  population  in  the 
city,  which  was  at  that  time  troublesome  and  not  easy  to  con- 
trol.     The  law  provided  that 
any  Roman   citizen  could   re- 
ceive   grain    from    the   publia 
storehouses  for  a  certain  price 
less  than  its  cost.  Hut  the  num- 
ber of  the  poor  in  the  city  was 
not    decreased;    the     paupers 
now  flocked  to  Rome  from  all 
parts  of  Italy  to  be  fed  at  the 
public  crib.     This  corn  law  be- 
came a  i)ermanent  institution 
of  Rome.      We  may  judge  of 
its  evil  eifect  when  it  is  said 
that  not  many  years  afterward 
there  were  three  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  citizens  who 
were  dependent  upon  the  government  for  their  food.     Gains 
may  not  have  known  what  evil  ettect  this  law  was  destined  to 
produce.     At  any  rate,  it  insured  his  popularity  with  the  lower 
classes.     He  then  renewed  the  agrarian  laws  of  his  brother ; 
and  also  provided  for  sending  out  colonies  of  poor  citizens  into 
different  parts  of  Italy,  and  even  into  the  provinces. 

His  Efforts  to  Weaken  the  Senate.  —  But  Gaius  believed 
that  such  measures  as  these  would  atford  only  temporary 
relief,  as  long  as  the  senate  retained  its  great  power.  It  was, 
of  course,  impossible  to  overthrow  the  senate.  But  it  was 
possible  to  take  from  it  some  of  the  powers  which  it  possessed. 
From    the    senators   had    hitherto   been    selected   the  jurors 


Gra.tl'itol'8  Distribution  of  Grain 


i 


\ 


{in' dices)  before  whom  were  tried  cases  of  extortion  and  other 
crimes.  By  a  law  Gaius  took  away  from  the  senate  this  right 
to  furnish  jurors  in  criminal  cases,  and  gave  it  to  the  ecpiites, 
that  is,  the  wealthy  class  outside  of  the  senate.  This  gave  to 
the  equites  a  more  important  political  position,  and  drew  them 
over  to  the  support  of  Gaius,  and  thus  tended  to  split  the 
aristocratic  classes  in  two.  The  senate  was  thus  deprived  not 
only  of  its  right  to  furnish  jurors,  but  also  of  the  support  of 
the  wealthy  men  who  had  previously  been  friendly  to  it.  This 
was  a  great  triumph  for  the  popular  party;  and  Gaius  looked 
forward  to  another  victory. 

His  Effort  to  Enfranchise  the  Italians.  —  ^Vhen  he  was  re- 
elected to  the  tribunate  Gaius  Gracchus  came  forward  with  his 
grand  scheme  of  extending  the  Roman  franchise  to  the  people 
of  Italy.  This  was  the  wisest  of  all  his  measures,  but  the  one 
which  cost  him  his  popularity  and  influence.  It  aroused  the 
jealousy  of  the  poorer  citizens,  who  did  not  wish  to  share  their 
rights  with  foreigners.  The  senators  took  advantage  of  the 
unpopularity  of  Gaius,  and  now  posed  as  the  friends  of  the 
people.  They  induced  one  of  the  tribunes,  by  the  name  of 
Drusus,  to  play  the  part  of  the  demagogue.  Drusus  proposed 
to  found  twelve  new  colonies  at  once,  each  with  three  thousand 
Roman  citizens,  and  thus  to  put  all  the  reforms  of  Gaius  Grac- 
chus into  the  shade.  The  people  were  deceived  by  this  strata- 
gem, and  the  attempt  of  Gaius  to  enfranchise  the  Italians  was 
defeated. 

His  Failure  and  Death.  —  Gaius  did  not  succeed,  as  he  de- 
sired, in  being  elected  tribune  for  the  third  time.  A  great 
part  of  the  people  soon  abandoned  him,  and  the  ascendency  of 
the  senate  was  again  restored.  It  was  not  long  before  a  new 
law  was  passed  which  prevented  any  further  distribution  of 
the  public  land  (lex  Thoria).  Gaius  failed  to  bring  about  the 
reforms  which  he  attempted;  but  he  may  be  regarded  as  hav- 
ing accomplished  three  things  which  remained  after  his  death  : 
(1)  the  elevation  of  the  equestrian  order;  (2)  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Roman  poor  law,  or  the  system  of  grain  largesses ; 


162 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


and  (3)  the  extension  of  the  colonial  system  to  the  provinces. 
He  lost  his  life  in  a  tumult  in  which  three  thousand  citizens 

were  slain  (b.c.  121). 

Thus  in  a  similar  way  the  two  Gracchi,  who  had  attempted 
to  rescue  the  Koman  people  from  the  evils  of  a  corrupt  govern- 
ment, perished.  Their  eiforts  at  agrarian  leforni  did  not  pro- 
duce any  lasting  effect ;  but  they  pointed  out  the  dangers  of 
the  state,  and  drew  the  issues  upon  which  their  successors 
continued  the  conflict.  Their  career  forms  the  first  phase  in 
the  great  civil  conflict  at  Rome. 

SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Pelham,  Bk.  IV.,  Ch.  1,  '^From  the  Gracchi  to  Sulla '^  (l).i 
Beesly,  Ch.  1,  "Antecedents  of  the  Revolution"  ((>). 
Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Ch.  28,  ''Tiberius  Gracchus"  (1). 
Taylor,  Ch.  9,  "The  Reformers"  (1). 

Ihne,    Hist,    Bk.    VIL,    Ch.    1,    ''Political    and    Economical    Condi- 
tion"   (2). 
Mommsen,  Vol.  IL,  Bk.  IIL,  Ch.  12,  "  Management  of  Land"  (2). 
Mommsen,  abridged,  Ch.  20,  "  Reforms  of  the  Gracchi  "  (2). 
Ramsay  and  Lanciani,  Ch.  7,  "  Public  Lands  and  Agrarian  Laws"  (8). 
Harper's  Diet.  Antiqq.,  "  Agrarite  Leges"  (8). 
Plutarch,  "  Tiberius  Gracchus,"  "  Caius  Gracchus  "  (11). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

The  Roman  Equites.  —  Liddell,  p.  504  (1)  ;  How  and  Leigh,  p.  315 
(1)  •  Shuckburgh,  p.  560  (1) ;  Ramsay  and  Lanciani,  p.  98  (8);  Gow,  see 
index  "  Equites  "  (8);  Mommsen,  Vol.  IL,  pp.  377-380  (2)  ;  Harper's 
Diet.  Antiqq.,  "Equites"  (8). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


CHAPTER  XX 


THE   TIMES  OF  MARIUS  AND   SULLA 


I.    The  Eise  of  Marius 

New  Phase  of  the  Civil  Strife.  — The  troubles  under  the 
Gracchi  had  grown  out  of  the  attempts  of  two  patriotic  men 
to  reform  the  evils  of  the  state.  The  shedding  of  Roman  blood 
had  been  limited  to  riots  in  the  city,  and  to  lights  between  the 
factions  of  the  different  parties.  We  now  come  to  the  time 
when  the  political  parties  seek  the  aid  of  the  army ;  when  the 
civil  strife  becomes  in  reality  a  civil  war,  and  the  lives  of 
citizens  seem  of  small  account  compared  with  the  success  of 
this  or  that  political  leader.  To  understand  this  second  phase 
of  the  revolution,  we  must  consider  what  was  the  condition  of 
Rome  after  the  fall  of  the  Gracchi ;  how  :Ma'rius  came  to  the 
front  as  the  leader  of  the  popular  party  ;  and  how  he  was  over- 
thrown by  Sulla  as  the  leader  of  the  aristocratic  party. 

Corrupt  Rule  of  the  Aristocracy.  —  After  the  fall  of  the  Gracchi 
the  rule  of  the  aristocracy  was  restored,  and  the  government 
became  more  corrupt  than  ever  before.  The  senators  were 
often  incompetent,  and  they  had  no  clearly  defined  policy. 
They  seemed  desirous  only  to  retain  power  and  to  enrich 
themselves,  while  the  real  interests  of  the  people  w^ere  for- 
gotten. The  little  farms  which  Tiberius  Gracchus  had  tried 
to  create  were  again  swallowed  up  in  large  estates.  The 
provincials  were  ground  down  with  heavy  taxes.  The  slaves 
were  goaded  into  insurrection.  The  sea  swarmed  with  pirates, 
and  the  frontiers  were  threatened  by  foreign  enemies. 

The  Jugurthine  War  and  Marius  (B.C.  111-105). —  The  atten- 
tion of  the  senate  was  first  directed  to  a  war  in  Africa.  This 
war  has  no  great  interest  for  us,  except  that  it  shows  how  cor- 
rupt Rome  was,  and  that  it  brought  to  the  front  a  great  soldier, 
who  became  for  a  time  the  leader  of  the  people. 

163 


164 


THE   ROMAN   KEPUBLIC 


The  war  in  Africa  grew  out  of  the  attempt  of  Ja^ur'tha  to 
make  himself  king  of  Numidia,  which  kingdom  we  remember 
was  an  ally  of   Kome.      The    senate  sent  commissioners  to 
Numidia  in  order  to  settle  the  trouble ;  but  the  commissioners 
sold  themselves  to  Jugurtha  as  soon  as  they  landed  in  Africa. 
The  Eoman  people  were  incensed,  and  war  was  declared  against 
Jugurtha.     The  conduct  of  the  war  was  placed  in  the  hands 
of  the  consul,  L.  Calpurnius  Bestia,  who  on  arriving  in  Africa  ac- 
cepted Jugurtha's  gold  and  made  peace.     The  people  were  again 
indignant,  and  summoned  Jugurtha  to  Kome  to  testify  against 
the  consul.     When  Jugurtha  appeared  before  the  assembly, 
and  was  about  to  make  his  statement,  one  of  the  tribunes,  who 
had  also  been  bought  by  African  gold,  put  a  veto  upon  the 
proceedings ;  so  that  by  the  bribery  of  a  tribune  it  became 
impossible   to   punish   the    bribery   of    a  consul.      Jugurtha 
remained  in  Rome  until  he  caused  one  of  his  rivals  to  be  mur- 
dered, when  he  was  banished  from  the  city.     He  expressed 
his  private  opinion  of  Kome  when  he  called  it  "  a  venal  city, 
ready  to  perish  whenever  it  could  find  a  purchaser.'^ 

The  war  in  Numidia  was  continued  under  the  new  consul, 
Q.  Caicilius  Metellus,  who  selected  as  his  lieutenant  Gains 
Marius,  a  rough  soldier  who  had  risen  from  the  ranks,  but  who 
had  a  real  genius  for  war.  So  great  was  the  success  of  Marius 
that  he  was  elected  consul,  and  superseded  ]\Ietellus  in  the 
supreme  command  of  the  African  army.  Marius  fulfilled  all 
the  expectations  of  the  people ;  he  defeated  the  enemy,  and 
Jugurtha  was  made  a  prisoner.  A  triumph  was  given  to  the 
conqueror,  in  which  the  captive  king  was  led  in'chains;  and 
Marius  became  the  people's  hero. 

Marius  and  the  Cimbric  War  (B.C.  113-101).  — But  a  greater 
glory  now  awaited  Marius.  While  he  had  been  absent  in 
Africa,  Kome  was  threatened  by  a  deluge  of  barbarians  from 
the  north.  The  (Hmbri  and  Teu'tones,  fierce  peoples  from  Ger- 
many, had  pushed  down  into  the  southern  part  of  Gaul,  and 
had  overrun  the  new  province  of  Narbonen'sis  (established  B.C. 
120).     It  seemed  impossible  to  stay  these  savage  invaders. 


THE   TIMES   OF   MAHIUS   AND   SULLA 


165 


1^  r  ^s^^^^j^^      ^ 


SCALE  OF  MILES 


Skat  of  the  Cimbrio  Wae 


Army  after  army  was  defeated.  It  is  said  that  sixty  thousand 
Komans  perished  in  one  battle  at  Arausio  (b.c.  107)  on  the 
banks  of  the  Khone.  The 
way  seemed  open  to  Italy, 
and  all  eyes  turned  to  Ma- 
rius as  the  only  man  who 
could  save  Kome.  On  tlie 
same  day  on  which  he  re- 
ceived his  triumph,  Marius 
was  reelected  to  the  consul- 
ship, and  assigned  to  his 
new  command.  This  was 
contrary  to  law,  to  reelect 
an  officer  immediately  after 
his  first  term  ;  but  the  Ko- 
mans had  come  to  believe 
that ''  in  the  nudst  of  arms, 
the  laws  are  silent." 

Marius  set  to  work  to  reorganize  the  Koman  army.  The 
army  became  no  longer  a  raw  body  of  citizens  arranged  accord- 
ing to  wealth ;  but  a  trained  body  of  soldiers  drawn  from  all 
classes  of  society,  and  devoted  to  their  commander.  With  the 
discretion  of  a  true  soldier  Marius  determined  to  be  fully  pre- 
pared before  meeting  his  formidable  foe.  The  Cimbri  turned 
aside  for  a  time  into  Spain.  Marius  remained  patiently  on 
the  Khone,  drilling  his  men  and  guarding  the  approaches  to  the 
Alps.  As  the  time  passed  by,  the  people  continued  to  trust 
him,  and  elected  him  as  consul  a  third,  and  then  a  fourth 
time.  At  length  the  barbarians  reappeared,  ready  for  the 
invasion  of  Italy.  One  part,  the  Teutones,  prepared  to 
invade  Italy  from  the  west ;  while  the  other  ])art,  the  Cimbri, 
prepared  to  cross  the  Alps  into  the  northwesterii  corner  of 
Italy.  Against  the  Teutones  Marius  posted  his  own  army ;  and 
to  meet  the  Cimbri  he  dispatched  his  colleague,  Q.  Lutatius  Cat- 
ulus.  In  the  battle  of  Aquse  Sextite  he  annihilated  the  host 
of  the  Teutones  (b.c.  102) ;  and  the  people  elected  him  a  fifth 


i(;4 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


THE   TIMES   OF   MARIUS   AND   SULLA 


1()5 


The  war  in  Africa  grew  out  of  the  attempt  of  Ju^^iir'tha  to 
make  himself  king  of  Numidia,  which  kingdom  we  remember 
was  an  ally  of  Rome.      The    senate  sent  commissioners  to 
Numidia  in  order  to  settle  the  trouble ;  but  the  commissioners 
sold  themselves  to  Jugurtha  as  soon  as  they  landed  in  Africa. 
The  Utoman  people  were  incensed,  and  war  was  declared  against 
Jugurtha.     The  conduct  of  the  war  was  i)laced  in  the  hands 
of  the  consul,  L.  Calpurnius  l*>estia,  who  on  arriving  in  Africa  ac- 
cepted Jugurtha^s  gold  and  made  peace.     The  people  were  again 
indignant,  and  summoned  Jugurtha  to  Rome  to  testify  against 
the  "consul.     When  Jugurtha  appeared  before  the  assembly, 
and  was  about  to  make  his  statement,  one  of  the  tribunes,  who 
had  also  been  bought  by  African  gold,  put  a  veto  upon  the 
proceedings ;  so  that  by  the  bribery  of  a  tribune  it  became 
impossible   to  punish  the    bribery   of    a  consul.      Jugurtha 
remained  in  Rome  until  he  caused  one  of  his  rivals  to  be  mur- 
dered, when  he  was  banished  from  the  city.     He  expressed 
his  private  opinion  of  Rome  when  he  called  it  "  a  venal  city, 
ready  to  perish  whenever  it  could  find  a  purchaser." 

The  war  in  Numidia  was  continued  under  the  new  consul, 
Q.  Ctficilius  Metellus,  who  selected  as  his  lieutenant  Ciaius 
Marius,  a  rough  soldier  who  had  risen  from  the  ranks,  but  who 
had  a  real  genius  for  war.  So  great  was  the  success  of  Marius 
that  he  was  elected  consul,  and  superseded  ^letellus  in  the 
supreme  command  of  the  African  army.  IVFarius  fulfilled  all 
the  expectations  of  the  people ;  he  defeated  the  enemy,  and 
Jugurtha  was  made  a  prisoner.  A  triumph  was  given  to  the 
conqueror,  in  which  the  captive  king  was  led  in'chainsj  and 
.Marius  became  the  people's  hero. 

Marius  and  the  Cimbric  War  (B.C.  113-101).  — Rut  a  greater 
glory  now  awaited  Marius.  AVhile  he  had  been  absent  in 
Africa,  Rome  was  threatened  by  a  deluge  of  barbarians  from 
the  north.  The  (Hmbri  and  Teu'tones,  fierce  peoples  from  Ger- 
many, had  pushed  down  into  the  southern  part  of  (iaul,  and 
had  overrun  the  new  province  of  Narbonen'sis  (established  b.c. 
120).     It   seemed   impossible  to  stay  these  savage  invaders. 


J*  j       o 


SCALE  OF  MILES 
I  I  I 

100  150 


Skat  of  the  Cimbric  War 


Army  after  army  was  defeated.  It  is  said  that  sixty  thousand 
Romans  perished  in  one  battle  at  Arausio  (b.c.  107)  on  the 
banks  of  the  Rhone.  The 
way  seemed  open  to  Italy,      . :..  i  ,^^p|*^_^  M^i^S^S^ 

i,0 


and  all  eyes  turned  to  Ma- 
rius as  the  only  man  who 
could  save  Rome.  On  the 
same  day  on  which  he  re- 
ceived his  triumph,  IMarius 
was  reelected  to  the  consul- 
ship, and  assigned  to  his 
new  command.  This  was 
contrary  to  ]aw%  to  reelect 
an  officer  immediately  after 
his  first  term  ;  but  the  Ro- 
mans had  come  to  believe 
that  "  in  the  midst  of  arms, 
the  laws  are  silent." 

Marius  set  to  work  to  reorganize  the  Roman  army.  The 
army  became  no  longer  a  raw  body  of  citizens  arranged  accord- 
ing to  wealth ;  but  a  trained  body  of  soldiers  dra\vn  from  all 
classes  of  society,  and  devoted  to  their  commander.  AVith  the 
discretion  of  a  true  soldier  Marius  determined  to  be  fully  pre- 
pared before  meeting  his  formidable  foe.  The  Cinibri  turned 
aside  for  a  time  into  Spain.  Marius  remained  patiently  on 
the  Rhone,  drilling  his  men  and  guarding  the  approaches  to  the 
Alps.  As  the  time  passed  by,  the  people  continued  to  trust 
him,  and  elected  him  as  consul  a  third,  and  then  a  fourth 
time.  At  length  the  barbarians  reappeared,  ready  for  the 
invasion  of  Italy.  One  part,  the  Teutones,  prepared  to 
invade  Italy  from  the  west ;  while  the  other  part,  the  Cimbri, 
prepared  to  cross  the  Alps  into  the  northwestern  corner  of 
Italy.  Against  the  Teutones  Marius  posted  his  own  army ;  and 
to  meet  thf  Cimbri  he  dispatched  his  colleague,  Q.  Lutatius  Cat- 
ulus.  In  the  battle  of  Aqua^  Sextiae  he  annihilated  the  host 
of  the  Teutones  (b.c.  102) ;  and  the  people  elected  him  a  fifth 


166 


THE    ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


THE  TIMES  OF   MARIUS   AND   SULLA 


167 


time  to  the  consulship.     Soon  the  Cimbri  crossed  the  Alj^s  and 
drove  Catiilus  across  the  l*o.     Mariiis  joined  him,  drove  back 

the  barbarians,  and  utterly 
routed  them  near  Vercellye 
(b.c.  101).  Italy  was  thus 
saved.  For  this  twofold 
victory  Rome  gave  to  Ma- 
rius  a  magnificent  triumph, 
cele^rated  Avith  double 
splendor.  He  was  hailed 
as  the  savior  of  his  coun- 
try, the  second  Camillus, 
and  the  third  Romulus. 

Marius  as  a  Party  Leader. 
—  Marius  was  now  at  the 
height  of  his  popularity. 
Tliere  had  never  before 
l)een  a  man  in  Rome  who 
so  far  outshone  his  rivals. 
As  he  was  a  man  of  the 
common  people,  the  leaders  of  the  popular  party  saw  that  his 
great  name  would  be  a  help  to  their  cause. 

The  men  Avho  aspired  to  the  leadership  of  the  popular  party 
since  the  death  of  the  Gracchi  were  Saturni'nus  and  Glaucia. 
To  these  men  Marius  now  allied  himself,  and  was  elected  to 
the  consulship  for  the  sixth  time.  This  alliance  formed  a 
sort  of  i)olitical  "ring,"  which  professed  to  i-ule  the  state  in 
the  interest  of  the  people;  but  which  aroused  a  storm  of  oj)- 
position  on  the  part  of  the  senators.  As  in  the  days  of  the 
Gracchi,  tumults  arose,  and  the  streets  of  Rome  again  be- 
came stained  with  blood.  The  senate  called  upon  Marius, 
as  consul,  to  put  down  the  insurrection.  Marius  reluctantly 
complied;  and  in  the  conflict  that  followed,  his  colleagues, 
Saturninus  and  Glaucia,  were  killed.  Marius  now  fell  into 
disrepute.  Having  at  first  allied  himself  to  the  popular  lead- 
ers and  afterward  yielded  to  the  senate,  he  lost  the  confidence 


Marii's 


of  both  parties.  In  spite  of  his  greatness  as  a  soldier,  he 
proved  his  utter  incapacity  as  a  party  leader.  He  soon  retired 
from  Rome  in  the  hope  of  recovering  his  popularity,  and  of 
coming  back  when  the  tide  should  turn  in  his  favor. 


II.   The  Social  War  and  the  Rise  of  Sulla 

Rome  and  the  Italian  Allies. — With  the  failure  of  Marius, 
and  the  death  of  his  colleagues,  the  senate  once  more  recovered 


the  reins  of  government.  But  the  troubles  still  continued.  The 
Italian  allies  were  now  clamoring  for  their  rights,  and  threaten- 
ing war  if  their  demands  were  not  granted.  We  remember 
(see  p.  94)  that  when  Rome  had  conquered  Italy,  she  did  not 


(1 


166 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


THE  TIMES   OF   MARIUS   AND   SULLA 


167 


time  to  the  consulship.     Soon  the  Cimbri  crossed  the  Alps  and 
drove  Catulus  across  the  Po.     Marius  joined  him,  drove  back 

the  barbarians,  and  utterly 
routed  them  near  Vercellie 
(B.C.  101).  Italy  was  thus 
saved.  For  this  twofold 
victory  Rome  gave  to  Ma- 
rius a  magnificent  triumph, 
celebrated  with  double 
splendor.  He  was  hailed 
as  the  savior  of  his  coun- 
try, the  second  Camillus, 
and  the  third  Romulus. 

Marius  as  a  Party  Leader. 
—  iVIarius  was  now  at  the 
height  of  his  popularity. 
There  had  never  before 
been  a  man  in  Rome  who 
so  far  outshone  his  rivals. 
As  he  was  a  man  of  the 
common  people,  the  leaders  of  the  popular  party  saw  that  his 
great  name  would  be  a  help  to  their  cause. 

The  men  who  aspired  to  the  leadership  of  the  popular  party 
since  the  death  of  the  Gracchi  were  Saturni'ruis  and  Glaucia. 
To  these  men  ^larius  now  allied  himself,  and  was  elected  to 
the  consulship  for  the  sixth  time.  This  alliance  formed  a 
sort  of  political  '^ring,"  which  professed  to  rule  the  state  in 
the  interest  of  the  people ;  but  which  aroused  a  storm  of  op- 
position on  the  part  of  the  senators.  As  in  the  days  of  the 
Gracchi,  tumults  arose,  and  the  streets  of  Rome  again  be- 
came stained  with  blood.  The  senate  called  upon  Marius, 
as  consul,  to  put  down  the  insurrection.  Marius  reluctantly 
complied;  and  in  tlie  conflict  that  followed,  his  colleagues, 
Saturninus  and  Glaucia,  were  killed,  ^larius  now  fell  into 
disrepute.  Having  at  first  allied  himself  to  the  popular  lead- 
ers and  afterward  yielded  to  the  senate,  he  lost  the  confidence 


Makuts 


of  both  parties.  In  spite  of  his  greatness  as  a  soldier,  he 
proved  his  utter  incapacity  as  a  party  leader.  He  soon  retired 
from  Rome  in  the  hope  of  recovering  his  po])ularity,  and  of 
coming  back  when  the  tide  should  turn  in  his  favor. 


II.   The  Social  War  and  the  Rise  of  Sulla 

Rome  and  the  Italian  Allies.  —  With  the  failure  of  Marius, 
and  the  death  of  his  colleagues,  the  senate  once  more  recovered 


the  reins  of  government.  But  the  troubles  still  continued.  The 
Italian  allies  were  now  clamoring  for  their  rights,  and  threaten- 
ing war  if  their  demands  were  not  granted.  We  remember 
(see  p.  94)  that  when  Rome  had  conquered  Italy,  she  did  not 


168 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


give  the  Italian  people  the  rights  of  citizenship.  They  were 
made  subject  allies,  but  granted  no  share  in  the  government. 
The  Italian  allies  had  furnished  soldiers  for  the  Koman  armies, 
and  had  helped  to  make  Rome  the  mistress  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean. They  believed,  therefore,  that  they  were  entitled  to  all 
the  rights  of  Koman  citizens ;  and  some  of  the  patriotic  leaders 
of  Kome  believed  so  too.  But  it  seemed  as  difficult  to  break 
down  the  distinction  between  Romans  and  Italians  as  it  had 
been  many  years  before  to  remove  the  barriers  between  the 
patricians  and  the  plebeians. 

Attempt  and  Failure  of  Dnisus.  —  At  this  crisis  there  appeared 
a  new  reformer,  the  tribune  M.  Livius  Drusus,  son  of  the  Drusus 
who  opposed  Gains  Gracchus.  He  was  a  well-disposed  man, 
who  seemed  to  believe  that  all  the  troubles  of  the  state  could 
be  settled  by  a  series  of  compromises.  Of  a  noble  nature,  of 
pure  motives,  and  of  generous  disposition,  he  tried  to  please 
everybody,  and  succeeded  in  pleasing  nobody.  First,  to  please 
the  populace,  he  proposed  to  increase  the  largesses  of  grain ; 
and  to  make  payment  easy  by  introducing  a  cheap  copper  coin 
which  should  pass  for  the  same  value  as  the  previous  silver 
one.  Next,  to  reconcile  the  senators  and  the  equites,  he  pro- 
posed to  select  the  jurors  {indices)  from  both  classes,  thus 
dividing  the  power  between  them.  Finally,  to  meet  the 
demands  of  the  Italians,  he  proposed  to  grant  them  what 
they  asked  for,  the  Roman  franchise. 

It  was  one  thing  to  propose  these  laws;  it  was  quite  another 
thing  to  pass  them.  As  the  last  law  was  the  most  offensive, 
he  began  by  uniting  the  equites  and  the  people  for  the  pur- 
pose of  passing  the  first  two  laws.  These  were  passed  against 
the  will  of  the  senate,  and  amid  scenes  of  great  violence. 
The  senate  declared  the  laws  of  Drusus  null  and  void.  Dis- 
regarding this  act  of  the  senate  as  having  no  legal  force, 
he  then  proposed  to  submit  to  the  assembly  the  law  grant- 
ing the  franchise  to  the  Italians.  But  this  law  was  as 
offensive  to  the  people  as  the  others  had  been  to  the  senate. 
Denounced  by  the  senate  as  a  traitor  and  abandoned  by  the 


THE  TIMES  OF  MARIUS  AND   SULLA 


169 


people,  this  large-hearted  and  unpractical  reformer  was  at  last 
murdered  by  an  unknown  assassin ;  and  all  his  efforts  came  to 
nothing. 

Revolt  of  the  Italian  Allies  (B.C.  90).  — The  death  of  Drusus 
drove  the  Italians  to  revolt.  The  war  which  followed  is 
known  in  history  as  the  "social  war,"  or  the  war  of  the  allies 
(socii).  It  was,  in  fact,  a  war  of  secession.  The  purpose  of 
the  allies  was  now,  not  to  obtain  the  Roman  franchise,  but  to 
create  a  new  Italian  nation,  where  all  might  be  equal.  They 
accordingly  organized  a  new  republic  with  the  central  govern- 
ment at  Corfinium,  a  town  in  the  Apennines.  The  new  state 
was  modeled  after  the  government  at  Rome,  with  a  senate  of 
five  hundred  members,  two  consuls,  and  other  magistrates. 
Nearly  all  the  peoples  of  central  and  southern  Italy  joined  in 
this  revolt. 

Rome  was  now  threatened  with  destruction,  not  by  a  for- 
eign enemy  like  the  Cimbri  and  Teutones,  but  by  her  own  sub- 
jects. The  spirit  of  patriotism  revived ;  and  the  parties  ceased 
for  a  brief  time  from  their  quarrels.  Even  Marius  returned 
to  serve  as  a  legate  in  the  Roman  army.  A  hundred  thousand 
men  took  the  field  against  an  equal  number  raised  by  the  allies. 
In  the  first  year  the  war  was  unfavorable  to  Rome.  In  the 
second  year  (b.c.  89)  new  preparations  were  made  and  new 
commanders  were  appointed.  Marius,  on  account  of  his  age, 
was  not  continued  in  his  command ;  while  L.  Cornelius  Sulla, 
who  was  once  a  subordinate  of  Marius,  was  made  chief  com- 
mander in  Campania.  Marius  felt  deeply  this  slight,  and  began 
to  be  envious  of  his  younger  rival.  The  great  credit  of  bring- 
ing this  war  to  a  close  was  due  to  Pompe'ius  Strabo  (the  father 
of  Pompey  the  Great)  and  Sulla.  The  first  Italian  capital,  Cor- 
finium, was  taken  by  Pompeius ;  and  the  second  capital,  Bovi- 
anum,  was  captured  by  Sulla  (b.c.  88).  The  social  war  was 
thus  ended;  but  it  had  been  a  great  affliction  to  ItaTy.  It  is 
roughly  estimated  that  three  hundred  thousand  men,  Romans 
and  Italians,  lost  their  lives  in  this  struggle.  The  compensa- 
tion of  this  loss  was  the  incorporation  of  Italy  with  Rome. 


170 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


THE   TIMES   OF   MARIUS   AND   SULLA 


171 


The  Enfranchisement  of  Italy.  —  Although  Rome  was  victori- 
ous in  the  Held,  tlie  Italians  obtained  what  they  had  demanded 
before  the  war  began,  that  is,  the  rights  of  Runuin  citizenship. 
The  Romans  granted  the  franchise  (1)  to  all  Latins  and  Ital- 
ians who  had  remained  loyal  during  the  war  (lex  lulia,  B.C. 
90) ;  and  (2)  to  every  Italian  who  should  be  enrolled  by  the 
pnetor  within  sixty  days  of  the  passage  of  the  law  (lex  PlaiUia 
Papiria^  B.C.  89).  Every  person  to  whom  these  provisions 
applied  was  now  a  Roman  citizen.  The  policy  of  incorporation, 
which  had  been  discontinued  for  so  long  a  time,  was  thus  re- 
vived. The  distinction  between  Romans,  Latins,  and  Italians 
was  now  broken  down,  at  least  so  far  as  the  Italian  peninsula 
was  concerned.  The  greater  part  of  Italy  was  joined  to  the  ager 
Eomanus  ;  and  Italy  and  Rome  became  practically  one  nation. 
The  Elevation  of  Sulla.  —  Another  result  of  the  social  war, 

which  had  a  great  eifect  upon  the 
destinies  of  Rome,  was  the  rise  of 
Sulla.  War  was  not  a  new  occupa- 
tion for  Sulla.  In  the  campaign 
against  Jugurtha  he  had  served  as  a 
lieutenant  of  Marius.  In  the  Cind)ric 
war  he  had  displayed  great  courage 
and  ability.  And  now  he  had  be- 
come the  most  conspicuous  com- 
mander in  the  Italian  war.  As  a  re- 
sult of  his  brilliant  exploits,  he  was 
elected  to  the  consulship.  The  senate 
also  recognized  him  as  the  ablest 
general  of  the  time,  when  it  now 
appointed  him  to  conduct  the  war  in 
the  East  against  the  great  enemy  of  Rome,  Mithrida'tes,  king 
of  Pontus. 

III.     The  Civil  War  between  Marius  axd  Sulla 

The  Jealousy  of  Marius.  —  ]\Iarius  had  watched  with  envy 
the  growing  fame  of  Sulla.     Although  old  enough  to  retire 


SCLLA 


from  active  life,  he  was  mortified  in  not  receiving  the  com- 
mand of  the  Eastern  army.  When  Sulla  was  now  appointed  to 
this  command,  Marius  determined  if  possible  to  displace  him, 
or  to  satisfy  his  revenge  in  some  other  way.  From  this  time 
Marius,  who  once  seemed  to  possess  the  elements  of  greatness, 
appears  to  us  as  a  vindictive  and  foolish  old  man,  deprived  of 
reason  and  the  sense  of  honor.  To  prove  that  he  had  not  lost 
the  vigor  of  youth,  it  is  said  that  he  used  to  appear  in  the 
Campus  Martins  and  exercise  with  the  young  soldiers  in 
wrestling  and  boxing.  The  chief  motive  which  now  seemed 
to  influence  him  was  the  hatred  of  Sulla  and  the  Sullan 
party. 

Marius  rejoins  the  Popular  Party.  —  To  regain  his  influence 
with  the  people  Marius  once  more  entered  politics,  and  joined 
himself  to  the  popular  leaders.  The  most  prominent  of  these 
leaders  was  now  the  tribune  P.  Sulpicius  Rufus.  With  the  aid 
of  this  politician,  Marius  hoped  to  win  back  the  favor  of  the 
people,  to  weaken  the  influence  of  the  senate,  which  had 
supported  Sulla,  and  then  to  displace  Sulla  himself.  This 
programme  was  set  forth  in  what  are  called  the  "Sulpician 
laws  "  (B.C.  88).  By  the  aid  of  an  armed  force  these  laws  were 
passed,  and  two  messengers  were  sent  to  Sulla  to  command 
him  to  turn  over  his  army  to  IVIarius.  To  displace  a  com- 
mander legally  appointed  by  the  senate  was  an  act  unheard  of, 
even  in  this  period  of  revolution. 

Sulla  appeals  to  the  Army.  —  If  Marius  and  Sulpicius  supposed 
that  Sulla  would  calmly  submit  to  such  an  outrage,  they  mis- 
took his  character.  Sulla  had  not  yet  left  Italy.  His  legions 
were  still  encamped  in  Campania.  He  appealed  to  them  to 
support  the  honor  and  authority  of  their  commander.  They 
responded  to  his  appeal,  and  Sulla  at  the  head  of  his  troops 
marched  to  Rome.  For  the  first  time  the  Roman  legions 
fought  in  the  streets  of  the  capital,  and  a  question  of  politics 
was  settled  by  the  sword.  Marius  and  Sulpicius  were  driven 
from  the  city,  and  Sulla  for  the  time  being  was  supreme.  He 
called  together  the  senate,  and  caused  the  leaders  of  the  popu- 


..  i„ 


MOREY'S    ROM.    HIST. 


11 


172 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


lar  party  to  be  declared  outlaws.  He  then  annulled  the  laws 
passed  by  Sulpicius,  and  gave  the  senate  the  power  hereafter 
to  approve  or  reject  all  laws  before  they  should  be  submitted 
to  the  people.  With  the  army  at  his  back  Sulla  coukl  do  what 
he  pleased.  When  he  had  placed  the  government  securely  in 
the  hands  of  the  senate,  as  he  thought,  he  left  Rome  for  the 
purpose  of  conducting  the  war  against  Mitliridates  in  the 
East. 

The  Flight  of  Marius.  —  Marius  was  now  an  exile,  a  fugitive 
from  the  country  which  he  had  once  saved.  The  pathetic 
story  of  his  flight  and  wanderings  is  graphically  told  by  Plu- 
tarch. He  says  that  Marius  set  sail  from  Ostia,  and  was 
forced  by  a  storm  to  land  at  Circe'ii  (see  map,  p.  1G7),  where 
he  wandered  about  in  hunger  and  great  suffering;  that  his 
courage  was  kept  up  by  remembering  that  when  a  boy  he  had 
found  an  eagle's  nest  with  seven  young  in  it,  which  a  sooth- 
sayer had  interpreted  as  meaning  that  he  would  be  consul 
seven  times ;  that  he  was  again  taken  on  board  a  vessel  and 
landed  at  Minturnae,  where  he  was  captured  and  condemned  to 
death ;  that  the  slave  who  was  ordered  to  kill  him  dropped  his 
sword  as  he  heard  the  stern  voice  of  his  intended  victim  shout- 
ing, "Man,  darest  thou  kill  Gains  Marius?"  that  he  Avas  then 
released  and  wandered  to  Sicily,  and  then  to  Africa,  where,  a 
fallen  hero,  he  sat  amid  the  ruins  of  Carthage ;  that  at  last  he 
found  a  safe  retreat  in  a  little  island  off  the  African  coast,  and 
waited  for  vengeance  and  the  time  of  his  seventh  consulship. 

Sulla  and  the  Mithridatic  War  (B.C.  88-84).  — While  Marius 
was  thus  enduring  tlie  miseries  of  exile,  Sulla  was  gathering 
fresh  glories  in  the  East.  Wlien  Sulla  landed  in  (Greece  he 
found  the  eastern  provinces  in  a  wretched  state.  Mitliridates, 
the  king  of  Pontus  (see  map,  p.  142),  had  extended  his  power 
over  a  large  part  of  Asia  IVIinor.  He  had  overrun  the  Roman 
province  of  Asia.  He  had  induced  the  Greek  cities  on  the 
coast,  which  had  been  brought  under  the  Roman  power,  to 
revolt  and  join  his  cause.  He  had  massacred  over  eighty  thou- 
sand Italians  living  on  the  Asiatic  coast.     He  had  also  sent 


THE   TIMES   OF  MARIUS   AND   SULLA 


173 


Coin  of  Athens 


his  armies  into  Greece  and  Macedonia,  and  many  of  the  cities 
there,   including  Athens,   had   declared  in  his   favor.      The 
Roman  power  in  the  East 
seemed  well-nigh  broken. 

It  was  at  this  time  that 
Sulla  showed  his  greatest 
ability  as  a  soldier.  He 
drove  back  the  armies 
of  Mithridates,  besieged 
Athens  and  reduced  it. 
He  destroyed  an  army  at 
Chicrone'a  (b.c.  86,  see  map,  p.  128),  and  another  at  Orchom'enus 
(b.c.  85).  Within  four  years  he  reestablished  the  Roman  power, 
and  compelled  Mithridates  to  sign  a  treaty  of  peace.  The  de- 
feated king  agreed  to  give  up  all  his  conquests ;  to  surrender 
eighty  war  vessels;  and  to  pay  3000  talents  (^3,750,000). 
After  imposing  upon  the  disloyal  cities  of  Asia  Minor  the  im- 
mense fine  of  20,000  talents  (125,000,000),  Sulla  returned  to 
Italy  to  find  his  own  party  overtlirown,  and  himself  an  outlaw. 

Cinna  and  the  Marian  Massacres.  —  During  the  absence  of 
Sulla,  Rome  had  passed  through  a  reign  of  terror.  The  time 
had  now  come  when  parties  sought  to  support  themselves  by 
slaughtering  their  opponents.  The  two  consuls  who  were  left 
in  power  when  SulUi  left  Rome,  were  Cn.  Octavius,  a  friend  of 
Sulla,  and  L.  Cornelius  Cinna,  a  friend  of  Marius.  Cinna,  who 
was  an  extreme  partisan,  proposed  to  rescind  the  laws  of  Sulla 
and  reenact  those  of  Sulpicius.  But  the  senate  was  vehe- 
mently opposed  to  any  such  scheme.  When  the  assembly  of 
the  tribes  met  in  the  Forum  to  vote  upon  this  proposal  of 
Cinna,  Octavius  carried  the  day  in  an  armed  conflict  in  which 
ten  thousand  citizens  are  said  to  have  lost  their  lives.  But  the 
victory  of  Octavius  was  short.  Cinna  was,  it  is  true,  deprived 
of  his  office ;  but  following  the  example  of  his  enemy  Sulla,  he 
appealed  to  the  army  for  support. 

At  the  same  time  Marius  returned  from  his  exile  to  aid  the 
cause  of  Cinna.     Uniting  their  forces,  Marius  and  Cinna  then 


174 


THE   ROMAN   KEPUBLIC 


marched  upon  Rome.  The  city  was  taken.  Mariiis  saw  that 
the  time  had  now  come  to  satisfy  his  vengeance  for  the  wrongs 
which  he  thought  had  been  done  him.  The  gates  of  the  city 
were  closed,  and  the  massacres  began.  The  first  victim  was  the 
consul  Octavius,  whose  head  was  hung  up  in  the  Forum.  Then 
followed  the  leaders  of  the  senatorial  party.  For  five  days 
Marius  was  furious,  and  revelled  in  blood.  The  friends  of  Sulla 
were  everywhere  cut  down.  The  city  was  a  scene  of  murder, 
plunder,  and  outrage.  After  this  spasm  of  slaughter  a  reign 
of  terror  continued  for  several  months.  No  man's  life  was  safe 
if  he  was  suspected  by  jVIarius.  Marius  and  Cinna  then  de- 
clared themselves  to  be  consuls.  But  Marius  held  this,  his 
seventh  consulship,  but  a  few  days,  when  he  died  —  a  great 
man  who  had  crumbled  into  ruins. 

After  the  death  of  ^larius,  Cinna,  the  j)rofessed  leader  of  the 
popular  party,  ruled  with  the  absolute  power  of  a  despot.  He 
declared  himself  consul  each  year,  and  named  his  own  col- 
league. But  he  seemed  to  have  no  definite  i)urpose,  except  to 
wipe  out  the  work  of  SulLi,  and  to  keep  himself  supreme.  At 
last,' hearing  of  the  approach  of  Sulla,  he  led  an  army  to  pre- 
vent him  from  landing  in  Italy ;  but  was  killed  in  a  mutiny  of 
his  own  soldiers. 

Sulla* s  War  with  the  Marian  Party.  —  Sulla  landed  in  Italy 
(B.C.  83)  with  a  victorious  army  of  forty  thousand  men.  He 
had  restored  the  power  of  Rome  against  her  enemies  abroad ; 
he  now  set  to  work  to  restore  her  authority  against  her  enemies 
at  home.  He  looked  upon  the  popular  party  as  a  revolutionary 
faction,  ruling  with  no  sanction  of  law  or  justice.  Its  leaders 
since  the  death  of  Cinna  were  Cn.  Papirius  Carbo,  the  younger 
^larius,  and  Q.  Sertorius.  The  landing  of  Sulla  in  Italy  with- 
out disbanding  his  army  was  the  signal  for  civil  war.  Southern 
Italy  declared  in  his  favor,  and  many  prominent  men  looked 
to  him  as  the  deliverer  of  Rome.  The  choicest  of  his  new 
allies  was  the  son  of  Pompeius  Strabo,  then  a  young  man  of 
twenty -three,  but  whose  future  fame,  as  Pompey  the  Great,  was 
destined  to  equal  that  of  Sulla  himself.     Sulla  marched  to 


THE   TIMES  OF   MARIUS  AND   SULLA 


175 


Campania  and  routed  the  forces  of  one  consul,  while  troops  of 
the  other  consul  deserted  to  him  in  a  body.  He  then  attacked 
the  young  Marius  in  Latium,  defeated  him,  and  shut  him  up 
in  the  town  of  Prteneste  (see  map,  p.  40).  Northern  Italy  was 
at  the  same  time  held  in  check  by  Pompey.  A  desperate  bat- 
tle was  fought  at  Clusium,  in  Etruria  (see  map,  p.  81),  in  which 
Sulla  and  Pompey  defeated  the  army  of  Carbo.  At  last  an 
army  of  Samnites  which  had  joined  the  Marian  cause  was  cut 
to  pieces  at  the  Colline  gate  (see  map,  p.  38)  under  the  very 
walls  of  Rome.  Sulla  showed  what  might  be  expected  of  him 
when  he  ordered  six  thousand  Samnite  prisoners  to  be  mas- 
sacred in  cold  blood. 

The  Sullan  Proscriptions.  —  With  Italy  at  his  feet  and  a  vic- 
torious army  at  his  back,  Sulla,  the  champion  of  the  senate, 
was  now  the  supreme  ruler  of  Rome.  Before  entering  upon 
the  work  of  reconstructing  the  government,  he  determined  first 
of  all  to  complete  the  work  of  destroying  his  enemies.  It  is 
sometimes  said  tliat  Sulla  was  not  a  man  of  vindictive  nature. 
Let  us  see  what  he  did.  He  first  outlawed  all  civil  and  mili- 
tary officers  who  had  taken  part  in  the  revolution  against  him, 
and  offered  a  reward  of  two  talents  (about  f  2500)  to  the  mur- 
derer of  any  of  these  men.  He  then  posted  a  list  (proscripifo) 
containing  the  names  of  those  citizens  whom  he  wished  to  have 
killed.  He  placed  eighty  names  on  the  first  list,  two  hundred 
and  twenty  more  on  the  second,  as  many  more  on  the  third,  and 
so  on  until  nearly  five  thousand  citizens  had  been  put  to  death 
in  Rome. 

But  these  despotic  acts  were  not  confined  to  Rome;  they 
extended  to  every  city  of  Italy.  "  Neither  temple,  nor  hospi- 
table hearth,  nor  father's  house,"  says  Plutarch,  "was  free  from 
murder."  Sulla  went  to  Prameste,  and  having  no  time  to  exam- 
ine each  individual,  had  all  the  people  brought  to  one  spot  to 
the  number  of  twelve  thousand,  and  ordered  them  to  be  mas- 
sacred. His  sense  of  justice  was  not  satisfied  by  punishing 
the  living.  The  infamous  Cat'iline  had  murdered  his  own 
brother  before  the  war  had  closed,  and  he  asked  Sulla  to  pro- 


176 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


THE   TIMES   OF  MARIUS  AND   SULLA 


177 


scribe  him  as  though  he  were  alive  —  which  was  done.  The 
heads  of  the  shiiii  victims  Sulla  caused  to  be  piled  in  the  streets 
of  Rome  for  public  execration.  The  tomb  of  Marius  himself 
was  broken  open  and  his  ashes  were  scattered.  Besides  taking 
the  lives  of  his  fellow-citizens,  Sulla  confiscated  the  lands  of 
Italy,  swept  away  cities,  and  wasted  whole  districts.  If  the 
proscriptions  of  Sulla  were  not  inspired  liy  the  mad  fury  of 
revenge  which  led  to  the  Marian  massacres,  they  were  yet 
prompted  by  the  merciless  policy  of  a  tyrant. 

IV.     The  Dictatorship  of  Sulla  (b.c.  82-79) 

The  Office  of  Perpetual  Dictator.  —  When  Sulla  had  destroyed 
his  enemies  he  turned  to  the  work  of  reconstructing  the  gov- 
ernment in  the  interests  of  the  senate  and  the  aristocracy. 
The  first  question  with  Sulla  was.  What  office  should  he  hold 
in  order  to  accomplish  all  he  wished  to  do  ?  The  Gracchi  had 
exercised  their  great  influence  by  being  elected  tribunes.  Marius 
had  risen  to  power  through  his  successive  consul shii)S.  But  the 
office  neither  of  tribune  nor  of  consul  was  suited  to  the  purposes 
of  Sulla.  He  wished  for  absolute  power  —  in  fact,  to  hold  the 
royal  imperium.  But  since  the  fall  of  the  Tarquins  no  man 
had  ever  dared  assume  the  name  of  '^king."  Sulla  was  shrewd 
enough  to  see  how  he  could  exercise  absolute  power,  under 
another  name  than  that  of  king.  The  dictator  was,  in  fact, 
a  sort  of  temporary  king.  To  make  this  office  perpetual  would 
be  practically  to  restore  the  royal  power.  Accordingly,  Sulla 
had  himself  declared  dictator  to  hold  the  office  as  long  as  he 
pleased.  All  his  previous  acts  were  then  confirmed.  He  was 
given  the  full  power  of  life  and  death,  the  power  to  confiscate 
property,  to  distribute  lands,  to  create  and  destroy  colonies,  and 
to  regulate  the  provinces. 

Military  Support  of  Sulla's  Power.  — Sulla  believed  that  a 
ruler  to  be  strong  must  always  be  ready  to  draw  the  sword. 
He  therefore  did  not  mean  to  lose  his  hold  upon  his  veteran 
soldiers.     When  his  twenty-three  legions  were  disbanded,  they 


were  not  scattered,  but  were  settled  in  Italy  as  military  colo- 
nies. Each  legion  formed  the  body  of  citizens  in  a  certain  town, 
the  lands  being  confiscated  and  assigned  to  the  soldiers.  The 
legionaries  were  thus  bound  in  gratitude  to  Sulla,  and  formed 
a  devoted  body  of  militia  upon  which  he  felt  that  he  could 
rely.  By  means  of  these  colonies,  Sulla  placed  his  power  upon 
a  military  basis. 

Restoration  of  the  Senate. — It  was  one  of  Sulla's  chief 
purposes  to  restore  the  senate  to  its  former  position  as  the 
chief  ruling  body.  In  the  first  place,  he  filled  it  up  with  three 
hundred  new  members,  elected  by  the  comitia  tributa  from 
the  equites.  The  senatorial  list  was  no  longer  to  be  made  out 
by  the  censor,  but  every  one  who  had  been  quaestor  was  now 
legally  qualified  to  be  a  senator.  In  the  next  place,  the  jurors 
(indices)  m  criminal  trials  were  henceforth  to  be  taken  from  the 
senate,  and  not  from  the  equestrian  order.  But  as  the  new  sen- 
ators were  from  this  order,  the  two  classes  became  reconciled ;  and 
Sulla  succeeded  in  doing  what  Drusus  had  failed  to  accomplish. 
But  more  than  all,  no  lawg^  could  hereafter  be  passed  by  the 
assembly  of  the  tribes  until  first  approved  by  the  senate. 

Weakening  of  the  Assembly.  —  Sulla  saw  that  the  revolution- 
ary acts  of  the  last  fifty  years  had  been  chiefly  the  work  of 
the  comitia  tributa  under  the  leadership  of  the  tribunes.  The 
other  assembly  —  that  of  the  centuries  —  had,  it  is  true,  equal 
power  to  make  laws.  But  the  assembly  of  the  tribes  was  more 
democratic,  and  the  making  of  laws  had  gradually  passed  into 
the  hands  of  that  body.  By  simply  giving  the  senate  the 
initiative  of  legislation,  the  assembly  had  no  power  to  pass 
upon  any  law  at  all  without  the  senate's  consent.  The  tend- 
ency of  this  change  was  to  limit  the  assemblies  to  the  mere 
business  of  electing  the  officers  —  the  lower  officers  being  elected 
by  the  tribes,  and  the  higher  officers  by  the  centuries.  To 
keep  control  of  the  elections  Sulla  enfranchised  ten  thousand 
slaves,  and  gave  them  the  right  to  vote ;  these  creatures  of 
Sulla  were  known  as  "  Cornelii, "  or  Sulla's  freedmen. 
Changes   in   the  Magistrates.  —  In    Sulla's    mind   the    most 


:)1 


178 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


THE   TIMES  OF   MARIUS  AND   SULLA 


179 


revolutionary  and  dangerous  office  in  the  government  was  that 
of  the  tribune.  This  officer  hitherto  coukl  practically  control 
the  state.  He  had  had  the  chief  control  of  legislation; 
and  also  by  his  veto  he  could  stop  the  wheels  of  government. 
Sulla  changed  all  this.  He  limited  the  power  of  the  tribune 
to  simple  "intercession,"  that  is,  the  protection  of  a  citizen 
from  an  act  of  official  injustice.  He  also  provided  that  only 
senators  could  be  elected  to  the  office  of  tribune.  The  other 
officers  were  also  looked  after.  The  consuls  and  prictors  must 
henceforth  devote  themselves  to  their  civil  duties  in  the  citv ; 
and  then  as  proconsuls  and  proprietors  they  might  afterward 
be  assigned  by  the  senate  to  the  governorship  of  the  provinces. 
Again,  no  one  could  be  consul  until  he  had  been  praetor,  nor 
praitor  until  he  had  been  quaestor  ;  and  the  old  law  was  en- 
forced, that  no  one  could  hold  the  same  office  the  second  time 
until  after  an  interval  of  ten  years. 

Reform  of  the  Judicial  System.  —  The  most  permanent  part 
of  Sulla's  reforms  was  the  creation  of  a  regular  system  of 
criminal  courts.  He  organized  permanent  commissions  (quces- 
tiones  perpetuce)  for  the  trial  of  different  kinds  of  crimes. 
Every  criminal  case  was  thus  tried  before  a  regular  court,  com- 
posed of  a  presiding  judge,  or  praetor,  and  a  body  of  jurymen, 
called  indices.  We  must  remember  that  Avhenever  the  word 
indices  is  used  in  the  political  history  of  this  period  it  refers  to 
these  jurors  in  criminal  cases,  who  were  first  chosen  from  the 
senate,  then  from  the  equites,  and  now  under  Sulla  from  the 
senate  again.  The  organization  of  regular  criminal  courts  by 
Sulla  was  the  wisest  and  most  valuable  part  of  his  legislation. 

Sulla's  Abdication  and  Death.  —  After  a  reign  of  three  years 
(B.C.  82-79),  and  after  having  jdaced  the  government  se- 
curely in  the  hands  of  the  senate,  as  he  supposed,  Sulla 
resigned  the  dictatorship.  He  retired  to  his  country  house 
at  Fute'oli  on  the  Bay  of  Naples.  He  spent  the  few  remaining 
months  of  his  life  in  writing  his  memoirs,  which  have  un- 
fortunately been  lost.  He  hastened  his  end  by  dissipation, 
and  died  the  next  year  (b.c.  78).     The  senate  decreed  him  a 


i 


i 


public  funeral,  the  most  splendid  that  Rome  had  ever  seen. 
His  body  was  burned  in  the  Campus  Martius.  Upon  the  monu- 
ment which  was  erected  to  his  memory  were  inscribed  these 
words :  *'  No  friend  ever  did  him  a  kindness,  and  no  enemy 
a  wrong,  without  being  fully  repaid." 

Sulla  was  a  man  of  blood  and  iron.  Cool  and  calculating, 
definite  in  his  purpose,  and  unscrupulous  in  his  methods,  he 
was  invincible  in  war  and  in  peace.  But  the  great  part  of 
the  work  which  he  seemed  to  accomplish  so  thoroughly  did 
not  long  survive  him.  His  great  foreign  enemy,  Mithridates, 
soon  renewed  his  wars  Avith  Rome.  His  boasted  constitution 
fell  in  the  next  political  conflict.  The  career  of  Sulla,  like 
that  of  the  Gracchi  and  of  Marius,  marks  a  stage  in  the  decline 
of  the  republic  and  the  establishment  of  the  empire. 

SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Ch.  32,  "Rivalry  of  Marias  and  Sulla  "  (l).i 

Monimsen,  Vol.  III.,  Bk.  IV.,  Ch.  10,  "The  Sullan  Constitution"  (2). 

Mommsen,  abridged,  Ch.  22,  "Marius  as  a  Revolutionist"  (2). 

How  and  Leigh,  Ch.  39,  "  The  Social  War"  (1). 

Shuckburgh,  Ch.  38,  "Mithridates  in  Asia  and  Greece"  (1). 

Taylor,  Ch.  11,  "  Cinna  and  Sulla"  (1). 

Beesly,  Ch.  15,  "  Sulla's  Reactionary  Measures"  (6). 

Freeman,  P^ssay  on  "  Sulla  "  (3). 

Plutarch,  "Marius,"  "Sulla"  (11). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

The  Roman  Senate.  —  Gow,  pp.  193-199  (8)  ;  Telham,  pp.  159-167 
(1)  ;  Shuckburgh,  pp.  200-208,  397-399  (1)  ;  How  and  Leigh,  p.  298 
(1)  ;  Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  pp.  209-212  (1)  ;  Monimsen,  Vol.  L,  pp.  406- 
412  (2)  ;  Ramsay  and  Lanciani,  pp.  254-263  (8)  ;  Harper's  Diet.  Antiqq., 
"Senatus"  (8). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


I 


THE   TIMES  OF  POMPEY  AND   CESAU 


181 


CHAPTER   XXI 

THE   TIMES   OF   POMPEY  AND   CiESAR 
I.     The  Rise  of  Pompey 

Failures  of  the  Sullan  Party.  —  When  Sulla  resigned  his 
power  and  placed  the  government  in  the  hands  of  his  party, 
he  no  doubt  thought  that  he  had  secured  the  state  from  any 
further  disturbance.  He  had  destroyed  all  opposition,  he 
fancied,  by  wiping  out  the  Marian  party.  Rut  as  soon  as  he 
died,  the  remnants  of  this  party  began  to  reappear  on  every 
side.  With  the  restoration  of  the  senate's  power  there  also 
returned  all  the  old  evils  of  the  senatorial  rule.  The  aristo- 
cratic party  was  still  a  selfish  faction  ruling  for  its  own  inter- 
ests, and  with  little  regard  for  the  welfare  of  the  people.  The 
separation  between  the  rich  and  the  poor  became  more  marked 
than  ever.  Luxury  and  dissipation  were  the  passion  of  one  class, 
and  poverty  and  distress  the  condition  of  the  other.  The  feeble- 
ness of  the  new  government  was  evident  from  the  start,  and  Sulla 
was  scarcely  dead  wlien  symptoms  of  reaction  began  to  appear. 

The  Revolt  of  Lepidus  (B.C.  77).  —  The  first  attempt  to  over- 
throw the  work  of  Sulla  was  made  by  the  consul  M.  .Emilius 
Lep'idus,  a  vain  and  petulant  man,  who  aspired  to  be  chief  of 
the  popular  party.  Lepidus  proposed  to  restore  to  tlie  tril> 
unes  the  full  power  which  Sulla  had  diminished,  and  then 
to  rescind  the  whole  Sullan  constitution.  But  his  colleague, 
Q.  Lutatius  Catulus,^  had  no  sympatliy  with  his  schemes  and 
opposed  him  at  every  step.  To  prevent  a  new  civil  war  the 
senate  bound  the  two  consuls  by  an  oath  not  to  take  up  arms. 
Rut  Lepidus  disregarded  this  oath,  raised  an  army,  and 
marched  on  Rome.  He  was  soon  defeated  by  Catulus  with 
the  aid  of  Cn.  Pompey.  It  is  well  for  us  to  notice  that  Pom- 
})ey  now  for  the  first  time  appears  in  politics  as  a  supporter  of 
the  senate  and  the  Sullan  party. 

1  Sou  of  the  colleague  of  Marius  (p.  165). 

180 


The  Sertorian  War  and  Pompey  (B.C.  80-72).  —  A  much  more 
formidable  attempt  at  revolution  was  made  by  Q.  Sertorius, 
who  was  one  of  the  friends  of  Marius,  and  who  had  escaped  to 
Spain  during  the  Sullan  proscriptions.  Sertorius  was  a  man 
of  noble  character,  brave,  prudent,  generous,  and  withal  a 
very  able  soldier.  The  native  tribes  of  Spain  were  chafing 
under  the  Roman  governors;  and  Spain  itself  had  become 
the  retreat  of  many  Marian  refugees.  Sertorius,  therefore, 
formed  the  plan  of  delivering  Spain  from  the  power  of  Rome, 
and  setting  up  an  independent  republic.  (For  map  of  Spain, 
see  p.  112.)  He  won  the  devotion  and  loyalty  of  the  Spanish 
provincials,  whom  he  placed  on  an  equality  with  his  Roman 
subjects.  He  organized  the  cities  after  the  Italian  model.  He 
encouraged  the  natives  to  adopt  the  arts  of  civilization.  He 
formed  a  school  at  Osca,  where  the  young  men  were  instructed 
in  liatin  and  Greek.  He 
also  defeated  the  Roman 
legions  under  Q.  Csecilius 
Metellus  Pius,  who  had 
been  sent  against  him. 

The  Roman  senate  was 
firmly  convinced  that  some- 
thing must  be  done  to 
save  the  Spanish  province. 
Pompey  Avas  therefore  ap- 
pointed proconsul  in  Spain 
—  although  he  had  never 
been  consul  or  held  any 
other  civil  office.  Sertorius 
showed  what  kind  of  gen- 
eral he  was  when  he  de- 
feated the  young  Pompey 
in  the  first  battle,  and 
might  have  destroyed  his  army  if  Metellus  had  not  come  to  his 
assistance.  Rut  fortune  at  last  frowned  upon  Sertorius  and 
favored  Pompey.     Sertorius,  in  a  fit  of  wrath,  caused  the  boys 


Head  of  the  Statue  of  P«)mpey  (So-called) 


w 


CHAPTER   XXI 

THK   TIMES  OF   POMPEY  AND  CiESAR 
I.     The  Rise  of   Pompet 

Failures  of  the  SuUan  Party.  —  When  Sulla  resigned  his 
power  and  placed  the  government  in  the  hands  of  his  party, 
he  no  doubt  thought  that  he  had  secured  the  state  from  any 
further  disturbance.  He  had  destroyed  all  opposition,  he 
fancied,  by  wiping  out  the  Marian  party.  Rut  as  soon  as  he 
died,  the  remnants  of  this  party  began  to  reappear  on  every 
side.  With  the  restoration  of  the  senate's  power  there  also 
returned  all  the  old  evils  of  the  senatorial  rule.  The  aristo- 
cratic party  was  still  a  selfish  faction  ruling  for  its  own  inter- 
ests, and  with  little  regard  for  the  welfare  of  the  people.  The 
separation  between  the  rich  and  the  poor  became  more  marked 
than  ever,  tiixnry  and  dissipation  were  the  passion  of  one  class, 
and  poverty  and  distress  the  condition  of  the  other.  The  feeble- 
ness of  tlie  new  government  was  evident  from  the  start,  and  Sulla 
was  scarcely  dead  when  symptoms  of  reaction  began  to  appear. 

The  Revolt  of  Lepidus  (B.C.  77).  —  The  first  attempt  to  over- 
throw the  work  of  Sulla  was  made  by  the  consul  ^r.  .Emilius 
Lep'idus,  a  vain  and  petulant  man,  who  aspired  to  be  chief  of 
the  popular  party.  Lepidus  proposed  to  restore  to  the  trib- 
unes the  full  power  which  Sulla  had  diminished,  and  then 
to  rescind  the  whole  SuUan  constitution.  Rut  his  colleague, 
Q.  Lutatius  Catulus,^  had  no  sympathy  with  his  schemes  and 
opposed  him  at  every  step.  To  prevent  a  new  civil  war  the 
senate  bound  the  two  consuls  by  an  oath  not  to  take  up  arms. 
Rut  Lepidus  disregarded  this  oath,  raised  an  army,  and 
marched  on  Rome.  He  was  soon  defeated  by  Catulus  with 
the  aid  of  Cn.  Pompey.  It  is  well  for  us  to  notice  that  Pom- 
pey  now  for  the  first  time  appears  in  politics  as  a  supporter  of 
the  senate  and  the  Sullan  party. 

1  Sou  of  the  colleague  of  Marius  (p.  165). 

180 


THE  TIMES  OF  POMPEY  AND   CESAR 


181 


The  Sertorian  War  and  Pompey  (B.C.  80-72).  —  A  much  more 
formidable  attempt  at  revolution  was  made  by  Q.  Sertorius, 
who  was  one  of  the  friends  of  Marius,  and  who  had  escaped  to 
Spain  during  the  Sullan  proscriptions.  Sertorius  was  a  man 
of  noble  character,  brave,  prudent,  generous,  and  withal  a 
very  able  soldier.  The  native  tribes  of  Spain  were  chafing 
under  the  Roman  governors ;  and  Spain  itself  had  become 
the  retreat  of  many  Marian  refugees.  Sertorius,  therefore, 
formed  the  plan  of  delivering  Spain  from  the  power  of  Rome, 
and  setting  up  an  independent  republic.  (For  map  of  Spain, 
see  p.  112.)  He  won  the  devotion  and  loyalty  of  the  Spanish 
provincials,  whom  he  placed  on  an  equality  with  his  Roman 
subjects.  He  organized  the  cities  after  the  Italian  model.  He 
encouraged  the  natives  to  adopt  the  arts  of  civilization.  He 
formed  a  school  at  Osca,  where  the  young  men  were  instructed 
in  Latin  and  Greek.  He 
also  defeated  the  Roman 
legions  under  Q.  Caicilius 
Metellus  Pius,  who  had 
been  sent  against  him. 

The  Roman  senate  was 
firmly  convinced  that  some- 
thing must  be  done  to 
save  the  Spanish  province. 
Pompey  Avas  therefore  ap- 
pointed proconsul  in  Spain 
- — although  he  had  never 
been  consul  or  held  any 
other  civil  office.  Sertorius 
showed  what  kind  of  gen- 
eral he  was  when  he  de- 
feated the  young  Pompey 
in  the  first  battle,  and 
might  have  destroyed  his  army  if  Metellus  had  not  come  to  his 
assistance.  Rut  fortune  at  last  frowned  upon  Sertorius  and 
favored  Pompey.     Sertorius,  in  a  fit  of  wrath,  caused  the  boys 


Head  of  the  Statue  of  Pomi'EY  (So-called) 


182 


THE    ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


in  the  school  at  Osca  to  be  put  to  death.    This  cruel  act  aroused 

the  indignation  of  the  Spanish  subjects.     It  was  not  long  before 

he  himself  was  murdered  by  one  of  his  lieutenants.     With  Ser- 

torius  out  of  the  way,  Fompey  obtained  an  easy  victory ;  and 

Spain  was  reduced  to  submission. 

War  of  the  Gladiators,  and  Crassus  (B.C.  73-71).— Before  the 

war  with  Sertorius  was  ended,  the  senate  was  called  upon  to 

meet  a  far  greater  danger  at  home.     In  order  to  prej)are  the 

gladiators   for   their  bloody   contests   in   the   arena,  training 

schools     had     been    estab- 
AST^iANAx.^v,c,TicALEMD.P5r  ^        ji^j^gj  j^^  dliYorent  parts  of 

Italy.  At  Capua,  in  one 
of  these  so-called  schools 
(which  were  rather  prisons), 
was  confined  a  brave  Thra- 
cian,  Spar'tacus.  With  no 
desire  to  be  "  butchered  to 
make  a  Roman  holiday," 
Spartacus  incited  his  com- 
panions to  revolt.  Seventy  of  them  fled  to  the  crater  of 
Vesuvius  and  made  it  a  stronghold.  Keen  forced  by  other 
slaves  and  outlaws  of  all  descriptions,  they  grew  into  a  mot- 
ley mass  of  one  hundred  thousand  desperate  men.  They  rav- 
aged the  fields  and  plundered  the  cities,  until  all  Italy  seemed 
at  their  mercy.  Four  Roman  armies  were  defeated  in  succes- 
sion. With  l*ompey  still  absent  in  Spain,  the  senate  sought 
some  other  leader  to  crush  this  fearful  insurrection.  The  com- 
mand fell  to  ^I.  Crassus,  who  finally  defeated  Spartacus  and 
his  army.  A  remnant  of  five  thousand  men  fled  to  the  north, 
hoping  to  esca])e  into  Gaul ;  but  they  fell  in  with  Pompey,  who 
was  just  returning  from  Spain,  and  were  destroyed.  I>y  this 
stroke  of  luck,  Pompey  had  the  assurance  to  claim  that  in 
addition  to  closing  the  war  in  Spain,  he  had  also  finished  the 
war  with  the  gladiators. 

First  Consulship  of  Pompey  and  Crassus   (B.C.    70). — With 
their  victorious  legions,  l^ompey  and  Crassus  now  returned  to 


KuMAN  Gladiators 


THE   TIMES   OF  POMPEY  AND   C^SAR 


183 


the  capital  and  claimed  the  consulship.  Neither  of  these  men 
had  any  great  ability  as  a  politician.  But  Crassus,  on  account 
of  his  wealth,  had  influence  with  the  capitalists  ;  and  Pompey, 
on  account  of  his  military  successes,  was  becoming  a  sort  of 
popular  hero,  as  Marius  had  been  before  him.  The  popular 
party  was  now  beginning  to  gather  up  its  scattered  forces, 
and  to  make  its  influence  felt.  With  this  party,  therefore,  as 
offering  the  greater  prospect  of  success,  the  two  soldiers 
formed  a  coalition,  and  were  elected  consuls. 

The  chief  event  of  the  consulship  of  Pompey  and  Crassus 
was  the  complete  overthrow  of  the  Sullan  constitution.  The 
old  power  was  given  back  to  the  tribunes.  The  legislative 
power  was  restored  to  the  assembly,  which  now  could  pass 
laws  without  the  approval  of  the  senate.  The  exclusive  right 
to  furnish  jurors  in  criminal  cases  was  taken  away  from  the 
senate;  and  henceforth  the  jurors  (mdices)  were  to  be  chosen, 
one  third  from  the  senate,  one  third  from  the  equites,  and  one 
third  from  the  wealthy  men  below  the  rank  of  the  equites  (the 
so-called  tribuHi  cerarii).  Also,  the  power  of  the  censors  to 
revise  the  list  of  the  senators,  which  Sulla  had  abolished,  Avas 
restored ;  and  as  a  result  of  this, .  sixty-four  senators  were 
expelled  from  the  senate.  By  these  measures  the  Sullan 
regime  was  practically  destroyed,  and  the  supremacy  of  the 
senate  taken  away.  This  was  a  great  triumph  for  the  popu- 
lar party.  After  the  close  of  his  consulship,  Pompey,  with 
affected  modesty,  retired  to  private  life. 

Pompey  and  the  War  with  the  Pirates.  —  But  Pompey  was 
soon  needed  to  rescue  Rome  from  still  another  danger.  Since 
the  decline  of  the  Roman  navy  the  sea  had  become  infested 
with  pirates.  These  robbers  made  their  home  in  Crete  and 
Cilicia  (see  map,  p.  142),  from  which  they  made  their  depreda- 
tions. They  had  practically  the  control  of  the  whole  Mediter- 
ranean, and  preyed  upon  the  commerce  of  the  world.  They 
plundered  the  cities  of  nearly  every  coast.  They  even  cut  off 
the  grain  supplies  of  Rome,  so  that  Italy  was  threatened  with 
a  famine.     To   meet   this   emergency  a   law  was  passed  {lex 


f 


184 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


THE  TIMES  OF  POMPEY  AND   C^SAR 


185 


PiRATB  Vessel 


OaUniaf  b.c.  67)  giving  to  Pompey  for  three  years  supreme 
control  over  the   Mediterranean   Sea  and  its  coasts  for  fifty 

miles  inland.  He  was 
given  five  hundred  ships 
and  as  many  soldiers  as 
he  might  wish.  The  pub- 
lic treasuries  and  all  the 
resources  of  the  provinces 
were  placed  at  his  dis- 
posal. 

Such  extraordinary 
power  had  never  before 
been  given  to  any  man,  except  Sulla.  But  Pompey  fully  satisfied 
the  expectations  of  the  people.  Within  four  months  from  the 
time  he  set  sail,  he  had  cleared  the  whole  Mediterranean  Sea  of 
its  pirates.  He  had  captured  three  thousand  vessels,  slain  ten 
thousand  of  the  enemy,  and  taken  twenty  thousand  prisoners. 
Cicero  said  in  his  rhetorical  way  that  "  Pompey  had  made  his 
preparations  for  the  war  at  the  end  o^  the  winter,  began  it  in 
the  early  spring,  and  finished  it  in  the  middle  of  the  simimer." 
Pompey  remained  in  the  East  to  settle  affairs  in  Cilicia,  and 
perhaps  to  win  fresh  laurels  as  a  soldier. 

Pompey  and  the  Conquest  of  the  East.  —  The  splendid  success 
of  Pompey  against  the  pirates  led  his  friends  to  believe  that 
he  was  the  only  man  who 
could  bring  to  a  close  the 
long  and  tedious  war  against 
Mithridates.  Since  the 
death  of  Sulla  the  king  of 
Pontus  had  continued  to  be 
a  menace  to  Kome.  The 
campaigns  in  the  East  had 
been  conducted  by  L.  Licinius  Lucullus,  who  was  a  really  able 
general,  but  who  was  charged  with  prolonging  the  war  in 
order  to  enrich  himself.  There  was  some  ground,  too,  for 
this  charge:  for,  as  it  was  afterward  well  said  of  him,  "he 


Coin  of  Mithridates 


transplanted  the  luxury  of  Asia  to  Rome."  Lucullus  had 
already  gained  several  victories  over  Mithridates;  but  the 
war  still  lingered.  A  law  was  then  passed  at  Rome  {lex 
Maiiiliay  B.C.  66)  displacing  Lucullus  and  giving  to  Pompey 
supreme  control  over  all  the  Roman  dominions  in  the  East. 
Armed  with  this  extensive  authority,  Pompey  began  the 
conquest  of  the  East.  He  soon  succeeded  in  defeating 
Mithridates,  and  in  driving  him  from  his  kingdom.  He  then 
invaded  Syria  and  took  possession  of  that  kingdom.  He  next 
entered  Judea,  and  after  a  severe  struggle  succeeded  in  cap- 
turing Jerusalem  (b.c.  63).  All  the  eastern  coasts  of  the 
Mediterranean  were  now  subject  to  Pompey.  Out  of  the  con- 
quered countries  he  formed  four  new  provinces :  (1)  Bithynia 
with  Pontus;  (2)  Syria;  (3)  Cilicia;  and  (4)  Crete.  When 
he  returned  to  Italy  he  had  the  most  successful  and  brilliant 
record  that  any  Roman  general  had  ever  achieved. 

IL   The  Growing  Influence  of  C^sar 

Rome  during  the  Absence  of  Pompey.  —  During  the  absence  of 
Pompey  in  the  East  (b.c.  67-61)  the  politics  of  the  capital  were 
mainly  in  the  hands  of  three  men  —  Marcus  Porcius  Cato, 
Marcus  Tullius  Cicero,  and  Gains  Julius  Caesar.  Cato  was  the 
grandson  of  Cato  the  Censor;  and  like  his  great  ancestor  he 
was  a  man  of  firmness  and  of  the  strictest  integrity.  He  was 
by  nature  a  conservative,  and  came  to  be  regarded  as  the  leader 
of  the  aristocratic  party.  He  contended  for  the  power  of  the 
senate  as  it  existed  in  the  days  of  old.  But  lacking  the  highest 
qualities  of  a  statesman,  he  could  not  prevent  the  inroads  which 
were  being  made  upon  the  constitution. 

On  the  other  hand,  Julius  Caesar  was  coming  to  the  front  as 
the  leader  of  the  popular  party.  Though  born  of  patrician 
stock,  he  was  related  by  family  ties  to  Marius  and  Cinna,  the 
old  leaders  of  the  people.  He  was  wise  enough  to  see  that 
the  cause  of  the  people  was  in  the  ascendancy.  He  aroused 
the  sympathies  of  the  Italians  by  favoring  the  extension  of  the 


\ 


186 


THE    ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


THE   TIMES   OF  POMPEY   AND   C^SAR 


187 


Koman  franchise  to  cities  beyond  the  Po.     He  appealed  to  the 
populace  by  the  splendor  of  the  games  which  he  gave  as  curule 

iedile.  He  allied  himself 
to  Crassus,  whose  great 
wealth  and  avenige  ability 
he  could  use  to  good  ad- 
vantage. 

Between  these  two  party 
leaders  stood  Cicero,  who, 
ill  spite  of  his  vanity,  was 
a  nian  of  great  intellect 
and  of  excellent  adminis- 
trative ability ;  but  being  a 
moderate  man,  he  was  lia- 
ble to  be  misjudged  by  both 
parties.  He  was  also  what 
was  called  a  ''  new  man  '' 
(novus  homo),  that  is,  the 
first  of  his  family  to  o\y- 
tain  the  senatorial  rank. 
Cicero  was  made  consul,  and  rose  to  the  highest  distinction 
during  the  absence  of  Pompey. 

Cicero  and  the  Catilinian  Conspiracy.  —  If  Cicero  had  done 
nothing  else,  he  wovdd  have  been  entitled  to  the  gratitude  of 
his  country  for  two  acts  —  the  impeachment  of  Verres  and  the 
defeat  of  Catiline.  Cicero  stood  for  law  and  order,  and  gen- 
erally for  constitutional  government.  By  his  impeachment  of 
Verres,  the  corrupt  governor  of  Sicily,  he  brought  to  light,  as 
had  never  been  done  before,  the  infamous  methods  employed 
in  the  administration  of  the  provinces.  He  not  only  brought 
to  light  this  corruption ;  he  also  brought  to  justice  one  of  the 
greatest  offenders. 

Then  by  the  defeat  of  Catiline  during  his  consulship  Cicero 
saved  Home  from  the  execution  of  a  most  infamous  plot. 
Catiline  was  a  man  of  great  influence  with  a  certain  class,  and 
had  already  become  quite  a  politician.      He  had  been  a  parti- 


C'ato 


san  of  Sulla;  had  held  the  office  of  praetor;  and  had  twice 
been  defeated  for  the  consulship.  But  if  one  half  of  the  ac- 
counts of  him  are  true,  he  was  a  man  of  juost  abandoned  and 
depraved  character.  When  Cato  threatened  to  prosecute  him, 
he  said  that  if  a  fire  were  kindled  against  him  he  would  put 
it  out,  not  with  water,  but  by  a  general  ruin,  lluined  himself 
in  fortune,  he  gathered  about  him  the  ruined  classes  —  insol- 
vent debtors,  desperate  adventurers,  and  the  rabble  of  Kome. 
It  is  said  that  his  plot  involved  the  i)urpose  to  kill  the  consuls, 
massacre  the  senators,  and  to  burn  the  city  of  Rome.  The 
])lot  was  discovered  by  Cicero,  and  was  foiled.  Cicero  delivered 
in  the  senate  an  oration  against  Catiline,  who  was  present  and 
attempted  to  reply;  but 
his  voice  was  drowned  with 
the  cries  of  ''Traitor,"  and 
he  fled  from  the  senate  to 
his  camp  in  Etruria.  Here 
a  desperate  battle  ensued  ; 
and  Catiline  was  defeated 
and  slain,  with  three  thou- 
sand of  his  followers  (b.c. 
02).  Five  of  his  fellow- 
conspirators  were  con- 
demned to  death  by  the 
senate ;  and  Cicero  put  the 
judgment  into  execution. 
This  act  afterward  exposed 
Cicero  to  the  charge  of 
executing  Roman  citizens 
without  a  proper  trial.  But  the  people  hailed  Cicero  as  the 
savior  of  Rome,  the  Father  of  his  Country. 

It  was  charged  that  Caesar  was  implicated  in  the  plot  of 
Catiline;  but  this  charge  was  answered  when  Cicero  declared 
that  Caesar  had  done  all  that  a  good  citizen  could  do  to  crush 
it.  The  great  success  of  Cicero  gave  to  the  senate  and  the 
moderate  party  a  temporary  advantage.     But  the  senate  under 

MOREY's    ROM.    HIST. — 12 


Cicero 


\ 


186 


THE    ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


THE   TIMES   OF  POMPEY  AND   CJ^ISAR 


187 


Roman  franchise  to  cities  beyond  the  Po.     He  appealed  to  the 
populace  by  the  splendor  of  the  games  which  he  gave  as  curule 

a^dile.  He  allied  himself 
to  Crassus,  whose  great 
wealth  and  avenige  ability 
he  could  use  to  good  ad- 
vantage. 

Between  these  two  party 
leaders  stood  Cicero,  who, 
in  spite  of  his  vanity,  was 
a  jnan  of  great  intellect 
and  of  excellent  adminis- 
trative ability ;  but  being  a 
iiKxlerate  man,  he  was  lia- 
ble to  be  misjudged  by  both 
parties.  He  was  also  what 
was  called  a  "  new  man  '^ 
(nov2ts  homo),  that  is,  the 
tirst  of  his  family  to  ol)- 
tain  the  senatorial  rank. 
Cicero  was  made  consul,  and  rose  to  the  highest  distinction 
during  the  absence  of  Pompey. 

Cicero  and  the  Catilinian  Conspiracy.  —  If  Cicero  had  done 
nothing  else,  he  would  have  been  entitled  to  the  gratitude  of 
his  country  for  two  acts  —  the  impeachment  of  Verres  and  the 
defeat  of  Catiline.  Cicero  stood  for  law  and  order,  and  gen- 
erally for  constitutional  government.  By  his  impeachment  of 
Verres,  the  corrupt  governor  of  Sicily,  he  brought  to  light,  as 
had  never  been  done  before,  the  infamous  methods  employed 
in  the  administration  of  the  provinces.  He  not  only  brought 
to  light  this  corruption ;  he  also  brought  to  justice  one  of  the 
greatest  offenders. 

Then  by  the  defeat  of  Catiline  during  his  consulship  Cicero 
saved  Koine  from  the  execution  of  a  most  infamous  plot. 
Catiline  was  a  man  of  great  influence  with  a  certain  class,  and 
had  already  become  quite  a  politician.      He  had  been  a  parti- 


Cato 


san  of  Sulla;  had  held  the  office  of  praitor;  and  had  twice 
been  defeated  for  the  consulship.  But  if  one  half  of  the  ac- 
counts of  him  are  true,  he  was  a  man  of  most  abandoned  and 
depraved  character.  AYhen  Cato  threatened  to  prosecute  him, 
he  said  that  if  a  fire  were  kindled  against  him  he  would  put 
it  out,  not  with  water,  but  by  a  general  ruin.  Kuined  himself 
in  fortune,  he  gathered  about  him  the  ruined  classes  —  insol- 
vent debtors,  desperate  adventurers,  and  the  rabble  of  liome. 
It  is  said  that  his  plot  involved  the  purpose  to  kill  the  consuls, 
massacre  the  senators,  and  to  burn  the  city  of  Rome.  The 
plot  was  discovered  by  Cicero,  and  was  foiled.  C'icero  delivered 
in  the  senate  an  oration  against  Catiline,  who  was  present  and 
attempted  to  reply ;  but 
his  voice  was  drowned  with 
the  cries  of  ''Traitor,"  and 
he  fled  from  the  senate  to 
his  camp  in  Etruria.  Here 
a  desperate  battle  ensued  ; 
and  Catiline  was  defeated 
and  slain,  with  three  thou- 
sand of  his  followers  (b.c. 
()2).  Five  of  his  fellow- 
conspirators  were  con- 
demned to  death  by  the 
senate ;  and  Cicero  put  the 
judgment  into  execution. 
This  act  afterward  exposed 
Cicero  to  the  charge  of 
executing  Roman  citizens 
without  a  proper  trial.  But  the  people  hailed  Cicero  as  the 
savior  of  Rome,  the  Father  of  his  Country. 

It  was  charged  that  Caesar  was  implicated  in  the  plot  of 
Catiline;  but  this  charge  was  answered  when  Cicero  declared 
that  Caesar  had  done  all  that  a  good  citizen  could  do  to  crush 
it.  The  great  success  of  Cicero  gave  to  the  senate  and  the 
moderate  party  a  temporary  advantage.     But  the  senate  under 

MOREY's    ROM.    HIST.  12 


CirKKo 


1 1 


\ 


188 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


THE   TIMES  OF  POMPEY  AND   C^SAP. 


180 


the  leadership  of  Cato  and  Luciillus  liad  not  the  skill  to  retain 
this  advantage. 

The  First  Triumvirate — Pompey,  Caesar,  and  Crassus  (B.C.  60). 
—  Fompey  soon  returned  to  Italy  from  his  victories  in  the 
East  (B.C.  Gl).  Like  Marius  returning  from  the  Cimbric  war, 
he  was  given  a  magnificent  triumph.  But  like  Sulla  returning 
from  the  East,  he  was  feared  by  those  in  power,  lest  he  might 
use  his  victorious  army  to  overthrow  the  existing  government, 
and  reign  in  its  stead.  To  allay  all  suspicion,  Pompey  dis- 
banded his  army  as  soon  as  it  touched  the  soil  of  Italy ;  and 
he  hoped  that  his  great  services  Avould  give  him  the  proud 
position  of  the  first  citizen  of  Rome.  But  in  this  he  was  dis- 
appointed. By  disbanding  his  army,  he  had  given  up  tlie 
source  of  his  influence.  Still,  he  hoped  that  the  senate  would 
at  least  confirm  his  arrangements  in  the  East  and  reward  his 
veterans  by  grants  of  land.  In  this,  too,  he  was  disappointed. 
Yielding  to  the  influence  of  Luculhis,  who  had  been  deposed 
from  the  command  in  the  East,  the  senate  refused  either  to 
confirm  his  acts,  or  to  reward  his  soldiers.  l*ompey  had  thus 
a  serious  grievance  against  the  senate. 

But  this  grievance  of  Pompey  might  not  have  been  very 
dangerous,  if  the  senate  had  not  also  offended  Caesar.  Ciesar 
was  rapidly  gaining  power  and  influence.  He  liad  held  the 
offices  of  military  tribune,  qutestor,  iedile,  pontifex  maximus, 
and  praetor.  Then  as  propraetor  he  had  been  sent  to  Spain, 
where  he  laid  the  basis  of  his  military  fame.  On  his  return 
from  Spain  the  senate  thwarted  him  in  his  desire  to  have  a  tri- 
umph. In  other  ways  Caesar  was  embarrassed  by  the  senate. 
But  he  was  beginning  to  feel  his  power,  and  was  not  the  man  to 
put  up  with  petty  annoyances.  He  accordingly  entered  into  a 
coalition  with  Pompey,  to  which  Crassus  was  also  admitted. 
This  coalition,  or  self-constituted  league,  is  known  as  the 
"first  triumvirate."  It  was  formed  for  the  purpose  of 
opposing  the  senatorial  party,  and  of  advancing  the  personal 
designs  of  its  members.  By  the  terms  of  this  compact  Pom- 
pey was  to  have  his  acts  confirmed  and  his  veterans  rewarded ; 


' 


Crassus  was  to  have  an  opportunity  to  increase  his  fortune ; 
and  Caesar  was  to  have  the  consulship,  and  afterward  a  com- 
mand in  Gaul.  Pompey  was  ostensibly  at  the  head  of  the 
league,  but  Ctesar  was  its  ruling  spirit. 

The  Consulship  of  Caesar  (B.C.  59).  — The  first  fruit  of  the 
new  alliance  was  the  election  of  Ca3sar  to  the  consulship.  On 
his  election  Caesar  went  faithfully  to  work  to  fulfill  his  obliga- 
tions to  Pompey,  and  to  strengthen  his  hold  upon  the  people. 
He  obtained,  in  the  first  place,  the  passage  of  an  agrarian  law 
which  provided  for  the  veterans  of  Pompey,  and  which  also 
gave  estates  in  Campania  to  the  needy  citizens  of  Rome.  In 
the  next  place,  he  secured  a  law  confirming  all  the  acts  of  Pom- 
pey in  the  East.  Finally, 
he  obtained  the  passage  of 
a  law  which  pleased  and 
conciliated  the  equites. 
The  tax  collectors  had 
made  a  high  offer  for  the 
privilege  of  collecting  the 
taxes  of  Asia,  and  after- 
ward concluded  that  they 
had  made  a  bad  bargain. 
Accordingly,  Caesar  took 
their  part,  and  succeeded 
in  remitting  one  third  of 
Avhat  they  had  agreed  to 
give. 

These  laws  were  bitterly 
opposed  by  the  senators, 
but  without  success.  Pom- 


C^ESAR  (Naples) 


pey  was  now  satisfied ;  the  people  were  pleased ;  and  the  capi- 
talists were  reconciled.  The  senate  under  its  bad  management 
was  thus  outgeneraled  by  Caesar;  and  it  lost  the  temporary 
advantage  it  had  gained  during  the  consulship  of  Cicero.  So 
completely  did  Julius  Caesar  overshadow  his  weak  colleague, 
Bib'ulus,  who  was  a  partisan  of  the  senate,  that  this  term  of 


188 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


THE   TIMES  OF  POMPEY  AND   C^ESAP. 


189 


the  leadership  of  Cato  and  Lucullus  had  not  the  skill  to  retain 
this  advantage. 

The  First  Triumvirate — Pompey,  Caesar,  and  Crassus  (B.C.  60). 
— Pompey  soon  returned  to  Italy  from  his  victories  in  the 
East  (B.C.  Gl).  Like  Marius  returning  from  the  Cimbric  war, 
he  was  given  a  magnificent  triumph.  But  like  Sulla  returning 
from  the  East,  he  was  feared  by  those  in  power,  lest  he  might 
use  his  victorious  army  to  overthrow  the  existing  government, 
and  reign  in  its  stead.  To  allay  all  suspicion,  Pompey  dis- 
banded his  army  as  soon  as  it  touched  the  soil  of  Italy ;  and 
he  hoped  that  his  great  services  would  give  him  the  proud 
position  of  the  first  citizen  of  Rome.  lUit  in  this  he  was  dis- 
appointed. By  disbanding  his  army,  lie  had  given  up  the 
source  of  his  influence.  Still,  he  hoped  that  the  senate  would 
at  least  confirm  his  arrangements  in  the  East  and  reward  his 
veterans  by  grants  of  land.  In  this,  too,  he  was  disapi)ointed. 
Yielding  to  the  influence  of  Lucullus,  who  had  been  deposed 
from  the  command  in  the  East,  the  senate  refused  either  to 
confirm  his  acts,  or  to  reward  his  soldiers.  l*ompey  had  thus 
a  serious  grievance  against  the  senate. 

But  this  grievance  of  Pompey  might  not  have  been  very 
dangerous,  if  the  senate  had  not  also  offended  Caesar.  Ciesar 
was  rapidly  gaining  power  and  influence.  He  had  held  the 
offices  of  military  tribune,  quaistor,  iedile,  i)ontifex  maximus, 
and  praetor.  Then  as  i)roprietor  he  had  been  sent  to  Spain, 
where  he  laid  the  basis  of  his  military  fame.  On  his  return 
from  Spain  the  senate  thwarted  him  in  his  desire  to  have  a  tri- 
umph. In  other  ways  Caesar  was  embarrassed  by  the  senate. 
But  he  was  beginning  to  feel  his  power,  and  was  not  the  man  to 
put  up  with  petty  annoyances.  He  accordingly  entered  into  a 
coalition  with  Pompey,  to  which  Crassus  was  also  admitted. 
This  coalition,  or  self-constituted  league,  is  known  as  the 
"first  triumvirate."  It  was  formed  for  the  purpose  of 
opposing  the  senatorial  party,  and  of  advancing  the  personal 
designs  ol  its  members.  By  the  terms  of  this  compact  Pom- 
pey was  to  have  his  acts  confirmed  and  his  veterans  rewarded ; 


• 


Crassus  was  to  have  an  opportunity  to  increase  his  fortune ; 
and  Caesar  was  to  have  the  consulship,  and  afterward  a  com- 
mand in  Gaul.  Pompey  was  ostensibly  at  the  head  of  the 
league,  but  Ctesar  was  its  ruling  spirit. 

The  Consulship  of  Caesar  (B.C.  59).  — The  first  fruit  of  the 
new  alliance  was  the  election  of  Ca3sar  to  the  consulship.  On 
his  election  Caesar  went  faithfully  to  work  to  fulfill  his  obliga- 
tions to  Pompey,  and  to  strengthen  his  liold  upon  the  people. 
He  obtained,  in  the  first  place,  the  passage  of  an  agrarian  law 
which  provided  for  the  veterans  of  Pompey,  and  which  also 
gave  estates  in  Campania  to  the  needy  citizens  of  Rome.  In 
the  next  place,  he  secured  a  law  confirming  all  the  acts  of  Pom- 
pey in  the  East.  Finally, 
he  obtained  the  passage  of 
a  law  which  pleased  and 
conciliated  the  equites. 
The  tax  collectors  had 
made  a  high  offer  for  the 
privilege  of  collecting  the 
taxes  of  Asia,  and  after- 
ward concluded  that  they 
had  made  a  bad  bargain. 
Accordingly,  Ciesar  took 
their  part,  and  succeeded 
in  remitting  one  third  of 
what  they  had  agreed  to 
give. 

These  laws  were  bitterly 
opposed  by  the  seimtors, 
but  without  success.  Pom- 


CjEsar  (Naples) 


i 


pey  was  now  satisfied;  the  people  were  pleased;  and  the  capi- 
talists were  reconciled.  The  senate  under  its  bad  management 
was  thus  outgeneraled  by  Caesar;  and  it  lost  the  temporary 
advantage  it  had  gained  during  the  consulship  of  Cicero.  So 
completely  did  Julius  Caesar  overshadow  his  weak  colleague, 
Bib'ulus,  who  was  a  partisan  of  the  senate,  that  this  term  of 


190 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


I 


office  was  hiimorousl  j  called  the  cousiilship  of  Julius  and  C«sar. 
At  the  close  of  his  consulship  Caesar  obtained  the  government  of 
Cisalpine  Gaul  and  lUjricum,  to  which  was  added  Transalpine 
Gaul  (Narbonensis).  This  power  was  granted  for  five  years. 
Ciesar  was  thus  furnished  with  an  opportunity  for  the  exercise 
of  his  military  talents,  and  the  building  up  of  a  powerful  army 
devoted  to  his  cause. 

Clodius  and  the  Banishment  of  Cicero.  —  Before  Caesar  departed 
for  his  provinces,  he  was  careful  to  see  that  his  interests 
would  be  looked  after  during  his  absence.  He  chose  as  his 
agent  1\  Clodius,  an  unscrupulous  politician  whose  personal 
character  was  not  above  rei)roach,  but  whose  hostility  to  the 
senate  could  be  depended  u^jon.  To  Clodius,  who  held  the 
position  of  tribune,  was  given  the  task,  first,  of  keeping  hold  of 
the  ])opulace ;  and,  next,  of  getting  out  of  the  way  as  best  he 
could  the  two  most  influential  men  in  the  senate,  Cicero  and 
Cato. 

The  first  part  of  this  task  he  easily  accomplished  by  passing 
a  law  that  grain  should  hereafter  be  distributed  to  the  Roman 
people  free  of  all  expense. 

To  carry  out  the  second  part  of  his  task  was  not  so  easy  — 
to  remove  from  the  senate  its  chief  leaders.  Cato  was  dis- 
posed of,  however,  by  a  law  annexing  Cyprus  (see  map,  p.  202) 
to  the  Roman  dominion,  and  api)ointing  him  as  its  governor. 
Cicero  was  also  got  rid  of  by  a  law  which  Clodius  succeeded 
in  passing,  and  which  provided  that  any  magistrate  who  had 
put  a  Roman  citizen  to  death  without  a  trial  should  be  ban- 
ished. Cicero  knew  that  this  act  was  intended  for  him,  and 
that  it  referred  to  his  execution  of  tlie  Catilinian  conspirators. 
After  vainly  attempting  to  enlist  sympathy  in  his  own*l)ehalf, 
Cicero  retired  to  Greece  (b.c.  58)  and  devoted  himself  to  liter- 
ary pursuits.  With  tlieir  leaders  thus  removed,  the  senate  was 
for  a  time  paralyzed. 

Renewal  of  the  Triumvirate  at  Lucca  (B.C.  56).  —  When  Csesar 
had  departed  from  Rome  to  undertake  his  work  in  Gaul, 
Clodius  began  to  feel  his  own  importance  and  to  rule  with  a 


THE   TIMES  OF  POMPEY  AND  C^SAR 


191 


high  hand.  The  policy  of  this  able  and  depraved  demagogue 
was  evidently  to  govern  Rome  with  the  aid  of  the  mob.  He 
paraded  the  streets  with  armed  bands,  and  used  his  political 
influence  to  please  the  rabble.  Pompey  as  well  as  the  senate 
became  disgusted  with  the  regime  of  Clodius.  They  united 
their  influence,  and  obtained  the  recall  of  Cicero  from  exile. 
At  the  same  time  Cato  returned  from  his  absence  in  Cyprus. 
On  the  return  of  the  old  senatorial  leaders,  it  looked  as 
though  the  senate  would  once  more  regain  its  power,  and  the 
triumvirate  would  go  to  pieces. 

Rut  the  watchful  eye  of  Caesar  detected  these  symptoms  of 
discontent,  and  a  conference  of  the  leaders  took  place  at 
Lucca,  a  town  in  northern  Italy  (see  map,  p.  81),  where  a  new 
arrangement  was  brought  about.  Caesar  was  now  to  be  given 
an  additional  term  of  five  years  in  Gaul,  and  to  be  elected 
consul  at  the  end  of  that  time ;  Pompey  and  Crassus  were  to 
receive  the  consulship ;  and  at  the  close  of  their  term  of  office 
Pompey  was  to  have  the  provinces  of  Spain  and  Africa,  and  the 
money-loving  Crassus  was  to  receive  the  rich  province  of  Syria. 
In  this  way  they  would  divide  the  world  among  them.  The 
terms  of  tlie  agreement  Avere  apparently  satisfactory  to  the 
parties  concerned.  Caesar  now  felt  that  matters  at  Rome 
were  safe,  at  least  until  he  could  complete  his  work  in  Gaul 
and  fortify  his  own  power  with  a  devoted  and  invincible  army. 

Caesar  and  his  Province. — It  is  not  easy  for  us  to  say  exactly 
what  was  in  the  mind  of  Caesar  when  he  selected  Gaul  for  his 
province.  It  was  at  this  time  the  most  forbidding  part  of  the 
Roman  territory.  It  was  the  home  of  barbarians,  with  no 
wealth  like  that  of  Asia,  and  few  relics  of  a  former  civiliza- 
tion like  those  of  Spain  and  Africa.  But  there  were  three 
or  four  things,  no  doubt,  that  Caesar  saw  clearly. 

In  the  first  place,  he  saw  that  the  power  whicli  should  here- 
after rule  the  Roman  state  must  be  a  military  power.  Sulla 
had  succeeded  by  the  help  of  his  army,  and  Pompey  had  failed 
by  giving  up  his  army.  If  he  himself  should  ever  establish 
his  own  power,  it  must  be  by  the  aid  of  a  strong  military  force. 


192 


THE  ROxMAN  REPUBLIC 


In  the  next  place,  he  saw  that  no  other  province  afforded 
the  same  military  opportunities  as  those  which  Gaul  presented. 
It  is  true  that  the  distant  province  of  Syria  might  open  a  way 
for  the  conquest  of  Parthia,  and  for  attaining  the  glories  of 
another  Alexander.  But  Syria  was  too  far  removed  from 
Roman  politics;  and  Caesar's  first  ambition  was  political 
power,  and  not  military  glory. 


Thk  Provinck  of  Gaul 

Again,  he  saw  tliat  the  conquest  of  Gaul  was  necessary  for 
the  protection  of  the  Koman  state.  Tlie  invasions  of  the  north- 
ern barbarians  — the  Gauls,  the  Cimbri,  and  the  Teutones  — 
had  twice  already  threatened  Rome  witli  destruction.  By  its 
conquest  Gaul  might  be  made  a  barrier  against  barbarism. 

Moreover,  he  saw  tliat  Rome  was  in  need  of  new  and  fertile 
lands  for  colonization.      Italy  was  overcrowded.      The  most 


THE   TIMES   OF  POMPEY   AND   C^SAR 


193 


patriotic  men  had  seen  the  need  of  extra-Italian  colonies. 
Gaius  Gracchus  had  sought  an  outlet  in  Africa.  He  himself 
had  advocated  settlements  in  the  valley  of  the  Po.  AVhat  Italy 
needed  most,  after  a  stable  government,  was  an  outlet  for  her 
surplus  population.  His  own  ambition  and  the  highest  inter- 
ests of  his  country  Caesar  believed  to  be  at  one.  By  conquer- 
ing Gaul  he  would  be  fighting  not  for  Pompey  or  the  senate, 
but  for  himself  and  Rome. 

The  Conquest  of  Gaul  (B.C.  58-51).— The  provinces  over  which 
Csesar  was  placed  at  first  included  Cisalpine  Gaul,  that  is,  the 
valley  of  the  Po ;  Illyricum,  that  is,  the  strip  of  territory  across 
the  Adriatic  Sea;  and  Narbonensis,  that  is,  a  small  part  of 
Transalpine  Gaul  lying  about  the  mouth  of  the  Rhone.  Within 
eight  years  he  brought  under  his  power  all  the  territory  bounded 
by  the  Pyrenees,  the  Alps,  the  Rhine,  and  the  Atlantic  Ocean, 
or  about  what  corresponds  to  the  modern  countries  of  France, 
Belgium,  and  Holland. 

He  at  first  conquered  the  Helve 'tii,  a  tribe  lying  on  the  out- 
skirts of  his  own  province  of  jSTarbonensis.  He  then  met  and 
drove  back  a  great  invasion  of  Germans,  who,  under  a  prince 
called  Ariovis'tus,  had  crossed  the  Rhine,  and  threatened  to 
overrun  the  whole  of  Gaul.  He  then  pushed  into  the  northern 
parts  of  Gaul,  and  conquered  the  Nervii  and  the  neighboring 
tribes.  He  overcame  the  Veneti  of  the  Atlantic  coast,  both  on 
land  and  on  the  sea.  He  also  made  two  invasions  into  Britain 
(B.C.  55,  54),  crossed  the  Rhine  into  Germany,  and  revealed  to 
the  Roman  soldiers  countries  they  had  never  seen  before. 
After  once  subduing  the  various  tribes  of  Gaul,  he  was  finally 
called  upon  to  suppress  a  general  insurrection,  led  by  a  power- 
ful leader  called  Vercinget'orix.  The  conquest  of  Gaul  was 
then  completed. 

A  large  part  of  the  population  had  been  either  slain  in  war 
or  reduced  to  slavery.  The  new  territory  was  pacified  by 
bestowing  honors  upon  the  Gallic  chiefs,  and  self-government 
upon  the  surviving  tribes.  The  Roman  legions  were  distributed 
through  the  territory ;  but  Caesar  established  no  military  colo- 


192 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


THE   TIMES   OF  POMPEY   AND   C^SAR 


193 


In  the  next  place,  he  saw  that  no  other  province  afforded 
the  same  military  opportunities  as  those  which  Gaul  presented. 
It  is  true  that  the  distant  province  of  Syria  might  open  a  way 
for  the  conquest  of  Parthia,  and  for  attaining  the  glories  of 
another  Alexander.  But  Syria  was  too  far  removed  from 
Koman  politics;  and  Ciesar's  first  ambition  was  political 
power,  and  not  military  glory. 


SCALE  OF  MILES. 
T~~T 1 — I r 


TiiK  Province  of  Gaul 

Again,  he  saw  that  the  conquest  of  Gaul  was  necessary  for 
the  protection  of  the  Koman  state.  The  invasions  of  the  north- 
ern barbarians  — the  Gauls,  the  Cinibri,  and  the  Teutones  — 
had  twice  already  threatened  Rome  with  destruction.  By  its 
conquest  (Jaul  might  be  made  a  barrier  against  barbarism. 

Moreover,  he  saw  that  Rome  was  in  need  of  new  and  fertile 
lands  for  colonization.      Italy  was  overcrowded.      The  most 


patriotic  men  had  seen  the  need  of  extra-Italian  colonies. 
Gains  Gracchus  had  sought  an  outlet  in  Africa.  He  himself 
had  advocated  settlements  in  the  valley  of  the  Po.  What  Italy 
needed  most,  after  a  stable  government,  was  an  outlet  for  her 
surplus  population.  His  own  ambition  and  the  highest  inter- 
ests of  his  country  Caesar  believed  to  be  at  one.  By  conquer- 
ing Gaul  he  would  be  fighting  not  for  Pompey  or  the  senate, 
but  for  himself  and  Rome. 

The  Conquest  of  Gaul  (B.C.  58-51).— The  provinces  over  which 
Ceesar  was  placed  at  first  included  Cisalpine  Gaul,  that  is,  the 
valley  of  the  Po ;  Illyricum,  that  is,  the  strip  of  territory  across 
the  Adriatic  Sea;  and  Narbonensis,  that  is,  a  small  part  of 
Transalpine  Gaul  lying  about  the  mouth  of  the  Rhone.  Within 
eight  years  he  brought  under  his  power  all  the  territory  bounded 
by  the  Pyrenees,  the  Alps,  the  Rhine,  and  the  Atlantic  Ocean, 
or  about  what  corresponds  to  the  modern  countries  of  France, 
Belgium,  and  Holland. 

He  at  first  conquered  the  Helve 'tii,  a  tribe  lying  on  the  out- 
skirts of  his  own  province  of  Narbonensis.  He  then  met  and 
drove  back  a  great  invasion  of  Germans,  who,  under  a  prince 
called  Ariovis'tus,  had  crossed  the  Rhine,  and  threatened  to 
overrun  the  whole  of  Gaul.  He  then  pushed  into  the  northern 
parts  of  Gaul,  and  conquered  the  Kervii  and  the  neighboring 
tribes.  He  overcame  the  Veneti  of  the  Atlantic  coast,  both  on 
land  and  on  the  sea.  He  also  made  two  invasions  into  Britain 
(B.C.  55,  54),  crossed  the  Rhine  into  Germany,  and  revealed  to 
the  Roman  soldiers  countries  they  had  never  seen  before. 
After  once  subduing  the  various  tribes  of  Gaul,  he  was  finally 
called  upon  to  suppress  a  general  insurrection,  led  by  a  power- 
ful leader  called  Vercinget'orix.  The  conquest  of  Gaul  was 
then  completed. 

A  large  part  of  the  population  had  been  either  slain  in  war 
or  reduced  to  slavery.  The  new  territory  was  pacified  by 
bestowing  honors  upon  the  Gallic  chiefs,  and  self-government 
upon  the  surviving  tribes.  The  Roman  legions  were  distributed 
through  the  territory ;  but  Caesar  established  no  military  colo- 


R 


11>4 


THE    ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


THE   TIMES   OF    POMPEY   AND   C^SAR 


195 


nies  like  those  of  Sulla.  The  Roman  arts  and  manners  were 
encouraged ;  and  Gaul  was  brought  within  the  pale  of  civili- 
zation. 

III.   Civil  War  between  Pompey  and  Cesar 

Dissolution  of  the  Triumvirate.  —  While  Caesar  was  absent 
in  Gaul,  the  ties  which  bound  the  three  leaders  together  were 
becoming  weaker  and  weaker.  The  position  of  Crassus  tended 
somewhat,  as  long  as  he  was  alive,  to  allay  the  growing  sus- 
l>ieion  between  the  two  great  rivals.  But  after  Crassus 
departed  for  the  East  to  take  control  of  his  province  in  Syria, 
he  invaded  Farthia,  was  badly  defeated,  lost  the  Roman  stand- 
ards, and  was  himself  killed  (b.c.  53).  The  death  of  Crassus 
practically  dissolved  the  triumvirate ;  or  we  might  rather  say, 
it  reduced  the  triumvirate  to  a  duumvirate.  But  the  relation 
between  the  two  leaders  was  now  no  longer  one  of  friendly  sup- 
port, but  one  of  mutual  distrust. 

The  Sole  Consulship  of  Pompey  (B.C.  52).  —  The  growing 
estrangement  between  Pompey  and  ('sesar  was  increased  when 
the  senate  appointed  Pompey  "sole  consul."  This  was  not 
intended  as  an  affront  to  Caisar,  but  was  evidently  demanded 
to  meet  a  real  emergency.  The  city  was  distracted  by  con- 
tinual street  tights  between  the  armed  bands  of  Clodius,  the 
demagogue,  and  those  of  T.  Annius  Milo,  who  professed  to  be 
defending  the  cause  of  the  senate.  In  one  of  these  broils  Clodius 
was  killed.  His  excited  followers  made  his  death  the  occasion 
of  riotous  proceedings.  His  body  was  burned  in  the  Forum  by 
tilt'  wild  mob,  and  the  senate  house  was  destroyed  by  fire.  In 
the  anarchy  which  followed,  the  senate  felt  obliged  to  confer 
some  extraordinary  power  upon  Pompey.  On  the  proposal  of 
Cato,  he  was  appointed  "  consul  without  a  colleague."  Under 
this  unusual  title  Pompey  restored  order  to  the  state,  and  was 
looked  upon  as  **  the  savior  of  society."  He  became  more  and 
more  closely  bound  to  the  cause  of  the  senate:  and  the  senate 
recognized  its  obligations  to  him  by  prolonging  his  command 
in  Spain  for  five  years. 


\ 


4 


The  Rupture  between  Pompey  and  Caesar.  —  It  was  a  part  of 
the  agreement  made  at  the  conference  of  Lucca,  we  remember, 
that  Ciesar  was  to  receive  the  consulship  at  the  close  of  his 
command  in  Gaul.  He  naturally  wished  to  retain  the  control 
of  his  army  until  he  had  been  elected  to  his  new  office.  The 
senate  was  determined  that  he  should  not,  but  should  present 
himself  at  Rome  as  a  private  citizen  before  his  election. 
Caesar  well  knew  that  he  would  be  helpless  as  a  private 
citizen  in  the  presence  of  the  enemies  who  were  seeking  to 
destroy  him.  Cato  had  already  declared  that  he  would  prose- 
cute him  as  soon  as  he  ceased  to  be  proconsul  in  Gaul.  Caesar 
promised,  however,  to  give  up  his  province  and  his  army,  if 
Pompey  would  do  the  same ;  but  Pompey  refused.  The  sen- 
ate then  called  upon  Ctesar  to  give  up  two  of  his  legions  on 
the  plea  that  they  were  needed  in  the  Parthian  war.  The 
legions  were  given  up  ;  but  instead  of  being  sent  to  the  East 
they  were  stationed  in  Campania.  Upon  further  demands, 
Ctesar  agreed  to  give  up  eight  legions  of  his  army,  if  he  were 
allowed  to  retain  two  legions  in  Cisalpine  Gaul  until  the  time 
of  his  election.  This  the  senate  refused ;  and  demanded  that 
he  must  give  up  his  province  and  his  whole  army  by  a  certain 
day,  or  be  declared  a  public  enemy.  The  senate  had  offered 
him  humiliation  or  war.  He  chose  war,  and  crossed  the 
Rubicon  (b.c.  40),  the  stream  which  separated  his  province  of 
Cisalpine  Gaul  from  Italy. 

Campaigns  in  Italy,  Spain,  and  Greece.  —  The  contest  was 
now  reduced  to  a  struggle  between  the  two  greatest  soldiers 
which  Rome  had  ever  produced.  Caesar  knew  the  value  of 
time ;  at  the  instant  when  he  decided  upon  war,  he  invaded 
Italy  with  a  single  legion.  Pompey,  unprepared  for  such  a 
sudden  move  and  not  relying  upon  the  two  legions  which  the 
senate  had  taken  from  Caesar,  was  obliged  to  withdraw  to 
Brundisium  (see  map,  p.  114).  Besieged  in  this  place  by 
Ctesar,  he  skillfully  withdrew  his  forces  to  Greece,  and  left 
Ctesar  master  of  Italy. 

Caesar  was  now  between  two  hostile  forces,  the  army  in 


196 


THE  ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


Spain  under  Pompey's  lieutenants,  and  the  army  in  Greece 
under  Pompey  Iduiself.  He  must  now  defeat  these  armies 
separately  before  they  could  be  united  against  him.  As  he 
had  no  fleet  with  which  to  follow  Pompey  into  Greece,  he 
decided  at  once  to  attack  the  army  in  Spain.  He  dispatched 
his  Gallic  legions  across  the  Pyrenees,  while  he  secured  him- 
self at  Rome.  He  entered  the  city,  and  dispelled  the  fear  that 
there  might  be  repeated  the  horrors  of  the  first  civil  war.  He 
showed  that  he  was  neither  a  Marius  nor  a  Sulla.  Rejoining 
his  legions  in  Spain,  he  soon  defeated  Pompey's  lieutenants. 
When  he  returned  to  Rome  he  found  that  he  had  been  pro- 
claimed dictator.  He  resigned  this  title  and  accepted  the 
office  of  consul. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  next  year  (b.c.  48),  with  the  few 
ships  that  he  had  collected,  he  transported  his  troops  from 
Brundisium  across  the  Adriatic  to  meet  the  army  of  Pompey. 
In  the  first  conflict,  at  Dyrra'chium,  he  was  defeated.  He  then 
retreated  across  the  peninsula  (see  map,  p.  128)  in  the  direction 
of  Pharsa'lus  in  order  to  draw  Pompey  away  from  his  supplies 
on  the  seacoast.  The  two  generals  met  at  Pharsalus  (b.c.  48), 
when  Caesar  with  about  twenty  thousand  men  completely 
defeated  the  army  of  Pompey,  which  numbered  more  than 
forty  thousand.  Pomj^ey  fled  to  Egypt,  where  he  was  treacher- 
ously murdered.  Csesar  had  now  accomplished  the  first  part 
of  his  work,  by  taking  possession  of  Italy  and  defeating  the 
two  armies  of  Pompey  in  Spain  and  Greece.  He  had  estab- 
lished his  title  to  suprenuicy.  Especial  honors  were  paid  to 
him  at  Rome.  He  was  made  consul  for  five  years,  tribune 
for  life,  and  dictator  for  one  year. 

Campaigns  in  Egypt,  Asia,  Africa,  and  Spain.  —  Caesar  now 
entered  upon  the  second  part  of  his  work  —  that  of  pacifying 
the  provinces.  While  in  Egypt,  he  became  fascinated  by  the 
charms  of  Cleopa'tra,  and  settled  a  dispute  in  which  she  was 
involved.  That  country  was  disturbed  by  a  civil  war  between 
this  princess  and  her  brother  Ptolemy.  Each  claimed  the 
right  to  the  throne.     Caesar  defeated  the  forces  of  Ptolemy 


THE  TIMES  OE  POMPEY  AND  C^.SAR 


197 


and  assigned  the  throne  to  Cleopatra,  under  the  protection  of 
two  Roman  legions. 

On  his  way  back  to  Italy  he  passed  through  Asia  Minor. 
Here  he  found  Phar'naces,  the  son  of  the  great  Mithridates, 
stirring  up  a  revolt  in  Pontus.  In  a  campaign  of  a  few  days, 
he  destroyed  the  armies  of  this  prince,  and  restored  the  Asiatic 
provinces,  recording  his  speedy  victory  in  the  famous  words, 
"  Veni,  vidi,  vicV 

The  armies  of  Caesar  had  now  swept  over  all  the  provinces 
of  Rome,  except  Africa.  Here  the  Pompeian  leaders,  assisted 
by  the  king  of  Numidia,  determined  to  make  a  last  stand 
against  the  conqueror.  Their  forces  were  under  Cato,  who 
held  Utica,  and  Metellus  Scipio,  who  commanded  in  the  field. 
After  subduing  a  mutiny  of  his  tenth  legion  by  a  single 
word,  —  calling  the  men  "  citizens,'^  instead  of  "  fellow-sol- 
diers,''  —  Caesar  invaded  Africa.  The  battle  of  Thapsus  (b.c. 
46)  destroyed  the  last  hope  of  the  Pompeian  party.  The 
republican  forces  were  defeated ;  and  Cato,  the  chief  of  the 
senatorial  party,  committed  suicide  at  Utica.  In  this  war 
Numidia  was  conquered  and  attached  to  the  province  of  Africa. 
All  resistance  to  Caesar's  power  was  now  at  an  end,  except  a 
brief  revolt  in  Spain,  led  by  the  sons  of  Pompey,  which  was 
soon  put  down,  the  enemy  being  crushed  (b.c.  45)  at  the  battle 
of  Munda  (see  map,  p.  112). 


IV.    The  Rule  of  Julius  Cesar 

Caesar's  Triumphs  and  Titles. — When  Caesar  returned  to  Rome 
after  the  battle  of  Thapsus,  he  came  not  as  the  servant  of 
the  senate,  but  as  master  of  the  world.  He  crowned  his 
victories  by  four  splendid  triumphs,  one  for  Gaul,  one  for 
Egypt,  one  for  Pontus,  and  one  for  Numidia.  He  made  no 
reference  to  the  civil  war  ;  and  no  citizens  were  led  among  his 
captives.  His  victory  was  attended  by  no  massacres,  no  pro- 
scriptions, no  confiscations.  He  was  as  generous  in  peace  as  he 
had  been  relentless  in  war.     Caesar  was  great  enough  to  forgive 


198 


THE    ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


THE   TIMES   OF   POMPEY   AND   C^SAR 


199 


his  enemies.  A  general  amnesty  was  proclaimed;  and  friend 
and  foe  were  treated  alike.  We  may  see  the  kind  of 
power  which  he  exercised  by  the  titles  which  he  received. 
He    was   consul,  dictator,  controller   of    pul)lic  morals    {proe- 

fectus  morum),  tribune,  pontifex 
maximus,  and  chief  of  the  senate 
{princeps  senatus).  He  thus  gathered 
up  in  his  own  person  the  powers 
which  had  been  scattered  among  the 
various  rei)ublican  officers.  The 
name  of  "  im])era'tor"  with  which 
the  soldiers  had  been  accustomed  to 
salute  a  victorious  general,  was  now 
made  an  official  title,  and  prefixed 
to  his  name.  In  Ca'sar  was  thus 
embodied  the  one-man  power  which 
had  Ix^en  growing  up  during  the 
civil  wars.  He  was  in  fact  the  first 
Roman  emperor. 

Caesar's  Political  Reforms.  — 
Caesar  lield  his  great  i)ower  only 
for  a  short  time.  I>ut  the  re- 
forms which  he  made  are  enough 
to  show  us  his  policy,  and  to  enable  us  to  judge  of 
him  as  a  statesman.  The  first  need  of  Rome  was  a  stable 
government  based  on  the  interest  of  the  whole  people.  The 
senate  had  failed  to  secure  su(th  a  government ;  and  so  had 
the  popular  assemblies  led  by  the  tribunes.  Ceesar  believed 
th;it  tlip  only  government  suited  to  Rome  was  a  democratic 
monarchy  —a  government  in  which  the  supreme  power  slioukl 
he  held  pernumently  by  a  single  man,  and  exercised,  not  for 
the  benefit  of  himself  or  any  single  class,  but  for  the  lienefit 
of  the  whole  state.  Let  us  see  how  his  changes  accomplished 
this  end. 

In    the   first   place,  the   senate  was  changed   to  meet   this 
view.     It   had    hitherto   been    a   comparatively    small    body, 


JiTLius  CiESAB  (Capitol) 


drawn  from  a  single  class  and  ruling  for  its  own  interests. 
Caesar  increased  the  number  to  nine  hundred  members,  and 
filled  it  up  with  representative  men  of  all  classes,  not  simply 
nobles,  but  also  Ujnohiles  —  Spaniards,  Gauls,  military  officers, 
sons  of  freedmen,  and  others.  It  was  to  be  not  a  legislative 
body,  but  an  advisory  body,  to  inform  the  monarch  of  the 
condition  and  wants  of  Italy  and  the  provinces.  In  the  next 
place,  he  extended  the  Roman  franchise  to  the  inhabitants  be- 
yond the  Po,  and  to  many  cities  in  the  provinces,  especially 
in  Transalpine  Gaul  and  Spain.  All  his  political  changes 
tended  to  break  down  the  distinction  between  nobles  and 
commons,  between  Italians  and  the  provincials,  and  to  make 
of  all  the  peoi)le  of  the  empire  one  nation. 

Caesar's  Economic  Reforms.  —  The  next  great  need  of  Rome 
was  the  improvement  of  the  condition  of  the  lower  classes. 
Caesar  well  knew  that  the  condition  of  the  people  could  not  be 
changed  in  a  day ;  but  he  believed  that  the  government  ought 
not  to  encourage  pauperism  by  helping  those  who  ought  to 
help  themselves.  There  were  three  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  persons  at  Rome  to  whom  grain  was  distributed.  He 
reduced  this  number  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand,  or 
more  than  one  half.  He  provided  means  of  employment  for 
the  idle,  by  constructing  new  buildings  in  the  city,  and  other 
public  works ;  and  also  by  enforcing  the  law  that  one  third  of 
the  labor  employed  on  landed  estates  should  be  free  labor. 
As  the  land  of  Italy  was  so  completely  occupied,  he  encour- 
aged the  establishment,  in  the  provinces,  of  agricultural 
colonies  which  would  not  only  tend  to  relieve  the  farmer 
class,  but  to  Romanize  the  empire.  He  relieved  the  debtor 
class  by  a  bankrupt  law  which  permitted  the  insolvent  debtor 
to  escape  imprisonment  by  turning  over  his  property  to  his 
creditors.  In  such  ways  as  these,  while  not  pretending  to 
abolish  poverty,  he  afforded  better  means  for  the  poorer 
classes  to  obtain  a  living. 

His  Reform  of  the  Provincial  System.  —  The  despotism  of  the 
Roman  republic  was  nowhere  more  severe  and  unjust  than  in 


.  -/ 


200 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


! 


the  provinces.  This  was  due  to  two  things  — the  arbitrary 
authority  of  the  governor,  and  the  wretched  system  of  farm- 
ing the  taxes.  The  governor  ruled  the  province,  not  for  the 
benefit  of  the  provincials,  but  for  the  benefit  of  himself.  It  is 
said  that  the  proconsul  lioped  to  make  three  fortunes  out  of  his 
provinces  —  one  to  pay  his  debts,  one  to  bribe  the  jury  if  he 
were  brought  to  trial,  and  one  to  keep  himself.  The  tax 
collector  also  looked  upon  the  property  of  tlie  province  as  a 
harvest  to  be  divided  between  the  Roman  treasury  and  him- 
self. Ciesar  put  a  check  upon  this  system  of  robbery.  The 
governor  was  now  made  a  responsible  agent  of  the  emperor ; 
and  the  collection  of  taxes  was  placed  under  a  more  rigid  super- 
vision. The  provincials  found  in  Caesar  a  protector ;  because 
his  policy  involved  the  welfare  of  all  his  subjects. 

His  Other  Reforms  and  Projects.— The  most  noted  of  Caesar's 
other  changes  was  the  reform  of  the  calendar,  which  has  re- 
mained as  he  left  it,  with  slight  change,  down  to  the  present  day. 
lie  also  intended  to  codify  the  Roman  law ;  to  provide  for  the 
founding  of  public  libraries  ;  to  improve  the  architecture  of  the 
city  ;  to  drain  the  Pontine  IVIarshes  for  the  improvement  of  the 
public  health;  to  cut  a  channel  through  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth ; 
and  to  extend  the  empire  to  its  natural  limits,  the  Euphrates, 
the  Danube,  and  the  Rhine.  These  projects  show  the  compre- 
hensive mind  of  Ctesar.  That  they  would  have  been  carried  out 
in  great  part,  if  he  had  lived,  Ave  can  scarcely  doubt,  when  we  con- 
sider his  wonderful  executive  genius  and  the  works  he  actually 
accomplished  in  the  short  time  in  which  he  held  his  power. 

The  Assassination  of  Caesar.  — If  Caesar  failed,  it  was  because 
he  did  not  adjust  himself  sufticiently  to  the  conservative  spirit 
of  the  time.  There  were  still  living  at  Rome  men  who  were 
blindly  attached  to  the  old  republican  forms.  To  them  the 
reforms  of  Caesar  looked  like  a  work  of  destruction,  rather  than 
a  work  of  creation.  They  saw  in  his  projects  a  scheme  for 
reviving  the  kingship.  It  was  said  that  when  Caesar  was 
offered  a  crown  he  looked  at  it  wistfully ;  and  that  he  had 
selected  his  nej)hew  Octavius  as  his  royal  heir. 


THE   TIMES   OF   POMPEY   AND   C^SAR 


t 


201 


The  men  who  hated  Caesar,  and  who  conspired  to  kill  him, 
were  men  who  had  themselves  received  special  favors  from  him. 
The  leading  conspirators,  M.  Brutus  and  C.  Cassius,  had  both 
served  in  Pompey's  army,  and  had  been  pardoned  by  Caesar 
and  promoted  to  offices  under  his  government.  Joined  by  some 
fifty  other  conspirators,  these  men  formed  a  plot  to  kill  Caesar  in 
the  senate  house.  The  story  of  his  assassination  has  been  told 
by  Plutarch  and  made  immortal  by  Shakespeare.  When  the 
appointed  day  came,  the  Ides  of  March  (March  15,  b.c.  44), 
Caesar  was  struck  down  by  the  daggers  of  his  treacherous 
friends,  and  he  fell  at  the  foot  of  Pompey's  statue.  It  has  been 
said  that  the  murder  of  Caesar  was  the  most  senseless  act  that 
the  Romans  ever  committed.  His  death  deprived  Rome  of  the 
greatest  man  she  ever  produced.  But  the  work  of  the  con- 
spirators did  not  destroy  the  work  of  Caesar. 

SELECTIONS  FOR  READING 

Liddell,  Ch.  67,  "The  Second  Civil  War"  (l).i 

Shuckburgh,  Ch.  42,  "Poinpey  in  the  East"  (1). 

How  and  Leigh,  Ch.  47,  "  Cicero  and  CatUine  "  (1). 

Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Ch.  40,  "The  First  Triumvirate  "  (1). 

Mommsen,  Vol.  IV.,  Bk.  V.,  Ch.  11,  "The  Old  Republic  and  New  Mon- 
archy" (2). 

Mommsen,  abridged,  Ch.  35,  "Joint  Rule  of  Pompey  and  Caesar"  (2). 

Pelham,  Bk.  V,,  Ch.  1,  "  The  Dictatorship  of  Julius"  (1). 

Taylor,  Ch.  15,  "Caesar"  (1). 

Shakespeare,  "Julius  C?esar"  (36). 

Plutarch,  "  Sertorius,"  "  Lucullus,"  "Pompey,"  "  Crassus,"  "  Cato  the 
Younger,"  "Caesar,"  "Cicero"  (11). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

Cesar's  Campaigns  in  Gaul.  — How  and  Leigh,  Ch.  49  (1)  ;  Shuck- 
burgh, Ch.  44  (1)  ;  Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Ch.  41  (1)  ;  Merivale,  Trium- 
virates, Ch.  6  (6)  ;  Merivale,  Empire,  Chs.  5-12  (7)  ;  Dodge,  Julius 
Caesar,  Chs.  8-14  (22). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


PI10GTlESf=mrF:    1MA.T*   INTo.  5. 


1 


202 


CHAPTER  XXII 

THE   TIMES   OF   ANTONY  AND   OCTAVIUS 

I.  The  Rise  of  Antony  and  Octavius 

Rome  after  the  Death  of  Caesar.  —  The  men  who  murdered 
Caesar  considered  themselves  as  "  liberators  "  of  the  republic. 
Whatever  may  have  been  their  motives,  they  seem  to  have 
taken  little  thought  as  to  how  Rome  would  be  governed  after 
they  had  killed  their  ty- 
rant. If  they  thought  that 
the  senate  would  take  up 
the  powers  it  had  lost,  and 
successfully  rule  the  re- 
public, they  were  griev- 
ously mistaken.  The  only 
leading  man  of  the  senate 
who  had  survived  the  last 
civil  war  was  Cicero ;  but 
Cicero  with  all  his  learning 
and  eloquence  could  not 
take  the  place  of  Caesar. 
What  Rome  needed  was 
what  the  liberators  had 
taken  from  her,  a  master 
mind  of  broad  views  and 
of  great  executive  power. 
We  need  not  be  surprised  that  the  death  of  Caesar  was  followed 
by  confusion  and  dismay.  No  one  knew  which  way  to  look  or 
what  to  expect.  Soon  there  appeared  new  actors  upon  the 
scene,  men  struggling  for  the  supreme  power  in  the  state  —  M. 
Anto'nius  (An'tony),  the  friend  of  Caesar  and  his  fellow-consul ; 
C.  Octavius,  his  adopted  son  and  heir ;  M.  ^milius  Lepidus.^ 

1  Son  of  the  Lepidus  who  opposed  the  SuUan  party  (p.  180). 

203 


I 


« 


Antony 


; 


PKOCFRKSSTT^K    IVI^YP   IN^o.  5, 


202 


CHAPTER  XXII 

THE   TIMES   OF   ANTONY  AND   OCTAVIUS 
I.  The  Kise  of  Axtoxy  and  Octavius 

Rome  after  the  Death  of  Caesar.  —  The  men  who  murdered 
Caesar  considered  themselves  as  ^'  liberators  "  of  the  republic. 
Whatever  may  have  been  their  motives,  they  seem  to  have 
taken  little  thought  as  to  how  Rome  would  be  governed  after 
they  had  killed  their  ty- 
rant. If  they  thought  that 
the  senate  would  take  up 
the  powers  it  had  lost,  and 
successfully  rule  the  re- 
public, they  Avere  griev- 
ously mistaken.  The  only 
leading  man  of  the  senate 
who  had  survived  the  last 
civil  war  was  Cicero ;  but 
Cicero  with  all  his  learning 
and  eloquence  could  not 
take  the  place  of  Ciesar. 
What  Rome  needed  was 
what  the  liberators  had 
taken  from  her,  a  master 
mind  of  broad  views  and 
of  great  executive  power. 
We  need  not  be  surprised  that  the  death  of  Caesar  was  followed 
by  confusion  and  dismay.  Xo  one  knew  which  way  to  look  or 
what  to  expect.  Soon  there  appeared  new  actors  upon  the 
scene,  men  struggling  for  the  supreme  power  in  the  state  —  M. 
Anto'nius  (An'tony),  the  friend  of  Caisar  and  his  fellow-consul; 
C.  Octavius,  his  adopted  son  and  heir ;  M.  .^milius  Lepidus.^ 

1  Son  of  the  Lepidus  who  opposed  the  SuUaii  party  (p.  180). 

203 


Antony 


I 


204 


THE   ROMAN    REPUBLIC 


his  master  of  horse;  Sextus  Pompeius,  his  previous  enemy  and 
the  son  of  his  greatest  rival ;  while  Cicero  still  raised  his  voice 
in  defense  of  what  he  regarded  as  his  country's  freedom. 

The  Supremacy  of  Antony.  —  The  first  to  take  advantage  of  the 
confusion  which  followed  Caesar's  death  was  Marcus  Antonius. 
With  the  aid  of  Lepidus  he  got  possession  of  Caesar's  will  and 
other  papers,  and  seized  his  treasury.  He  influenced  the  senate 
to  confirm  all  of  Caesar's  acts,  and  obtained  permission  to  speak 
at  his  public  funeral.  He  made  a  strong  appeal  to  the  populace 
to  avenge  the  death  of  their  great  friend ;  and  read  the  will  of 
Ca3sar,  which  left  his  palace  and  gardens  to  the  people,  and  a 
legacy  to  every  citizen.  Excited  to  fury  by  the  eloquence  of 
Antony,  the  people  seized  firebrands  from  the  burning  funeral 
pile,  and  rushed  through  the  streets  swearing  vengeance  to  the 
so-called  liberators.  The  liberators  were  obliged  to  flee  from 
the  city  ;  and  Antony  was  for  the  time  su])reme.    As  the  senate 

had  confirmed  Ciesar's  acts, 
and  as  Antony  had  Caesar's 
papers,  which  were  sup- 
posed to  contain  these  acts, 
he  assumed  the  role  of 
Cavsar's  executor  and  did 
what  he  pleased.  The 
chief  liberators  hastened 
to  the  provinces  to  which 
they  had  previously  l)een 
assigned  by  Csesar  —  Cas- 
sius  to  Syria,  Marcus 
l>rutus  to  IMacedonia,  and 
Decimus  Brutus  to  Cisal- 
pine Gaul. 

The  Rise  of  Octavius. — 
Antony's  dream  of  power 
was  soon  disturbed  by  the 
appearance  of  the  young  Octavius,  Caesar's  grand-nephew  and 
adopted  son.      Although  a  young  man  —  only  nineteen  —  he 


TuE  Young  OoTAVira 


THE  TIMES  OF  ANTONY  AND  OCTAVIUS 


205 


was  a  born  politician,  and  soon  became  Antony's  greatest  rival. 
He  assumed  his  adopted  name,  Gains  Julius  Caesar  Octavia'nus, 
and  claimed  his  inheritance  and  the  treasures  which  had  fallen 
into  Antony's  hands.  But  Antony  said  that  these  were  public 
moneys,  and  that  they  had  been  spent  in  the  interests  of  the 
Roman  state. 

Octavius  (as  we  shall  continue  to  call  him)  now  for 
the  first  time  showed  that  adroit  skill  for  which  he  was  always 
distinguished.  Antony  had  raised  the  false  hopes  of  the 
people  by  reading  Caesar's  will,  which  promised  a  legacy 
to  every  citizen.  The  people  had  heard  the  will;  but  they 
had  not  yet  received  the  promised  legacies.  To  humiliate 
Antony  and  to  insure  his  own  popularity,  the  young  Octavius 
sold  his  own  estates,  borrowed  money  of  his  friends,  and 
paid  the  legacies  which  Caesar  had  promised  to  the  people. 
By  this  act  Octavius  displaced  Antony  as  the  people's  friend. 
The  young  heir  grew  so  rapidly  in  popular  favor  that  his 
influence  was  sought  both  by  Cicero,  who  represented  the 
senate,  and  by  Antony,  who  represented  himself. 

Cicero's  Attack  upon  Antony. — Cicero  thought  that  everything 
should  be  done  to  weaken  the  power  of  Antony,  and  to  pre- 
vent any  possible  coalition  between  him  and  the  young  Octa- 
vius. The  hostility  between  Cicero  and  Antony  grew  to  be 
bitter  and  relentless ;  and  they  were  pitted  against  each  other 
on  the  floor  of  the  senate.  But  in  a  war  of  words  Antony  was 
no  match  for  Cicero.  By  a  series  of  famous  speeches  known 
as  the  ^* Philippics,"  the  popularity  of  Antony  was  crushed; 
and  he  retired  from  Rome  to  seek  for  victory  upon  other 
fields.  He  claimed  Cisalpine  Gaul  as  his  province.  But  this 
province  was  still  held  by  Decimus  Brutus,  one  of  the  libera- 
tors, to  whom  the  senate  looked  for  military  support. 

When  Antony  attempted  to  gain  possession  of  this  territory, 
Cicero  thought  he  saw  an  opportunity  to  use  Octavius  in  the 
interests  of  the  senate.  Accordingly  Antony  was  declared  a 
public  enemy ;  Octavius  was  made  a  senator  with  the  rank  of 
a  consul,   and   was   authorized  to   conduct  the  war    against 

MOREY's    ROM.    HIST.  13 


204 


THE   ROMAN    UEPUBLIC 


his  master  of  horse;  Sextus  Pompeius,  his  previous  enemy  and 
the  son  of  his  greatest  rival;  while  Cicero  still  raised  his  voice 
in  defense  of  wliat  he  regarded  as  his  country's  freedom. 

The  Supremacy  of  Antony.  —  The  first  to  take  advantage  of  the 
confusion  which  followed  Ciesar's  death  was  Marcus  Antonius. 
With  the  aid  of  Lepidus  he  got  possession  of  Ca'sar's  will  and 
other  papers,  and  seized  his  treasury.  He  influenced  the  senate 
to  confirm  all  of  Ctesar's  acts,  aiul  obtained  permission  to  speak 
at  his  public  funeral.  He  made  a  strong  appeal  to  the  populace 
to  avenge  the  death  of  their  great  friend;  and  read  the  will  of 
Caesar,  which  left  his  palace  and  gardens  to  the  people,  and  a 
legacy  to  every  citizen.  Excited  to  fury  by  the  eloquence  of 
Antony,  the  people  seized  firebrands  from  the  burning  funeral 
pile,  and  rushed  tlirough  the  streets  swearing  vengeance  to  the 
so-called  liberators.  The  liberators  were  obliged  to  flee  from 
the  city  ;  and  Antony  was  for  tlie  time  supreme.    As  the  senate 

had  confirmed  Caisar's  acts, 
and  as  Antony  had  Caesar's 
papers,  which  were  sup- 
posed to  contain  these  acts, 
he  assumed  the  role  of 
(ii'sar's  executor  and  did 
what  he  pleased.  The 
chief  liberators  hastened 
to  the  provinces  to  which 
they  had  previously  been 
assigned  by  Caesar  —  Cas- 
sius  to  Syria,  Marcus 
lU'utus  to  IMacedonia,  and 
Decimus  IJrutus  to  Cisal- 
pine Gaul. 

The  Rise  of  Octavius. — 
Antony's  dream  of  ])Ower 
was  soon  disturbed  by  the 
appearance  of  the  young  Octavius,  Caesar's  grand-nojdiew  and 
adopted  son.      Although  a  young  man  —  only  nineteen  —  he 


The  YuiTNG  0«ttavh  s 


THE   TIMES  OF  ANTONY   AND   OCTAVIUS 


205 


was  a  born  politician,  and  soon  became  Antony's  greatest  rival. 
He  assumed  his  adopted  name.  Gains  Julius  Caesar  Octavia'nus, 
and  claimed  his  inheritance  and  the  treasures  which  had  fallen 
into  Antony's  hands.  But  Antony  said  that  these  w^ere  public 
moneys,  and  that  they  had  been  spent  in  the  interests  of  the 
Roman  state. 

Octavius  (as  we  shall  continue  to  call  him)  now  for 
the  first  time  showed  that  adroit  skill  for  which  he  was  always 
distinguished.  Antony  had  raised  the  false  hopes  of  the 
people  by  reading  Caesar's  will,  which  promised  a  legacy 
to  every  citizen.  The  people  had  heard  the  will;  but  they 
had  not  yet  received  the  promised  legacies.  To  humiliate 
Antony  and  to  insure  his  own  popularity,  the  young  Octavius 
sold  his  own  estates,  borrowed  money  of  his  friends,  and 
paid  the  legacies  which  Caesar  had  promised  to  the  people. 
By  this  act  Octavius  displaced  Antony  as  the  people's  friend. 
The  young  heir  grew  so  rapidly  in  popular  favor  that  his 
influence  was  sought  both  by  Cicero,  who  represented  the 
senate,  and  by  Antony,  who  represented  himself. 

Cicero's  Attack  upon  Antony.  — Cicero  thought  that  everything 
should  be  done  to  weaken  the  power  of  Antony,  and  to  pre- 
vent any  possible  coalition  between  him  and  the  young  Octa- 
vius. The  hostility  between  Cicero  and  Antony  grew  to  be 
bitter  and  relentless ;  and  they  were  pitted  against  each  other 
on  the  floor  of  the  senate.  But  in  a  war  of  words  Antony  was 
no  match  for  Cicero.  By  a  series  of  famous  speeches  known 
as  the  "Philippics,"  the  popularity  of  Antony  was  crushed; 
and  he  retired  from  Bome  to  seek  for  victory  upon  other 
fields.  He  claimed  Cisalpine  Gaul  as  his  j^rovince.  But  tliis 
province  was  still  held  by  Decimus  Brutus,  one  of  the  libera- 
tors, to  whom  the  senate  looked  for  military  support. 

When  Antony  attempted  to  gain  possession  of  this  territory, 
Cicero  thought  he  saw  an  opportunity  to  use  Octavius  in  the 
interests  of  the  senate.  Accordingly  Antony  was  declared  a 
public  enemy ;  Octavius  was  made  a  senator  with  the  rank  of 
a   consul,    and   was   authorized   to   conduct   the   war    against 

MOREY's    ROM.    HIST.  — 13 


206 


THE  ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


THE  TIMES  OF  ANTONY  AND  OCTAVIUS 


207 


I 


Antony.  In  this  war  —  the  so-called  war  of  Mu'tina  (b.c. 
44-43)  —  Octavius  was  successful.  As  a  reward  for  his  victory 
he  demanded  of  the  senate  that  he  receive  a  triumph  and 
the  consulship.  Cicero  had  intended  Decimus  Brutus  for  this 
office,  and  the  request  of  Octavius  was  refused.  But  the  young 
heir,  then  twenty  years  of  age,  following  the  example  of 
Caesar,  enforced  his  claims  with  the  sword ;  he  took  possession 
of  the  city,  and  obtained  his  election  to  the  consulship.  Octa- 
vius thus  became  the  ruling  man  in  Rome. 

The  Second  Triumvirate  —  Antony,  Octavius,  and  Lepidus  (B.C. 
43).  —  Cicero's  attempt  to  defeat  Antony  by  the  aid  of  Octa- 
vius was  not  a  successful  piece  of  diplomacy.  It  resulted  not 
only  in  alienating  the  young  heir;  but  worse  than  that,  it 
brought  about  the  very  coalition  which  Cicero  was  trying  to 
prevent.  Octavius  had  broken  with  the  senate,  and  had  ob- 
tained a  complete  victory.  But  he  was  not  yet  ready  to  break 
with  Antony,  who  was  supported  by  Lepidus,  especially  as  the 
two  chief  liberators,  I>rutus  and  Cassius,  were  still  in  control  of 
the  eastern  provinces.  If  he  had  had  the  military  genius  of 
Caesar,  he  might  have  destroyed  all  their  armies  in  detail. 
But  the  young  Octavius  was  not  inclined  to  overrate  his  mili- 
tary abilities.  He  saw  that  it  would  be  for  his  interest  to 
make  friends  with  Antony  and  Lepidus.  A  coalition  was 
therefore  formed  between  the  three  leaders,  usually  called  the 
"second  triumvirate."  They  agreed  to  divide  the  western 
provinces  among  themselves,  and  then  to  make  a  new  divi- 
sion after  they  had  driven  Brutus  and  Cassius  from  the  east- 
ern provinces. 

The  Proscriptions  ;  Murder  of  Cicero.  —  No  government  could 
be  more  despotic  than  that  of  the  three  masters  who  now  gov- 
erned Rome.  They  assumed  the  consular  power  for  five  years, 
with  the  right  of  appointing  all  magistrates.  Their  decrees 
were  to  have  the  force  of  law  without  the  sanction  of  either 
the  senate  or  the  people.  It  is  to  the  eternal  disgrace  of  these 
men  who  professed  to  espouse  the  cause  of  Caesar,  that  they 
abandoned  the  humane  policy  of  their  great  exemplar,  and 


returned  to  the  infamous  policy  of  Marius  and  Sulla.  Antony 
especially  desired  a  proscription,  as  he  was  surrounded  by 
thousands  of  personal  enemies,  chief  among  whom  was  Cicero, 
the  author  of  the  "Philippics."  Octavius  was  reconciled  to 
the  horrible  work  as  a  matter  of 
policy  ;  and  Lepidus  acquiesced  in  it 
as  a  matter  of  indifference.  It  is  said 
that  three  hundred  senators  and  two 
thousand  equites  were  outlawed,  and 
their  property  confiscated.  The  tri- 
umvirs justified  their  atrocious  acts 
as  a  retaliation  for  the  murder  of 
Caesar.  Many  of  the  proscribed  es- 
caped from  Italy  and  found  a  refuge 
with  Brutus  and  Cassius  in  the  East. 
But  a  large  number  of  persons  were 
slain. 

The    world    will    always    feel    a 
painful  interest  in  these  black  days, 

because  it  was  then  that  Cicero  lost  his  life.  When  the  old 
man  was  warned  of  his  danger,  and  urged  to  flee,  he  replied, 
"  Let  me  die  in  my  fatherland  which  I  have  so  often  saved." 
He  was  slain,  and  his  head  was  sent  to  Antony,  whose  wife, 
Fulvia,  is  said  to  have  pierced  the  lifeless  tongue  with  a  needle, 
in  revenge  for  the  words  it  had  uttered  against  her  husband. 
Thus  perished  the  greatest  orator  of  Rome.  Cicero  has  been 
accused  of  timidity;  but  he  remained  at  his  post,  the  last 
defender  of  the  republic.  He  has  been  charged  with  vacilla- 
tion ;  but  he  lived  in  days  when  no  man  knew  which  way  to 
turn  for  help.  He  failed  as  a  politician,  because  he  continually 
bungled  in  the  fine  arts  of  intrigue.  He  failed  as  a  statesman, 
because  he  persisted  in  defending  a  lost  cause.  He  appealed 
to  reason,  when  the  highest  arbiter  was  the  sword.  But  with  all 
his  faults,  Cicero  was,  next  to  Cato,  the  most  upright  man  of 
his  time ;  and  his  influence  has  been,  next  to  that  of  Caesar, 
the  most  enduring.    To  practical  politics  he  contributed  little ; 


M.  BuuTus 


208 


THE   ROMAN   REPUBLIC 


PhUipi>i» 


but  his  numerous  writings  have  exercised  a  wonderful  influence 
in  the  intellectual  and  moral  education  of  the  world. 

War  against  the  Liberators;    Battle  of  Philippi  (B.C.  42). — 
Having  murdered  their  enemies  at  home,  the  triumvirs  were 

now  prepared  to  crush  their 
enemies  abroad.  There  were 
three  of  these  enemies 
whom  they  were  obliged  to 
meet —  Brutus  and  Cassius, 
who  had  united  their  forces 
in  the  East;  and  Sextus 
Pompeius,  who  had  got 
possession  of  the  island  of 
Sicily,  and  had  under  his 
command  a  powerful  fleet. 
While  Lepidus  remained  at 
Rome,  Antony  and  Octa- 
vius  invaded  Greece  with 
an  army  of  one  hundred 
and  twenty  thousand  men. 
Against  them  the  two  liberators,  Brutus  and  Cassius,  col- 
lected an  army  of  eighty  thousand  men.  The  hostile  forces 
met  near  Philip'pi  (b.c.  42),  a  town  in  Macedonia  on  the  north- 
ern coast  of  the  ^Egean  Sea  (see  map,  p.  128).  Octavius  was 
opposed  to  Brutus,  and  Antony  to  Cassius.  Octavius  was 
driven  back  by  Brutus,  while  Antony,  more  fortunate,  drove 
back  the  wing  commanded  by  Cassius.  As  Cassius  saw  his 
flying  legions,  he  thought  that  all  was  lost,  and  stabbed  him- 
self with  the  same  dagger,  it  is  said,  with  which  he  struck 
Caesar.  This  left  Brutus  in  sole  command  of  the  opposing 
army;  but  he  also  was  defeated  in  a  second  battle,  and,  follow- 
ing the  example  of  Cassius,  committed  suicide.  The  double 
battle  at  Philippi  decided  the  fate  of  the  republic.  As  Cicero 
was  its  last  political  champion,  Brutus  and  Cassius  were  its 
last  military  defenders;  and  with  their  death  we  may  say  that 
the  republic  was  at  an  end. 


Battle  of  Philippi 


THE  TIMES  OF  ANTONY   AND  OCTAVIUS 


209 


II.   Civil  War  between  Antony  and  Octavius 

New  Division  of  the  Provinces. — With  the  republic  over- 
thrown, it  now  remained  to  be  seen  who  should  be  the  master 
of  the  new  empire,  Antony  or  Octavius.  Lepidus,  although 
ambitious,  was  too  weak  and  vacillating  to  be  dangerous.  The 
triumvirs  were  growing  to  be  envious  of  each  other ;  but  they 
contrived  to  smother  their  jealousy,  and  made  a  new  division 
of  the  empire.  Antony  was  now  to  have  the  East,  and  Oc- 
tavius the  West.  It  was  a  question  what  to  do  with  Lepidus, 
as  he  was  accused  of  giving  aid  to  the  only  remaining  enemy 
of  the  triumvirs,  that  is,  Sextus  Pompeius.  If  he  could  prove 
himself  innocent  of  the  charge,  he  was  to  be  given  the  small 
province  of  Africa.  The  real  work  of  the  triumvirate  was  to 
be  done  by  Antony  and  Octavius.  Antony  was  to  take  control 
of  the  eastern  provinces,  and  to  push  the  Roman  conquests  if 
possible  into  Parthia.  Octavius  was  to  preserve  the  peace  of 
Italy  and  the  western  provinces,  and  to  destroy  the  fleet  of  Sex- 
tus Pompeius,  which  was  seriously  interfering  with  Roman 
commerce   and  threatening  to  cut  ofP  the  grain  supplies  of 

Italy. 

Octavius  in  the  West.  —  Octavius  proceeded  to  secure  his 
position  in  the  West  by  means  of  force  and  craft.  He  first 
put  down  an  insurrection  incited  by  the  partisans  of  Antony. 
The  young  conqueror  won  the  affections  of  the  people,  and 
tried  to  show  them  that  peace  and  prosperity  could  come  only 
through  his  influence.  The  next  thing  was  to  dispose  of  Sex- 
tus Pompeius  and  his  hostile  fleet.  With  the  help  of  his  friend 
and  able  general,  Agrip'pa,  and  with  the  aid  of  a  hundred  ships 
lent  him  by  Antony,  Octavius  destroyed  the  forces  of  Pompeius. 
The  defeated  general  fled  to  the  East,  and  was  killed  by  the 
soldiers  of  Antony. 

Octavius  was  then  called  upon  to  deal  with  a  treacherous 
friend.  This  was  the  weak  and  ambitious  Lepidus,  who  with 
twenty  legions  thought  that  he  could  defeat  Octavius  and  be- 
come the  chief  man  of  Rome.     But  Octavius  did  not  think  the 


210 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


emergency  grave  enough  to  declare  war.  He  defeated  Lepidus 
without  a  battle.  Unarmed  and  almost  unattended  he  entered 
his  rival's  camp,  and  made  an  eloquent  appeal  to  the  soldiers. 
The  whole  army  of  Lepidus  deserted  to  Octavius.  Lepidus 
was  deposed  from  his  position  as  triumvir,  but  was  generously 
allowed  to  retain  the  office  of  pontifex  maximus  on  condition  of 
remaining  quiet.  By  the  use  of  force  and  diplomacy  Octavius 
thus  baffled  all  his  foes  in  the  West,  and  he  and  Antony  were 
now  the  undisputed  rulers  of  the  Roman  world. 

Antony  in  the  East.  —  While  everything   in  the  West  was 
turning  in  favor  of  Octavius,  all  things  in  the  East  were  also 

contributing  to  his  success.  But  this  was 
due  not  so  much  to  his  own  skill  as  to  the 
weakness  and  folly  of  Antony.  Octavius 
had  tried  to  cement  the  league  of  the  tri- 
umvirs by  giving  his  sister  Octavia  to 
Antony  in  marriage.  But  Antony  soon 
grew  tired  of  Octavia,  and  became  fasci- 
nated by  Cleopatra,  the  "  Serpent  of  the 
Nile."  His  time  was  divided  between 
campaigns  in  Parthia  and  dissipations  in 
Egypt.  His  Parthian  wars  turned  out  to 
be  failures;  and  his  Egyptian  entangle- 
ments resulted  in  his  ruin.  He  aspired  to  the  position  of  an 
Oriental  monarch.  He  divided  the  Roman  provinces  with  Cleo- 
patra, who  was  called  "the  queen  of  kings."  The  Roman 
people  were  shocked  when  he  desired  his  disgraceful  acts  to  be 
confirmed  by  the  senate.  They  could  not  help  contrasting  this 
weak  and  infatuated  slave  of  Cleopatra  with  their  own  Octa- 
vius, the  strong  and  prudent  governor  of  the  West.  While 
Octavius  was  growing  in  popularity,  Antony  was  thus  becoming 
more  and  more  an  object  of  detestation. 

Rupture  between  Antony  and  Octavius.  —  The  strong  feeling  at 
Rome  against  Antony,  Octavius  was  able  to  use  to  his  own 
advantage.  But  he  wished  it  to  appear  that  he  was  fol- 
lowing, and  not  directing,  the  will  of  the  people.     He  therefore 


CtEOPATRA 


THE   TIMES  OF  ANTONY   AND   OCTAVIUS 


211 


made  no  attempt  to  force  an  issue  with  Antony,  but  bided  his 
time.  The  people  suspected  Antony  of  treasonable  designs,  as 
they  saw  his  military  preparations,  which  might  be  used  to 
enthrone  himself  as  king  of  the  East,  or  to  install  Cleopatra  as 
queen  of  Rome. 

All  doubt  as  to  Antony's  real  character  and  purpose  was  set- 
tled when  his  will  was  found  and  published.  In  it  he  had 
made  the  sons  of  Cleopatra  his  heirs,  and  ordered  his  own 
body  to  be  buried  at  Alexandria  beside  that  of  the  Egyp- 
tian queen.  This  was  looked  upon  as  an  insult  to  the  majesty 
of  Rome.  The  citizens  were  aroused.  They  demanded  that  war 
be  declared  against  the  hated  triumvir.  Octavius  suggested 
that  it  would  be  more  wise  to  declare  war  against  Cleopatra 
than  against  Antony  and  the  deluded  citizens  who  had  espoused 
his  cause.  Thus  what  was  really  a  civil  war  between  Octavius 
and  Antony  assumed  the  appearance  of  a  foreign  war  between 
Rome  and  Egypt.  But  Antony  well  understood  against  whom 
the  war  was  directed;  and  he  replied  by  publicly  divorcing 
Octavia,  and  accepting  his  real  position  as  the  public  enemy 
of  Rome. 

Defeat  of  Antony;  Battle  of  Actium  (B.C.  31). — When  war 
was  declared,  Antony  and  Cleopatra  united  their  forces  against 
Rome.  Antony  gathered 
together  an  immense  army 
of  eighty  thousand  men, 
and  occupied  the  western 
coasts  of  Greece,  where  he 
could  either  threaten  Italy 
or  resist  the  approach  of  Oc- 
tavius. His  main  army 
was  posted  at  Actium  (see 
.map,  p.  128),  south  of  the 
strait  leading  into  the  Gulf 
of  Ambracia.  His  fleet  of  five  hundred  heavy  ships  was  for 
the  most  part  moored  within  the  gulf.  Octavius,  with  the  aid 
of  his  trusted  general  Agrippa,  succeeded  in  transporting  an 


Battle  of  Actium 


I 


212 


THE   KOMAN   REPUBLIC 


i 


army  of  fifty  thousand  men  to  the  coast  of  Epiriis,  and  took  up 
a  position  north  of  the  strait  and  opposite  the  land  forces  of 
Antony.  His  fleet  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  light  galleys  was 
stationed  outside  of  the  strait  to  await  the  approach  of  the 
enemy's  vessels.  Antony,  on  the  advice  of  his  ablest  officers, 
desired  that  the  battle  should  be  waged  with  the  land  forces. 
But  Cleopatra,  proud  of  her  navy,  insisted  that  it  should  be 
fought  on  the  sea.  The  contest  was  therefore  decided  by  a 
naval  battle.  As  the  fleet  of  Antony  emerged  from  the  strait, 
it  was  immediately  attacked  by  Octavius  and  Agrippa.  But 
scarcely  had  the  battle  begun  when  Cleopatra  with  her  squadron 
withdrew  from  the  line,  and  was  quickly  followed  by  Antony. 
Their  sailors  fought  on  until  their  fleet  was  destroyed.  The 
battle  at  Actium  closed  the  political  career  of  Antony,  and  left 
Octavius  the  sole  master  of  the  Roman  world.  The  date  of 
this  battle  may  be  taken  to  mark  the  beginning  of  the  empire. 
The  Triumph  of  Octavius.  —  Before  returning  to  Rome  Octa- 
vius restored  order  to  the  eastern  provinces,  and  followed  the 
fugitives  to  Egypt.  The  arts  by  which  Cleopatra  had  fasci- 
nated Caesar  and  enslaved  Antony,  she  tried  to  use  upon  her  new 
Roman  guest.  But  Octavius  did  not  fall  into  the  tempter's 
snare.  The  Egyptian  queen  found  in  the  Roman  sovereign  a 
nature  as  crafty  as  her  own.  Octavius  kept  his  thoughts  upon 
the  prosperity  and  honor  of  Rome,  and  no  allurements  could 
draw  him  away  from  his  high  mission.  Antony,  defeated  and 
ruined,  committed  suicide  ;  and  Cleopatra  followed  his  example 
rather  than  be  led  a  captive  in  a  Roman  triumph.  Together 
tliis  wretched  pair  were  laid  in  the  mausoleum  of  the  Ptolemies. 
Egypt  was  annexed  as  a  province  of  the  new  empire  (b.c.  30). 
Octavius  returned  to  Rome  (b.c.  29),  where  he  was  given  the 
honors  of  a  triple  triumph  —  for  Dalmatia  (where  he  had  gained 
some  previous  victories),  for  Actium,  and  for  Egypt.  The 
temple  of  Janus  was  now  closed  for  the  first  time  since  the 
second  Punic  war ;  and  the  Romans,  tired  of  war  and  of  civil 
strife,  looked  upon  the  triumph  of  Octavius  as  the  dawn  of  a 
new  era  of  peace  and  prosperity. 


i 


\ 


THE  TIMES   OF   ANTONY    AND   OCTAVIUS 


III.    Review  of  the  Period  of  the  Civil  Wars 


213 


Progress  of  Rome.  —  As  we  look  back  over  the  period  which 
we  have  just  completed,  we  may  ask  the  question  whether 
Rome  had  made  any  progress  since  the  days  of  her  great  con- 
quests. More  than  a  hundred  years  had  passed  away  since 
the  beginning  of  the  commotions  under  the  Gracchi.  During 
this  time  we  have  seen  the  long  conflict  between  the  senate 
and  the  people ;  we  have  seen  the  republic  gradually  declin- 
ing and  giving  way  to  the  empire.  But  we  must  not  suppose 
that  the  fall  of  the  republic  was  the  fall  of  Rome.  The  so- 
called  republic  of  Rome  w^as  a  government  neither  by  the  peo- 
ple nor  for  the  people.  It  had  become  the  government  of  a 
selfish  aristocracy,  ruling  for  its  own  interests.  Whetlier  the 
new  empire  which  was  now  established  was  better  than  the 
old  republic  which  had  fallen,  remains  to  be  seen.  But  there 
are  many  things  in  which  we  can  see  that  Rome  was  making 
some  real  progress. 

Appearance  of  Great  Men.  —  The  first  thing  that  we  notice  is 
the  fact  that  during  this  period  of  conflict  Rome  produced 
some  of  the  greatest  men  of  her  history.  It  is  in  the  times  of 
stress  and  storm  that  great  men  are  brought  to  the  front ;  and 
it  was  the  fierce  struggles  of  this  period  which  developed  some 
of  the  foremost  men  of  the  ancient  world  —  men  like  the  two 
Gracchi,  Marius,  Sulla,  Cato,  Cicero,  and  Julius  Caesar.  What- 
ever we  may  think  of  their  opinions,  of  the  methods  which 
they  used,  or  of  the  results  which  they  accomplished,  we  can- 
not regard  them  as  ordinary  men. 

Extension  of  the  Franchise.  —  Another  evidence  of  the  prog- 
ress of  Rome  was  the  extension  of  the  rights  of  citizenship, 
and  the  bringing  into  the  state  of  many  who  had  hitherto  been 
excluded.  At  the  beginning  of  this  period  only  the  inhabit- 
ants of  a  comparatively  small  part  of  the  Italian  peninsula 
were  citizens  of  Rome.  The  franchise  was  restricted  chiefly 
to  those  who  dwelt  upon  the  lands  in  the  vicinity  of  the  capi- 
tal.    But  during  the  civil  wars  the  rights  of  citizenship  had 


l! 


214 


THE   ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


n 


been  extended  to  all  parts  of  Italy  and  to  many  cities  in  Gaul 
and  Spain.  ^ 

Improvement  in  ths  Roman  Law.  —  We  have  already  seen  the 
improvement  which  KSulla  made  in  the  organization  of  the 
criminal  courts  for  the  trial  of  public  crimes.  But  there  were 
also  improvements  made  in  the  civil  law,  by  which  the  private 
rights  of  individuals  were  better  protected.  Not  only  were 
the  rights  of  citizens  made  more  secure,  but  the  rights  of  for- 
eigners were  also  more  carefully  guarded.     Before  the  social 

war,  the  rights  of  all  for- 
eigners in  Italy  were  pro- 
tected by  a  special  praetor 
(praetor  pereijrlnus) ;  and 
after  that  war  all  Italians 
became  equal  before  the 
law.  There  was  also  a 
tendency  to  give  all  for- 
eigners in  the  provinces 
rights  equal  to  those  of 
citizens,  so  far  as  these 
rights  related  to  persons 
and  property. 

Progress  in  Architecture. 
—  That  the  Romans  were 
improving  in  their  culture 
and  taste  is  shown  by  the 
new  and  splendid  buildings  which  were  erected  during  this 
period.  While  some  jmblic  buildings  were  destroyed  by  the 
riots  in  the  city,  they  were  replaced  by  finer  and  more  dural)le 
structures.  Many  new  temples  were  built  — temples  to  Her- 
cules, to  Minerva,  to  Fortune,  to  Concord,  to  Honor  and  Virtue. 
There  were  new  basilicas,  or  halls  of  justice,  the  most  notable 
being  the  Basilica  Julia,  which  was  commenced  by  Julius  Caesar. 
A  new  forum,  the  Forum  Julii,  was  also  laid  out  by  Caesar, 
and  a  new  theater  was  constructed  by  Pomi)ey.  The  great 
national  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus,  which  was  burned  dur- 


t.VV*.  '■•■■ 


Temple  of  Fortunb 


THE  TIMES  OF  ANTONY   AND   OCTAVIUS 


215 


ing  the  civil  war  of  Marius  and  Sulla,  was  restored  with  great 
magnificence  by  Sulla,  who  adorned  it  with  the  columns  of  the 
temple  of  the  Olympian  Zeus  brought  from  Athens.  It  was 
during  this  period  that  the  triumphal  arches  were  first  erected, 
and  became  a  distinctive  feature  of  Roman  architecture. 

Advancement  in  Literature.  —  The  most  important  evidence  of 
the  progress  of  the  Romans  during  the  period  of  the  civil  wars 
is  seen  in  their  literature.  It  was  at  this  time  that  Rome 
began  to  produce  writers  whose  names  belong  to  the  literature 
of  the  world.  Caesar  wrote  his  "  Commentaries  on  the  Gallic 
War,"  which  is  a  fine  specimen  of  clear  historical  narrative. 
Sallust  wrote  a  history  of  the  Jugurthine  AVar  and  an  account 
of  the  conspiracy  of  Catiline,  which  give  us  graphic  and  vigor- 
ous descriptions  of  these  events.  Lucre'tius  wrote  a  great 
poem  "  On  the  Nature  of  Things,"  which  expounds  the  Epicu- 
rean theory  of  the  universe,  and  reveals  powers  of  description 
and  imagination  rarely  equaled  by  any  other  poet,  ancient  or 
modern.  Catullus  wrote  lyric  poems  of  exquisite  grace  and 
beauty.  Cicero  was  the  most  learned  and  prolific  writer  of  the 
age;  his  orations,  letters,  rhetorical  and  philosophical  essays 
furnish  the  best  models  of  classic  style,  and  have  given  him  a 
place  among  the  great  prose  writers  of  the  world. 

Decay  of  Religion  and  Morals.  —  While  the  Romans,  during 
this  period,  showed  many  evidences  of  progress  in  their  laws, 
their  art,  and  their  literature,  they  were  evidently  declining  in 
their  religious  and  moral  sense.  Their  religion  was  diluted 
more  and  more  with  Oriental  superstitions  and  degrading  cere- 
monies. In  their  moral  life  they  were  suffering  from  the 
effects  of  their  conquests,  which  had  brought  wealth  and  the 
passion  for  luxury  and  display.  Ambition  and  avarice  tended 
to  corrupt  the  life  of  the  Roman  people.  The  only  remedy 
for  this  condition  of  religious  and  moral  decay  was  found 
in  the  philosophy  of  the  Greeks,  which,  however,  appealed 
only  to  the  more  educated  classes.  What  the  Romans  seemed 
to  need  more  than  anything  else  was  a  higher  and  purer 
religion,  and  a  keener  sense  of  morality. 


216 


THE  ROMAN  REPUBLIC 


SELECTIONS  FOR  READING 


Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Ch.  48,  "  Octavius  and  Antony"  (1).^ 
Merivale,  Empire,  Vol  IIL,  Ch.  25,  "Cicero  and  the  '  Philippics'  "  (7). 
Leighton,  Ch.  28,  "  Last  Days  of  the  Republic  "  (1). 
Schmitz,  Ch.  39,  "  Rome  during  the  Later  Republic"  (1). 
Taylor,  Ch.  16,  "Struggle  for  the  Crown"  (2). 
Seeley,  Essay,  "  The  Great  Roman  Revolution  "  (7). 
Shakespeare,  "  Antony  and  Cleopatra  "  (37). 
Plutarch,  "Antony,"  "Brutus"  (11). 


SPECIAL  STUDY 

Character  of  Cicero.  —Plutarch,  "Cicero"  (11)  ;  Mommsen,  IV., 
pp.  724-720  (2)  ;  Merivale,  Empire,  Vol.  IIL,  pp.  148-153  (7)  ;  Forsyth, 
IL,  Ch.  25  (23).     See  also  Appendix  (23)  "Cicero." 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


-0-O»<O«- 


PERIOD  VII    THE  EARLY  ROMAN  EMPIRE 

(B.O.  31-A.D.  284) 


chaptp:r  XXIII 

THE  REIGN  OF   AUGUSTUS  (B.C.  31— A.D.  14) 
I.     The  Xew  Imperial  Government 

Beginning  of  the  Empire.  —  We  have  taken  the  date  of  the 
battle  of  Actium  (b.c.  31)  to  mark  the  beginning  of  the  empire, 
because  Octavius  then  became  the  sole  and  undisputed  master 
of  the  Roman  world.  But  it  is  not  so  important  for  us  to  fix 
upon  a  particular  date  for  the  beginning  of  the  empire,  as  it 
is  to  see  that  some  form  of  imperialism  had  come  to  be  a 
necessity.  During  the  whole  period  of  the  civil  wars  we  have 
seen  the  gradual  growth  of  the  one-man  power.  We  have  seen 
it  in  the  tribunate  under  the  Gracchi ;  in  the  successive  consul- 
ships of  Marius  ;  in  the  perpetual  dictatorship  of  Sulla ;  in  the 
sole  consulship  of  Pompey ;  in  the  absolute  rule  of  Julius 
Caesar.  The  name  of  "king"  the  Romans  hated,  because  it 
brought  to  mind  the  memory  of  the  last  Tarquin.  But  the 
principle  of  monarchy  they  could  not  get  rid  of,  because  they 
had  found  no  efficient  form  of  government  to  take  its  place. 
The  aristocratic  government  under  the  senate  had  proved  cor- 

217 


H 


218 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


r  mj 


nipt,  inefficient,  and  disastrous  to  the  people.  A  popular 
government  without  representation  had  shown  itself  unwieldy, 
and  had  become  a  prey  to  demagogues.  There  was  nothing 
left  for  the  Romans  to  do  except  to  establish  some  form  of 
monarchy  which  would  not  suggest  the  hated  name  of  king. 

The  Policy  of  Augustus.  —  There  was  no  other  man  so  w^ell 
fitted  to  put  the  new  monarchy  into  an  attractive  form  as  Octa- 

vius,  whom  we  may  now  call 
by  his  official  title  of  Augustus. 
We  have  been  accustomed  to 
think  of  this  man  as  merely  a 
shrewd  politician.  But  when 
we  contrast  the  distracted  con- 
dition of  Kome  during  the  last 
hundred  years  with  the  peace 
and  prosperity  which  he 
brought  with  him,  we  shall  be 
inclined  to  look  upon  him  as  a 
wise  and  successful  statesman. 
His  whole  policy  was  a  policy 
of  conciliation.  He  wished  to 
wipe  out  the  hatreds  of  the 
civil  war.  He  regarded  him- 
self as  the  chief  of  no  party, 
but  as  the  head  of  the  whole  state.  He  tried  to  reconcile 
the  conservative  and  the  progressive  men  of  his  time.  All 
the  cherished  forms  of  the  republic  he  therefore  preserved ; 
and  he  exercised  his  powers  under  titles  which  were  not  hate- 
ful to  the  senate  or  the  people. 

The  Titles  and  Powers  of  Augustus.  —  Soon  after  returning  to 
Rome,  Augustus  resigned  the  powers  which  he  had  hitherto 
exercised,  giving  "  back  the  commonwealth  into  the  hands  of 
the  senate  and  the  people"  (b.c.  27).  The  first  official  title 
which  he  then  received  was  the  surname  Augusfus,  bestowed 
by  the  senate  in  recognition  of  his  dignity  and  his  services  to 
the  state.     He  then  received  the  proconsular  power  {imperium 


The  Empekor  Auoustus 


THE   REIGN  OF   AUGUSTUS 


219 


proconsulare)  over  all  the  frontier  provinces,  or  those  w^hich 
required  the  presence  of  an  army.  He  had  also  conferred 
upon  himself  the  tribunician  power  {trihunicia  potestas),  by 
which  he  became  the  protector  of  the  people.  He  moreover 
was  made  pontifex  maximus,  and  received  the  title  of  Pater 
PcUrim.  Although  Augustus  did  not  receive  the  permanent 
titles  of  consul  and  censor,  he  occasionally  assumed,  or  had 
temporarily  assigned  to  himself,  the  duties  of  these  offices. 
He  still  retained  the  title  of  Imperator,  which  gave  him  the 
command  of  the  army.  But  the  title  which  Augustus  chose  to 
indicate  his  real  position  was  that  of  Princeps  Civitatis,  or  "  the 
first  citizen  of  the  state."  The  new  "prince"  thus  desired 
himself  to  be  looked  upon  as  a  magistrate  rather  than  a  mon- 
arch —  a  citizen  who  had  received  a  trust  rather  than  a  ruler 
governing  in  his  own  name. 

Augustus  and  the  Senate —  Augustus  showed  his  concilia- 
tory policy  in  fixing  the  position  which  the  senate  was  to 
assume  in  the  new  government.  He  did  not  adopt  fully  the 
plan  either  of  Sulla  or  of  Julius  Caesar ;  but  reconciled  as  far 
as  possible  their  different  ideas.  He  restored  to  the  senate 
the  dignity  which  it  had  in  the  time  of  Sulla.  He  did  this 
by  excluding  the  provincials  and  freedmen  whom  Caesar  had 
introduced  into  it,  and  by  reducing  its  number  from  nine  hun- 
dred to  six  hundred  members.  But  still  he  did  not  confer  upon 
it  the  great  legislative  power  which  Sulla  intended  it  should 
have ;  he  rather  made  it  a  kind  of  advisory  body,  according  to 
Caesar's  idea.  In  theory  the  senate  was  to  assist  the  emperor  in 
matters  of  legislation ;  but  in  fact  it  was  simply  to  approve 
the  proposals  which  he  submitted  to  it. 

The  Assemblies  of  the  People.  —  Augustus  did  not  formally 
take  away  from  the  popular  assemblies  their  legislative  power, 
but  occasionally  submitted  to  them  laws  for  their  approval. 
This  was,  however,  hardly  more  than  a  discreet  concession 
to  custom.  The  people  in  their  present  unwieldy  assemblies, 
the  emperor  did  not  regard  as  able  to  decide  upon  important 
matters  of  state.      Their  duties   were  therefore   practically 


218 


THE    ROMAN   EMPIRE 


nipt,  inefficient,  and  disastrous  to  the  people.  A  popular 
government  without  representation  had  shown  itself  unwieldy, 
and  had  become  a  prey  to  demagogues.  There  was  nothing 
left  for  the  Konians  to  do  except  to  establish  some  form  of 
monarchy  which  would  not  suggest  the  hated  name  of  king. 

The  Policy  of  Augustus.  —  There  was  no  other  man  so  well 
fitted  to  put  the  new  monarcliy  into  an  attractive  form  as  Octa- 

vius,  Avhom  we  may  now  call 
by  his  official  title  of  Augustus. 
We  have  been  accustomed  to 
think  of  this  man  as  merely  a 
shrewd  politician.  But  when 
we  contrast  the  distracted  con- 
dition of  Home  during  the  last 
hundred  years  with  the  peace 
and  prosperity  which  he 
brought  with  him,  -we  shall  be 
inclined  to  look  upon  him  as  a 
wise  and  successful  statesman. 
His  whole  policy  was  a  policy 
of  conciliation.  He  wished  to 
wipe  out  the  hatreds  of  the 
civil  war.  He  regarded  him- 
self as  the  chief  of  no  party, 
but  as  the  head  of  the  whole  state.  He  tried  to  reconcile 
the  conservative  and  the  progressive  men  of  his  time.  All 
the  cherished  forms  of  the  republic  he  therefore  preserved ; 
and  he  exercised  his  i)owers  under  titles  which  were  not  hate- 
ful to  the  senate  or  the  people. 

The  Titles  and  Powers  of  Augustus.  —  Soon  after  returning  to 
Kome,  Augustus  resigned  the  powers  which  he  had  hitherto 
exercised,  giving  "back  the  commonwealth  into  the  hands  of 
the  senate  and  the  people"  (b.c.  27).  The  first  official  title 
which  he  then  received  was  the  surname  Augustus,  bestowed 
by  the  senate  in  recognition  of  his  dignity  and  his  services  to 
the  state.     He  then  received  the  proconsular  power  {imperium 


'Vnv.  Empekor  AuGUvSTiJft 


THE   REIGN  OF   AUGUSTUS 


219 


proconsulare)  over  all  the  frontier  provinces,  or  those  wdiich 
required  the  presence  of  an  army.  He  had  also  conferred 
upon  himself  the  tribunician  power  (trihunicia  potestas),  by 
which  he  became  the  protector  of  the  people.  He  moreover 
was  made  pontifex  maximus,  and  received  the  title  of  Pater 
Patrice.  Although  Augustus  did  not  receive  the  permanent 
titles  of  consul  and  censor,  he  occasionally  assumed,  or  had 
temporarily  assigned  to  himself,  the  duties  of  these  offices. 
He  still  retained  the  title  of  Imperator,  which  gave  him  the 
command  of  the  array.  But  the  title  which  Augustus  chose  to 
indicate  his  real  position  was  that  of  Princeps  CivUatlSy  or  "  the 
first  citizen  of  the  state."  The  new  "prince"  thus  desired 
himself  to  be  looked  upon  as  a  magistrate  rather  than  a  mon- 
arch —  a  citizen  who  had  received  a  trust  rather  than  a  ruler 
governing  in  his  own  name. 

Augustus  and  the  Senate Augustus  showed  his  concilia- 
tory policy  in  fixing  the  position  which  the  senate  was  to 
assume  in  the  new  government.  He  did  not  adopt  fully  the 
plan  either  of  Sulla  or  of  Julius  Caesar;  but  reconciled  as  far 
as  possible  their  different  ideas.  He  restored  to  the  senate 
the  dignity  which  it  had  in  the  time  of  Sulla.  He  did  this 
by  excluding  the  provincials  and  freedmen  whom  Caesar  had 
introduced  into  it,  and  by  reducing  its  number  from  nine  hun- 
dred to  six  hundred  members.  But  still  he  did  not  confer  upon 
it  the  great  legislative  power  which  Sulla  intended  it  should 
have;  he  rather  made  it  a  kind  of  advisory  body,  according  to 
Caesar's  idea.  In  theory  the  senate  was  to  assist  the  emperor  in 
matters  of  legislation ;  but  in  fact  it  was  simply  to  approve 
the  proposals  which  he  submitted  to  it. 

The  Assemblies  of  the  People.  —  Augustus  did  not  formally 
take  away  from  the  popular  assemblies  their  legislative  power, 
but  occasionally  submitted  to  them  laws  for  their  approval. 
This  was,  however,  hardly  more  than  a  discreet  concession 
to  custom.  The  people  in  their  present  unwieldy  assemblies, 
the  emperor  did  not  regard  as  able  to  decide  upon  important 
matters   of   state.      Their   duties   were   therefore   practically 


220 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


appointed  by  himself. 


restricted  to  the  election  of  the  magistrates,  whose  names  he 
usually  presented  to  them. 

The  Republican  Magistrates.  —  In  accordance  with  his  gene- 
ral policy  Augustus  did  not  interfere  with  the  old  republican 
offices,  but  allowed  them  to  remain  as  undisturbed  as  possible. 
The  consuls,  praetors,  quaestors,  and  other  officers  continued  to 
be  elected  just  as  they  had  been  before.  But  the  emperor  did 
not  generally  use  these  magistrates  to  carry  out  the  details 
of  his  administration.     This  was  performed  by  other  officers 

The  position  of  the  old  republican 
magistrates  was  rather  one  of 
honor  than  one  of  executive  re- 
sponsibility. 

The  Army.  —  While  the  emperor 
knew  that  his  power  must  have 
some  military  support,  he  was  care- 
ful not  to  make  the  army  a  burden 
to  the  people.  He  therefore  reduced 
the  number  of  legions  from  fifty  to 
twenty-five.  As  each  legion  con- 
tained not  more  than  six  thousand 
men,  the  whole  army  did  not  exceed 
one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  sol- 
diers. These  legions  were  distrib- 
uted through  the  frontier  provinces  ; 
the  inner  provinces  and  Italy  were 
thus  not  burdened  by  the  quartering 
of  troops.  To  support  the  imperial  authority  at  hom*%  and  to 
maintain  public  order,  Augustus  organized  a  body  of  nine 
thousand  men  called  the  "  praetorian  guard,"  which  force  was 
stationed  at  different  points  outside  of  Rome. 

II.   Augustus  and  the  Roman  AVorld 

Rome,  Italy,  and  the  Provinces.  —  We  can  get  some  further 
idea  of  the  policy  of  Augustus  by  looking  at  the  way  in  which 
he  governed  the  different  parts  of  the  Roman  world.     The 


Pr^toeian  Guabds 


> 


THE   REIGN   OF  AUGUSTUS 


221 


whole  empire  may  be  regarded  as  made  up  of  three  parts  — 
Rome,  Italy,  and  the  provinces.  We  are  now  to  look  at  the 
improvements  which  he  made  in  these  three  spheres  of 
administration. 


SCALE  OF  FEET 

b    '  1000    2000     aSoo 


T 

Gardens  of 


Rome  rNDER  Acgtstus 

The  "  Regio}u"  of  Augtutus  :  I,  Porta  Capena;  II,  Cffilimontium;  III,  Isis  et  Serapis;  FV,  Templum 
Pacis;  V,  Esquilis;  VI,  Alta  Seniita:  VII,  Via  Lata;  VIII,  Foruin  Roinanuiii;  IX,  Circus  Flaniin- 
ius;  X,  Palatium;  XI,  Circus  Maxinius;  XII,  Piscina  Publica;  XIII,  Aventinus;  XIV,  Trans 
Tiberim. 

Chief  Buildingt:  1,  Arx ;  2,  Capitolium ;  3,  Forum  Romanuin ;  4,  Basilica  Julia ;  5,  Curia  (senate  house) ; 
6,  Forum  of  Julius;  7,  Forum  of  Augustus;  8,  Palace  of  the  Caesars;  9,  Forum  Boarlum;  10,  Cloaca 
Maxima;  11,  Circus  Flaminlus;  12,  Portico  of  Pompey;  13,  Theater  of  Pompey ;  14,  Sapta  Julia  (vot- 
ing booths) ;  15,  Baths  of  Agrlppa ;  Ifi,  Pantheon;  17,  Solarium  (obelisk) ;  18,  Mausoleum  of  Augustus; 
19,  Circus  Maximus ;  20,  Tomb  of  Scipio ;  21,  Temple  of  Mars. 

The  Administration  of  Rome.  —  We  have  read  enough  of  the 
distracted  condition  of  the  Roman  city  during  the  last  hundred 
years  to  see  the  need  of  some  improvement.  Augustus  met 
this  need  by  creating  certain  new  officers  to  keep  the  city  under 
better  control.  In  the  first  place,  he  established  a  city  police 
under  the  charge  of  a  chief  {proefectus  urbi),  to  preserve  order 


MOREY'S    ROM.    HIST. 


14 


220 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


restricted  to  the  election  of  the  magistrates,  whose  names  he 
usually  presented  to  them. 

The  Republican  Magistrates.  —  In  accordance  with  his  gene- 
ral policy  Augustus  did  not  interfere  with  the  old  republican 
offices,  but  allowed  them  to  remain  as  undisturbed  as  possible. 
The  consuls,  praetors,  quaestors,  and  other  officers  continued  to 
be  elected  just  as  they  had  been  before.  But  the  emperor  did 
not  generally  use  these  magistrates  to  carry  out  the  details 
of  his  administration.  This  was  performed  by  other  officers 
appointed  by  himself.     The  position  of  the  old  republican 

magistrates  was  rather  one  of 
honor  than  one  of  executive  re- 
sponsibility. 

The  Army.  —  While  the  emperor 
knew  that  his  power  must  have 
some  military  support,  he  was  care- 
ful not  to  make  the  army  a  biirden 
to  the  people.  He  therefore  reduced 
the  number  of  legions  f roui  fifty  to 
twenty-five.  As  each  legion  con- 
tained not  more  than  six  thousand 
men,  the  whole  army  did  not  exceed 
one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  sol- 
diers. These  legions  were  distrib- 
uted through  the  frontier  provinces  ; 
the  inner  provinces  and  Italy  were 
thus  not  burdened  by  the  quartering 
of  troops.  To  support  the  imperial  authority  at  homf,  and  to 
maintain  public  order,  Augustus  organized  a  Imdy  of  nine 
thousand  men  called  the  "  praetorian  guard,"  which  force  was 
stationed  at  different  points  outside  of  Rome. 

II.   Augustus  and  the  Roman  World 

Rome,  Italy,  and  the  Provinces.  —  We  can  get  some  further 
idea  of  the  policy  of  Augustus  by  looking  at  the  way  in  which 
he  governed  the  different  parts  of  the  Roman  world.     The 


Pr^torian  Guards 


THE   REIGN   OF  AUGUSTUS 


221 


whole  empire  may  be  regarded  as  made  up  of  three  parts  — 
Rome,  Italy,  and  the  provinces.  We  are  now  to  look  at  the 
improvements  which  he  made  in  these  three  spheres  of 
administration. 


ROMK   UNDER   ArOTTSTUS 

The  "Regio»u"  of  Augtuttu  :  I,  Porta  Capena;  II,  Caclimontium;  III,  Isis  et  Serapis;  IV,  Templuin 
Pacis;  V,  Esquiliae;  VT,  Alta  Seniita:  VII,  Via  Lata;  VIII,  Forum  Romauuin;  IX,  Circus  Flaniin- 
ius;  X,  Palatium;  XI,  Circus  Maxinius;  XII,  Piscina  Publica;  XHI,  Aventinus;  XIV,  Trans 
Tiberim. 

Chief  Buildings:  1,  Arx ;  2,  Capitolium ;  .%  Forum  Romanum ;  4,  Basilica  Julia ;  5,  Curia  (senate  house) ; 
6,  Forum  of  Julius;  7,  Forum  of  Augustus;  8,  Palace  of  the  Caesars;  9,  Forum  Boarinm;  10.  Cloaca 
Maxima;  11,  Circus  Flaminius;  12,  Portico  of  Pompey;  13,  Theater  of  Pompey ;  14,  Saipta  Julia  (vot- 
ing booths) ;  15,  Baths  of  Agrippa ;  1(5,  Pantheon  ;  17,  Solarium  (obelisk) ;  18,  Mausoleum  of  Augustus ; 
19,  Circus  Maximus ;  2(),  Tomb  of  Scipio ;  21,  Temple  of  Mars. 

The  Administration  of  Rome.  —  We  have  read  enough  of  the 
distracted  condition  of  the  Roman  city  during  the  last  hundred 
years  to  see  the  need  of  some  improvement.  Augustus  met 
this  need  by  creating  certain  new  officers  to  keep  the  city  under 
better  control.  In  the  first  place,  he  established  a  city  police 
under  the  charge  of  a  chief  {prcefectus  urhi),  to  preserve  order 

MOREY's    ROM.    HIST.  14 


222 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


THE  REIGN  OF  AUGUSTUS 


223 


and  prevent  the  scenes  of  violence  which  had  been  of  such 
frequent  occurrence.  In  the  next  place,  he  created  a  fire  and 
detective  department  under  the  charge  of  another  chief  {pr(E- 
fectus  viqiUm),  to  have  jurisdiction  over  all  incendiaries,  bur- 
glars, and  other  night-prowlers.      He  then  placed  the  gram 


Campania 


The  XI.  Regions. 
I.   Latiuinot     III.     Lucania  et 
Brattium 

IV.  Samnium. 

V.  Picenum. 

VI.  Umbrla. 

VII.  Etrurla. 
Vm.  .Emilia. 

IX.  Liguria. 

X.  Venetla. 
XT      Ti 


Italy  — THE 
Rboions    of 
Augustus 


supply  under  a 
regular  officer  {prc^ 
fectus  annonoi)  who  was 
to  superintend  the  trans- 
port of  grain  from  Egypt, 
and  was  held  responsible  for 
its  proper  distribution.  More- 
over, he  broke  up  the  "secret 
clubs"  which  had  been  hotbeds  of 
disorder,  and  substituted  in  their 
place  more  orderly  societies  under 
the  supervision  of  the  government.  For  administrative  pur- 
poses the  city  was  divided  into  fourteen  districts,  or  wards. 
By  these  arrangements,  life  and  property  became  more  secure, 
and  the  populace  became  more  orderly  and  law-abiding. 

The  Administration  of  Italy.  — Italy   was   now  extended   to 
the  Alps,  the  province  of  Cisalpine  Gaul  having  lately  been 


joined  to  the  peninsula.     The  whole  of  Italy  was  divided  by 
Augustus  into  eleven  "regions,"  or   administrative  districts. 
In  order  to  maintain  the  splendid  system  of  roads  which  had 
been  constructed  during  the  republican  period,  the  emperor 
appointed  a  superintendent  of  highways  {curator  viamm)  to 
keep  them  in  repair.     He  also  established  a  post  system  by 
which  the  different  parts  of  the  peninsula  could  be  kept  in 
communication  with  one  another.     He  suppressed  brigandage 
by   establishing   military   patrols  in  the   dangerous   districts. 
It  was  his  policy  to  encourage  everywhere  the  growth  of  a 
healthy  and  vigorous  municipal  life.     To  relieve  the  poverty 
of  Italy  he  continued  the  plan  of  Julius  Caesar  in  sending  out 
colonies  into  the  provinces,  where  there  were  better  opportu- 
nities to  make  a  living. 

The  Administration  of  the  Provinces.  —  During  the  reign  of 
Augustus  the  number  of  provinces  was  increased  by  taking  in 
the  outlying  territory  south  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube.     The 
new  frontier  provinces  were  Rhsetia,  Nor'icum,  Pannonia,  and 
Moesia.     The  provinces  were  not  only  increased  in  number,  but 
were  thoroughly  reorganized.    They  were  first  divided  into  two 
groups,  — the  senatorial,  or  those  which  remained  under  the 
control  of  the  senate ;  and  the  imperial,  or  those  which  passed 
under  the  control  of  the  emperor.     The  latter  were  generally  on 
the  frontiers,  and  required  the  presence  of  an  army  and  a  mili- 
tary governor.    The  governors  of  the  imperial  provinces  were 
lieutenants  (legati)  of  the  emperor.     Appointed  by  him,  and 
strictly  responsible  to  him,  they  were  no  longer  permitted  to 
prey  upon  their  subjects,  but  were  obliged  to  rule  in  the  name 
of  the  emperor,  and  for  the  welfare  of  the  people.     The  sena- 
torial provinces,  on  the  other  hand,  were  still  under  the  con- 
trol of  proconsuls  and  propraetors  appointed  by  the  senate. 
But  the  condition  of  these  provinces  was  also  greatly  improved. 
The  establishment  of  the  new  government  thus  proved  to  be  a 
great  benefit  to  the  provincials.     Their  property  became  more 
secure,  their  commerce  revived,  their  cities  became  prosperous, 
and  their  lives  were  made  more  tolerable. 


( 


222 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


and  prevent  the  scenes  of  violence  which  had  been  of  such 
frequent  occurrence.  In  the  next  place,  he  created  a  fire  and 
detective  department  under  the  charge  of  another  chief  (pr«- 
fectus  viqilum),  to  have  jurisdiction  over  all  incendiaries,  bur- 
glars, and  other  night-prowlers.      He  then  placed  the  grain 


Campania 

Apulia  ct 
Calabria 


The  XI.  Regions. 
1.   Latiumet      III.     Lucaniaet 
Bruttium 

IV.  Samnium. 

V.  Kcenum. 

VI.  Umbria, 

VII.  Etruria. 
Vm.  .aimilia. 

IX.  Liguria. 

X.  Venetia. 
XL   .  Transpadaita 


Italy  — THE 
Rkgions    of 
Augustus 

supply  under  a 
regular  officer  (prce- 
fectus  annoncH)  who  was 
to  superintend  the  trans 
port  of  grain  from  Egypt, 
and  was  held  responsible  for 
its  proper  distribution.  More- 
over, he  broke  up  the  "secret 
clubs"  which  had  been  hotbeds  of 
disorder,  and  substituted  in  their 
place  more  orderly  societies  under 
the  supervision  of  the  government.  For  administrative  pur- 
poses the  city  was  divided  into  fourteen  districts,  or  wards. 
By  these  arrangements,  life  and  property  became  more  secure, 
and  the  populace  became  more  orderly  and  law-abiding. 

The  Administration  of  Italy.  — Italy   was   now  extended   to 
the  Alps,  the  province  of  Cisalpine  Gaul  having  lately  been 


THE  REIGN  OF  AUGUSTUS 


223 


joined  to  the  peninsula.     The  whole  of  Italy  was  divided  by 
Augustus  into  eleven  "regions,"  or   administrative  districts. 
In  order  to  maintain  the  splendid  system  of  roads  which  had 
been  constructed  during  the  republican  period,  the  emperor 
appointed  a  superintendent  of  highways  (curator  viarum)  to 
keep  them  in  repair.     He  also  established  a  post  system  by 
which  the  different  parts  of  the  peninsula  could  be  kept  in 
communication  with  one  another.     He  suppressed  brigandage 
by   establishing  military   patrols  in  the   dangerous   districts. 
It  was  his  policy  to  encourage  everywhere  the  growth  of  a 
healthy  and  vigorous  municipal  life.     To  relieve  the  poverty 
of  Italy  he  continued  the  plan  of  Julius  Caesar  in  sending  out 
colonies  into  the  provinces,  where  there  were  better  opportu- 
nities to  make  a  living. 

The  Administration  of  the  Provinces.  —  During  the  reign  of 
Augustus  the  number  of  provinces  was  increased  by  taking  in 
the  outlying  territory  south  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube.     The 
new  frontier  provinces  were  Ehaetia,  Nor'icum,  Pannonia,  and 
Moesia.     The  provinces  were  not  only  increased  in  number,  but 
were  thoroughly  reorganized.    They  were  first  divided  into  two 
groups,  — the  senatorial,  or  those  which  remained  under  the 
control  of  the  senate ;  and  the  imperial,  or  those  which  passed 
under  the  control  of  the  emperor.     The  latter  were  generally  on 
the  frontiers,  and  required  the  presence  of  an  army  and  a  mili- 
tary governor.    The  governors  of  the  imperial  provinces  were 
lieutenants  {legati)  of  the  emperor.     Appointed  by  him,  and 
strictly  responsible  to  him,  they  were  no  longer  permitted  to 
prey  upon  their  subjects,  but  were  obliged  to  rule  in  the  name 
of  the  emperor,  and  for  the  welfare  of  the  people.     The  sena- 
torial provinces,  on  the  other  hand,  were  still  under  the  con- 
trol of  proconsuls  and  propraetors  appointed  by  the  senate. 
But  the  condition  of  these  provinces  was  also  greatly  improved. 
The  establishment  of  the  new  government  thus  proved  to  be  a 
great  benefit  to  the  provincials.     Their  property  became  more 
secure,  their  commerce  revived,  their  cities  became  prosperous, 
and  their  lives  were  made  more  tolerable. 


224 


THE   ROMAN   E>[I'IRE 


1! 


The  Finances  of  the  Empire.  —  With  the  division  of  the 
provinces,  the  administration  of  the  finances  was  also  divided 
between  the  senate  and  the  emperor.  The  revenues  of  the 
senatorial  provinces  went  into  the  treasury  of  the  senate,  or 
the  cerarium  ;  while  those  of  the  imperial  provinces  passed 
into  the  treasury  of  the  emperor,  or  the  Jiscus.  The  old 
wretched  systtnu  of  farming  the  revenues,  which  had  dis- 
graced the  republic  and  impoverished  the  provincials,  was 
gradually  abandoned.  The  collection  of  the  taxes  in  the  sena- 
torial as  well  as  tlie  imperial  provinces  was  placed  in  the 
charge  of  imperial  officers.  It  was  not  long  before  the  cities 
themselves  were  allowed  to  raise  by  their  own  officers  the 
taxes  due  to  the  Roman  government.  Augustus  also  laid  the 
foundation  of  a  souiul  financial  system  by  making  careful  esti- 
mates of  the  revenues  and  expenditures  of  the  state ;  and  by 
raising  and  expending  the  public  money  in  the  most  economical 
and  least  l)urdensome  manner. 

The  Frontiers  of  the  Empire.  —  By  the  wars  of  Augustus, 
the  boundaries  of  the  empire  were  extended,  generally  speak- 
ing, to  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube  on  the  north,  to  the  Atlantic 
Ocean  on  the  west,  to  the  desert  of  Africa  on  the  south,  and 
nearly  to  the  Euphrates  on  the  east.  The  only  two  great  fron- 
tier nations  which  threatened  to  disturb  the  peace  of  Rome 
were  the  Parthians  on  the  east  and  the  Germans  on  the 
north.  The  Parthians  still  retained  the  standards  lost  by 
Crassus ;  but  Augustus  by  his  skillful  diplomacy  was  able  to 
recover  them  without  a  battle.  He  abandoned,  however,  all 
design  of  conquering  that  Eastern  people.  But  his  eyes  looked 
longingly  to  the  country  of  the  Germans.  He  invaded  their 
territory;  and  after  a  temporary  success  his  general,  Varus, 
was  slain  and  three  Roman  legions  were  utterly  destroyed  by 
the  great  German  chieftain  Arminius  (a.d.  9).  The  emperor 
was  never  reconciled  to  this  severe  blow.  The  frontiers  re- 
mained for  many  years  where  they  were  fixed  by  Augustus ; 
and  he  advised  his  successors  to  govern  well  the  territory 
which  he  left  to  them  rather  than  to  increase  its  limits. 


THE  REIGN  OF  AUGUSTUS 


III.     The  Age  of  Augustus 


225 


The  Advisers  of  Augustus.  —  The  remarkable  prosperity 
that  attended  the  reign  of  Augustus  has  caused  this  age  to  be 
called  by  his  name.  The  glory  of  this  period  is  largely  due 
to  the  wise  policy  of  Augustus  himself ;  but  in  his  work  he 
was  greatly  assisted  by  two  men,  whose  names  are  closely 
linked  to  his  own.     These  men  were  Agrippa  and  Msece'nas. 

Agrippa  had  been  from  boyhood  one  of  the  most  intimate 
friends  of  Augustus,  and 
during  the  trying  times  of 
the  later  republic  had  con- 
stantly aided  him  by  his 
counsel  and  his  sword. 
The  victories  of  Augustus 
before  and  after  he  came  to 
power  were  largely  due  to 
this  able  general.  By  his 
artistic  ability  Agrippa 
also  contributed  much  to 
the  architectural  splendor 
of  Rome. 

The  man  who  shared 
with  Agrippa  the  favor 
and  confidence  of  Augus- 
tus was  Maecenas,  a  wise 
statesman  and  patron  of 
literature.  It  was  by  the  advice  of  Maecenas  that  many  of  the 
important  reforms  of  Augustus  were  adopted  and  carried  out. 
But  the  greatest  honor  is  due  to  Maecenas  for  encouraging  those 
men  whose  writings  made  this  period  one  of  the  "  golden  ages  " 
of  the  world's  literature.  It  was  chiefly  the  encouragement 
given  to  architecture  and  literature  which  made  the  reign  of 
Augustus  an  epoch  in  civilization. 

Encouragement  to  Architecture.  —  It   is  said   that   Augustus 
boasted  that  he  "  found  Rome  of  brick  and  left  it  of  marble." 


MAECENAS 


224 


THE    ROMAN   EMPIRE 


The  Finances  of  the  Empire.  —  With  the  division  of  the 
provinces,  the  administration  of  the  finances  was  also  divided 
between  the  senate  and  the  emperor.  The  revennes  of  the 
senatorial  provinces  went  into  the  treasury  of  the  senate,  or 
tlie  mrannm  ;  while  those  of  the  imperial  provinces  passed 
into  the  treasury  of  the  emperor,  or  the  Jiscas.  The  old 
wretched  system  of  farming  the  revenues,  which  had  dis- 
graced the  republi(;  and  impoverished  the  provincials,  was 
gradually  al)andoned.  The  collection  of  the  taxes  in  the  sena- 
torial as  well  as  the  imperial  provinces  was  placed  in  the 
charge  of  inipeiial  officers.  It  was  not  long  before  the  cities 
themselves  were  allowed  to  raise  by  their  own  officers  the 
taxes  due  to  the  Eoman  government.  Augustus  also  laid  the 
foundation  of  a  sound  financial  system  by  making  careful  esti- 
mates of  the  revenues  and  expenditures  of  the  state ;  and  by 
raising  and  expending  the  public  money  in  the  most  economical 
and  least  burdensome  manner. 

The  Frontiers  of  the  Empire.  —  By  the  wars  of  Augustus, 
the  boundaries  of  the  empire  were  extended,  generally  speak- 
ing, to  the  Rhine'  and  the  Danube  on  the  north,  to  the  Atlantic 
Ocean  on  the  west,  to  the  desert  of  Africa  on  the  south,  and 
nearly  to  the  Euphrates  on  the  east.  The  only  two  great  fron- 
tier nations  which  threatened  to  disturb  the  peace  of  Rome 
were  the  Parthians  on  the  east  and  the  Germans  on  the 
north.  The  Parthians  still  retained  the  standards  lost  by 
Crassus ;  but  Augustus  by  his  skillful  diplomacy  was  able  to 
recover  them  without  a  battle.  He  abandoned,  however,  all 
design  of  conquering  that  Eastern  people.  But  his  eyes  looked 
longingly  to  the  country  of  the  Germans.  He  invaded  their 
territory;  and  after  a  temporary  success  his  general.  Varus, 
was  slain  and  three  Roman  legions  were  utterly  destroyed  by 
the  great  German  chieftain  Arminius  (a.d.  9).  The  emperor 
was  never  reconciled  to  this  severe  blow.  The  frontiers  re- 
mained for  many  years  where  they  were  fixed  by  Augustus ; 
and  he  advised  his  successors  to  govern  well  the  territory 
which  he  left  to  them  rather  than  to  increase  its  limits. 


THE  REIGN  OF   AUGUSTUS 


225 


III.     The  Age  of  Augustus 

The  Advisers  of  Augustus.  —  The  remarkable  prosperity 
that  attended  the  reign  of  Augustus  has  caused  this  age  to  be 
called  by  his  name.  The  glory  of  this  period  is  largely  due 
to  the  wise  policy  of  Augustus  himself ;  but  in  his  work  he 
was  greatly  assisted  by  two  men,  whose  names  are  closely 
linked  to  his  own.     These  men  were  Agrippa  and  ^Mccce'nas. 

Agrippa  had  been  from  boyhood  one  of  the  most  intimate 
friends  of  Augustus,  and 
during  the  trying  times  of 
the  later  republic  had  con- 
stantly aided  him  by  his 
counsel  and  his  sword. 
The  victories  of  Augustus 
before  and  after  he  came  to 
power  were  largely  due  to 
this  able  general.  l>y  his 
artistic  ability  Agrippa 
also  contributed  much  to 
the  architectural  splendor 
of  Rome. 

The  man  Avho  shared 
with  Agrippa  the  favor 
and  confidence  of  Augus- 
tus was  Maecenas,  a  wise 
statesman  and  patron  of 
literature.  It  was  by  the  advice  of  Maecenas  that  many  of  the 
important  reforms  of  Augustus  were  adopted  and  carried  out. 
But  the  greatest  honor  is  due  to  M^cenas  for  encouraging  those 
men  whose  writings  made  this  period  one  of  the  " golden  ages" 
of  the  world's  literature.  It  was  chiefly  the  encouragement 
given  to  architecture  and  literature  which  made  the  reign  of 
Augustus  an  epoch  in  civilization. 

Encouragement  to  Architecture.  —  It   is  said   that   Augustus 
boasted  that  he  "  found  Rome  of  brick  and  left  it  of  marble." 


MiEOENAS 


226 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


He  restored  many  of  the  temples  and  other  buildings  which 
had  either  fallen  into  decay  or  been  destroyed  during  the  riots 
of  the  civil  war.  On  the  Palatine  hill  he  began  the  construction 
of  the  great  imperial  palace,  which  became  the  magnificent 
home  of  the  Caesars.  He  built  a  new  temple  of  Vesta,  where 
the  sacred  fire  of  the  city  was  kept  burning.  He  erected  a 
new  temple  to  Apollo,  to  which  was  attached  a  library  of 
Greek  and  Latin  authors ;  also  temples  to  Jupiter  Tonans  and 
to  the   Divine   Julius.      One  of  the  noblest  and  most  useful 


TiiK  Pantheon  (liestoratiou) 

of  the  public  works  of  the  emperor  was  the  new  Forum  of 
Augustus,  near  the  old  Roman  Forum  and  the  Forum  of 
Julius.  In  this  new  Forum  was  erected  the  temple  of  Mars 
the  Avenger  (3/ars  Ultor),  which  Augustus  built  to  commemo- 
rate the  war  by  which  he  had  avenged  the  death  of  Caesar. 
We  must  not  forget  to  notice  the  massive  Pantheon,  the  temple 
of  all  the  gods,  which  is  to-day  the  best  preserved  monument 
of  the  Augustan  period.  This  was  built  by  Agrippa,  in  the 
early  })art  of  Augustus's  reign  (b.c.  27),  but  was  altered  to 
the  form  shown  al)()ve  by  the  emperor  Ha'drian  (p.  267). 
Patronage  of  Literature.  —  But  more  splendid  and  enduring 


'I 
I 


THE   REIGN  OF   AUGUSTUS 


227 


than  these  temples  of  marble  were  the  works  of  literature 
which  this  age  produced.     At  this  time  was  written  Vergil  s 
«^neid,"  which  is  one  of  the  greatest  epic  poems  of  the  world. 
It  was  tlien  that  the  "Odes"  of  Horace  were  composed,  the 
grace  and  rhythm  of  which  are  unsurpassed.     Then,  too,  were 
written  the  elegies  of  Tibul'lus,  Proper 'tins,  and  Ov'id.    Cxreat- 
est   among  the  prose  writers  of   this  time  was  Livy,  whose 
"  pictured  pages  "  tell  of  the  miraculous  origin  of  Rome,  and 
her  great  achievements  in  war  and  in  peace.     During  this  time 
also  flourished  certain  Greek  writers  whose  works  are  famous. 
Dionys'ius  of  Halicarnas'sus  wrote  a  book  on  the  antiquities 
of  Rome,  and  tried  to  reconcile  his  countrymen  to  the  Roman 
sway.     Strabo,  the  geographer,  described  the  subject  lands  of 
Rome  in  the  Augustan  age.    The  whole  literature  of  this  period 
was  inspired  with  a  growing  spirit  of  patriotism,  and  an  appre- 
ciation of  Rome  as  the  great  ruler  of  the  world. 

Religious  and  Social  Reforms.  —  With  his  encouragement  of 
art  and  literature  Augustus  also  tried  to  improve  the  religious 
and  moral  condition  of  the 
people.  The  old  religion  was 
falling  into  decay.  With  the 
restoration  of  the  old  temples, 
he  hoped  to  bring  the  people 
back  to  the  worship  of  the 
ancient  gods.     The  worship 

of  Juno,  which  had  been  neg-  JWJ^  ^  ^\-% 

lected,  was  restored,  and 
assigned  to  the  care  of  his 
wife,  Livia,  as  the  representa 
tive  of  the  matrons  of  Rome. 
Augustus  tried  to  purify  the 
Roman  religion  by  discour- 
aging the  introduction  of  y  a 
the  foreign  deities  whose  worship  was  corrupt.  He  believed 
that  even  a  great  Roman  had  better  be  worshiped  than  the 
degenerate  gods  and  goddesses  of  Syria  and  Egypt;  and  so  the 


Livia,  Wife  of  ArGUSTUS 


226 


THE  ROMAN   EMPIRE 


He  restored  many  of  the  temples  and  other  buildings  which 
had  either  fallen  into  decay  or  been  destroyed  during  the  riots 
of  the  civil  war.  On  the  Palatine  hill  he  began  the  construction 
of  the  great  imperial  palace,  which  became  the  magnificent 
home  of  the  Caesars.  He  built  a  new  temple  of  Vesta,  where 
the  sacred  fire  of  the  city  was  kept  burning.  He  erected  a 
new  temple  to  Apollo,  to  which  was  attached  a  library  of 
Greek  and  Latin  authors ;  also  temples  to  Jupiter  Tonans  and 
to   the   Divine   Julius.      One  of  the  noblest  and  most  useful 


'J  fS 


The  Pantheon  Uiesturution) 


of  the  public  works  of  the  emperor  was  the  new  Forum  of 
Augustus,  near  the  old  Iloman  Forum  and  the  Forum  of 
Julius.  In  this  new  Forum  was  erected  the  temple  of  Mars 
the  Avenger  (.yfars  Ultor),  which  Augustus  built  to  commemo- 
rate the  war  by  which  he  had  avenged  the  death  of  Caesar. 
We  must  not  forget  to  notice  the  massive  Pantheon,  the  temple 
of  all  the  gods,  which  is  to-day  the  best  preserved  monument 
of  the  Augustan  period.  Tliis  was  built  by  Agrippa,  in  the 
early  part  of  Augustus's  reign  (b.o.  27),  but  was  altered  to 
the  form  shown  above  by  the  emperor  Ha'drian  (p.  267). 

Patronage  of  Literature.  —  But  more  splendid  and  enduring 


THE   REIGN   OF   AUGUSTUS 


227 


than  these  temples  of  marble  were  the  works  of  literature 
which  this  age  produced.     At  this  time  was  written  Vergil  s 
"^neid  "  which  is  one  of  the  greatest  epic  poems  of  the  world. 
It  was  then  that  the  '^Odes"  of  Horace  were  composed,  the 
grace  and  rhythm  of  which  are  unsurpassed.     Then,  too,  were 
written  the  elegies  of  Tibul'lus,  Proper'tius,  and  Ov'id.    Great, 
est   among  the  prose  writers  of    this  time  was  Livy,  whose 
"  pictured  pages  "  tell  of  the  miraculous  origin  of  Rome,  and 
her  great  achievements  in  war  and  in  peace.     During  this  time 
also  flourished  certain  Greek  writers  whose  works  are  famous. 
Dionys'ius  of  Halicarnas'sus  wrote  a  book  on  the  antiquities 
of  Rome,  and  tried  to  reconcile  his  countrymen  to  the  Roman 
sway.     Strabo,  the  geographer,  described  the  subject  lands  ot 
Rome  in  the  Augustan  age.    The  whole  literature  of  this  period 
was  inspired  with  a  growing  spirit  of  patriotism,  and  an  appre- 
ciation of  Rome  as  the  great  ruler  of  the  world. 

Religious  and  Social  Reforms.  —  With  his  encouragement  of 

art  and  literature  Augustus  also  tried  to  improve  the  religious 

and  moral  condition  of  the 

people.    The  old  religion  was 

falling  into  decay.    With  the 

restoration  of  the  old  temples, 

he  hoped  to  bring  the  people 

back  to  the  worship  of  the 

ancient  gods.     The  worship 

of  Juno,  which  had  been  neg-  yMjf'  K  TVt^^ 

lected,    was    restored,    and 

assigned  to  the  care  of  his 

wife,  Livia,  as  the  representa 

tive  of  the  matrons  of  Rome. 

Augustus  tried  to  purify  the 

Roman  religion  by  discour- 
aging   the    introduction    of  v       a 

the  foreign  deities  whose  worship  was  corrupt.     He  believed 

that  even  a  great  Roman  had  better  be  worshiped  than  the 
degenerate  gods  and  goddesses  of  Syria  and  Egypt;  and  so  the 


Livia,  Wife  of  Augustits 


228 


THE    TlOxMAN    EMIMRE 


THE   REIGN    OF   AUGUSTUS 


229 


Divine  Julius  was  added  to  the  number  of  the  Roman  gods. 
He  did  not  favor  the  Jewish  religion;  and  Christianity  had 
not  yet  been  preached  at  Rome. 

With  the  attempt  to  restore  the  old  Roman  religion,  he  also 
wished  to  revive  the  old  morality  and  simple  life  of  the  past. 
He  himself  disdained  luxurious  living  and  foreign  fashions.  He 
tried  to  improve  the  lax  customs  which  prevailed  in  respect  to 


Tomb  of  xVugustuh  (.Restoration) 

marriage  and  divorce,  and  to  restrain  the  vices  which  were  de- 
stroying the  population  of  Rome.  But  it  is  difficult  to  say 
whether  tliese  laudable  attempts  of  Augustus  produced  any 
real  results  \ipon  either  the  religious  or  the  moral  life  of  the 
Roman  people. 

Death  and  Character  of  Augustus.  —  Augustus  lived  to  the 
age  of  seventy-live;  and  his  reign  covered  a  period  of  forty- 
five  years.  During  this  time  he  had  been  performing  'Hhe 
difficult  part  of  ruling  without  ai)pearing  to  rule,  of  being  at 
once  the  autocrat  of  the  civilized  world  and  the  first  citizen 


I 


of  a  free  commonwealth."  His  last  words  are  said  to  have 
been,  "  Have  I  not  played  my  part  well  ?  "  But  it  is  not  nec- 
essary for  us  to  suppose  that  Augustus  was  a  mere  actor. 
The  part  which  he  had  to  perform  in  restoring  peace  to  the 
world  w^as  a  great  and  difficult  task.  In  the  midst  of  conflict- 
ing views  which  had  distracted  the  republic  for  a  century,  he 
was  called  upon  to  perform  a  work  of  reconciliation.  And  it 
is  doubtful  whether  any  political  leader  ever  performed  such 
a  work  with  greater  success.  When  he  became  the  supreme 
ruler  of  Rome  he  was  fully  equal  to  the  place,  and  brought 
order  out  of  confusion.  He  was  content  with  the  substance 
of  power  and  indifferent  to  its  form.  Not  so  great  as  Julius 
Caesar,  he  was  yet  more  successful.  He  was  one  of  the 
greatest  examples  of  what  we  may  call  the  ^'conservative 
reformer,"  a  man  who  accomplishes  the  work  of  regeneration 
without  destroying  existing  institutions. 

SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Capes,  Early  Empire,  Ch.  1,  "Augustus"  (7).i 

Pelhani,  Bk.  V.,  Ch.  3,  "  Foundation  of  the  Principate  "  (1). 

Bury,  Roman  Empire,  Ch.  2,  "The  Principate"  (7). 

Taylor,  Ch.  18,  "  The  Princeps  and  the  Government  "  (1).  % 

Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Ch.  52,  "  Provinces  under  Augustus  "  (1). 

Freeman,  Hist.  Geog.,  Ch.  3,  "  Formation  of  tlie  Roman  Empire  "  (14). 

Dyer,  Sect.  3,  "  Rome  under  Augustus  "  (9). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

The  Writers  of  the  Augustan  A*;e. — Bury,  Roman  Empire,  Ch. 
11  (7)  ;  Mackail,  pp.  91-170  (17)  ;  Cruttwell,  Part  XL  (17).  See  also 
Appendix  (17)  "  Literature." 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Api)endix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


228 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIKE 


Divine  Julius  was  added  to  the  number  of  the  Roman  gods. 
He  did  not  favor  the  Jewish  religion;  and  Christianity  had 
not  yet  been  preached  at  Home. 

With  the  attempt  to  restore  the  old  Roman  religion,  he  also 
wished  to  revive  the  old  morality  and  simple  life  of  the  past. 
He  himself  disdained  luxurious  living  and  foreign  fashions.  He 
tried  to  improve  the  lax  customs  which  prevailed  in  respect  to 


Tomb  of  AroirsTus  (Ilestoratitm) 

marriage  and  divorce,  and  to  restrain  the  vices  which  were  de- 
stroying the  population  of  Rome.  But  it  is  difficult  to  say 
whether  these  laudable  attempts  of  Augustus  produced  any 
real  results  upon  either  the  religious  or  the  moral  life  of  the 
Roman  people. 

Death  and  Character  of  Augustus.  —  Augustus  lived  to  the 
age  of  seventy-five;  and  his  reign  covered  a  period  of  forty- 
five  years.  During  this  time  he  had  been  performing  "the 
difficult  part  of  ruling  without  appearing  to  rule,  of  being  at 
once  the  autocrat  of  the  civilized  world  and  the  first  citizen 


THE   REIGN   OF  AUGUSTUS 


229 


of  a  free  commonwealth."  His  last  words  are  said  to  have 
been,  "  Have  I  not  played  my  part  well  ?"  But  it  is  not  nec- 
essary for  us  to  suppose  that  Augustus  was  a  mere  actor. 
The  part  which  he  had  to  perform  in  restoring  peace  to  the 
world  was  a  great  and  difficult  task.  In  the  midst  of  conflict- 
ing views  which  had  distracted  the  republic  for  a  century,  he 
was  called  upon  to  perform  a  work  of  reconciliation.  And  it 
is  doubtful  whetlier  any  political  leader  ever  performed  such 
a  work  with  greater  success.  When  he  became  the  supreme 
ruler  of  Rome  he  was  fully  equal  to  the  i)lace,  and  brought 
order  out  of  confusion.  He  was  content  with  the  substance 
of  power  and  indifferent  to  its  form.  Kot  so  great  as  Julius 
Ceesar,  he  was  yet  more  successful.  He  was  one  of  the 
greatest  examples  of  what  we  may  call  the  "conservative 
reformer,"  a  man  who  accomplishes  the  work  of  regeneration 
without  destroying  existing  institutions. 

SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Capes,  Early  Empire,  Ch.  1,  "Augustus"  (7).i 

Pelham,  Bk.  V.,  Ch.  3,  "  Foundation  of  the  Principate  "  (1). 

Bury,  Roman  Empire,  Ch.  2,  "The  Principate"  (7). 

Taylor,  Ch.  18,  "  The  Princeps  and  the  Government "  (1). 

Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Ch.  52,  "  Provinces  under  Augustus  "  (1). 

Freeman,  Hist.  Geog.,  Ch.  3,  "  Formation  of  the  Roman  Empire  "  (U). 

Dyer,  Sect.  3,  "  Rome  under  Augustus  "  (9). 


SPECIAL  STUDY 

The  WRrrERs  of  the  Augustan  Age. — Bury,  Roman  Empire,  Ch. 
11  (7)  ;  Mackail,  pp.  01-170  (17)  ;  Cruttwell,  Part  II.  (17).  See  also 
Appendix  (17)  "Literature." 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


r»KOCi^TiESSIVK   IMiVr*    N-o.  G. 


230 


CHAPTER   XXIV 

THE  JULIAN  EMPERORS  — TIBERIUS  TO  NERO 

I.     The  Reign  of  Tiberius  (a.d.  14-37) 

The  Character  of  Tiberius.  —  The  system  established  by  Augus- 
tus was  put  to  a  severe  test  by  the  character  of  the  men  who 
immediately  followed  him.     The  emperors  who  made  up  the 
Julian  line  were  often  tyrannical,  vicious,  and  a  disgrace  to 
Rome.     That  the  empire  was  able  to  survive  at  all  is,  perhaps, 
another  proof  of  the  thoroughness  of  the  work  done  by  the 
first  emperor.-    Of   the  four  Julian  emperors  who  succeeded 
Augustus,  Tiberius    was 
perhaps  the  ablest.     He 
had   already   shown    his 
ability  as  a  general ;  and 
having  been  adopted  by 
Augustus  and  associated 
with  him  in  the  govern- 
ment, he  was  prepared  to 
carry  out  the   policy  al- 
ready laid  down.     But  in 
his  personal  character  he 
presented   a  strong  con- 
trast to  his  predecessor. 
Instead  of  being  generous 
and  conciliatory,  he  was 
cruel   and  tyrannical  to 
those  with  whom  he  was 
brought  into  personal  re- 
lations.    But  we  must  distinguish  between  the  way  in  which 
he  treated  his  enemies  and  the  way  in  which  he  ruled  the  em- 
pire.    He  had  a  certain  sense  of  duty,  and  tried  to  maintain 
the  authority  which  devolved  upon  him.      If  he  could  not  ac- 

231 


Tiberius 


PROOIilCSSIVIC   IM^r    N^o.  o. 


If 


I 


230 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

THE  JULIAN  EMPERORS  — TIBERIUS  TO  NERO 

I.     The  Reign  of  Tiberius  (a.d.  14-37) 

The  Character  of  Tiberius.  —The  system  established  by  Augus- 
tus was  put  to  a  severe  test  by  the  character  of  the  men  who 
immediately  followed  hiin.     The  emperors  who  made  up  the 
Julian  line  were  often  tyrannical,  vicious,  and  a  disgrace  to 
Rome.     That  the  empire  was  able  to  survive  at  all  is,  perhaps, 
another  proof  of  the  thoroughness  of  the  work  done  by  the 
first  emperor.-    Of   the  four  Julian  emperors  who  succeeded 
Augustus,  Tiberius    was 
perhaps  the  ablest.     He 
had   already   shown    his 
ability  as  a  general ;  and 
having  been  adopted  by 
Augustus  and  associated 
with  him  in  the  govern- 
ment, he  was  prepared  to 
carry  out  the   policy  al- 
ready laid  down.     But  in 
his  personal  character  he 
presented  a  strong  con- 
trast to  his  predecessor. 
Instead  of  being  generous 
and  conciliatory,  he  was 
cruel   and  tyrannical  to 
those  with  whom  he  was 
brought  into  personal  re- 
Lations.     But  we  must  distinguish  between  the  way  in  which 
he  treated  his  enemies  and  the  way  in  which  he  ruled  the  em- 
pire.    He  had  a  certain  sense  of  duty,  and  tried  to  maintain 
the  authority  which  devolved  upon  him.      If  he  could  not  ac- 

231 


Tiberius 


232 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


complish  this  by  the  winning  ways  of  Augustus,  he  could  do  it 
by  more  severe  methods. 

Campaigns  of  Gennanicus. — The  first  duty  which  fell  to 
Tiberius  was  to  gain  the  support  of  the  army.  The  legions 
on  the  Khine  and  the  Danube  were  at  first  not  disposed  to 
accept  his  authority.  Those  on  the  Danube  were  soon  sub- 
dued by  Drusus,  the  son  of  Tiberius,  who  took  advantage  of 
an  eclipse  of  the  moon  to  appeal  to  the  superstitious  dread  of 
the  soldiers.  The  legions  on  the  Rhine  were  more  deter- 
mined, and  desired  to  place  their  favorite  general,  German'icus 
(a  nephew  of  Tiberius),  on  tlie  throne  in  place  of  Tiberius. 
But  Germanicus,  loyal  to  his  chief,  resisted  this  first  attempt 
of  the  army  to  enthrone  an  emperor.  To  turn  their  minds 
from  thoughts  of  treason,  he  planned  the  invasion  and  con- 
quest of  Germany.  Three  successful  campaigns  were  made 
across  the  Khine.  A  portion  of  the  German  territory  was 
occupied,  and  the  lost  standards  of  Varus  were  recovered. 
These  campaigns  in  Germany  were  cut  short  by  Tiberius, 
who  recalled  Germanicus  from  the  Rhine,  and  sent  him  to  the 
East  to  oppose  the  Partliians.  Whether  this  act  was  inspired 
by  envy  or  by  wisdom  on  the  part  of  Tiberius,  we  cannot 
say.  After  a  brief  and  unsuccessful  career  in  the  East,  Ger- 
manicus died,  whether  as  the  result  of  natural  causes  or  as  the 
result  of  foul  play,  we  are  also  at  a  loss  to  determine. 

Despotic  Measures  of  Tiberius.  —  While  Tiberius  pursued  in 
many  respects  the  policy  of  Augustus,  he  adoi)ted  certain  meas- 
ures which  showed  that  he  had  little  sympathy  with  the 
"disguises  of  monarchy."  In  the  first  place,  he  extinguished 
the  political  rights  of  the  people  by  taking  away  from  the 
assemblies  what  little  legislative  power  had  been  left  to  them ; 
and  also  by  transferring  to  the  senate  the  election  of  the  regu- 
lar magistrates.  The  popular  assemblies  were  thus  reduced 
to  a  mere  shadow. 

In  the  next  place,  he  gave  a  new  meaning  to  the  law  of  trea- 
son (lex  maiesta'tis).  This  law  had  hitherto  referred  only  to 
actual  crimes  against  the  state.     Now  it  was  made  to  include 


THE  JULIAN   EMPERORS  — TIBERIUS  TO   NERO 


233 


1 


any  words  or  conduct,  looks  or  gestures,  which  could  be  inter- 
preted as  hostile  to  the  emperor.  This  is  what  we  call  "  con- 
structive treason "  ;  and  at  Rome,  as  in  any  other  country 
where  it  has  been  tolerated,  it  became  an  instrument  of  des- 
potism. Again,  in  order  to  punish  his  enemies,  Tiberius 
encouraged  the  practice  of  "delation";  that  is,  he  offered 
rewards  to  all  persons  who  would  give  information  regarding 


The  Bay  of  Naples 


offenders.  There  thus  sprang  up  at  Rome  a  class  of  informers 
{delatores),  who  acted  as  professional  spies,  or  inquisitors,  to 
detect  the  enemies  of  the  emperor. 

Finally,  we  may  mention  another  change  made  by  Tiberius. 
This  was  the  bringing  together  of  the  praetorian  cohorts  into 
one  camp  near  Rome,  to  protect  the  person  of  the  emperor 
and  thus  to  secure  more  strongly  his  power. 

The  Influence  of  Sejanus. — The  removal  of  the  praetorian 
camp  to  Rome  was  done  at  the  suggestion  of  Seja'nus,  a  wily 


232 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


I 


complisli  tliis  by  the  winning  ways  of  Augustus,  he  could  do  it 
by  more  severe  methods. 

Campaigns  of  Germanicus. — The  first  duty  which  fell  to 
Tiberius  was  to  gain  the  support  of  the  army.  The  legions 
on  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube  were  at  first  not  disposed  to 
accept  his  authority.  Those  on  the  Danube  were  soon  sub- 
dued by  Drusus,  the  son  of  Tiberius,  who  took  advantage  of 
an  eclipse  of  the  moon  to  appeal  to  the  superstitious  dread  of 
the  soldiers.  The  legions  on  the  Rhine  were  more  deter- 
mined, and  desired  to  place  their  favorite  general,  German'icus 
(a  nephew  of  Tiberius),  on  the  throne  in  place  of  Tiberius. 
But  Germanicus,  loyal  to  his  chief,  resisted  this  first  attempt 
of  the  army  to  enthrone  an  emperor.  To  turn  their  nnnds 
from  thoughts  of  treason,  he  planned  the  invasion  and  con- 
quest of  Germany.  Three  successful  campaigns  were  made 
across  the  Rhine.  A  portion  of  the  German  territory  was 
occupied,  and  the  lost  standards  of  Varus  were  recovered. 
These  campaigns  in  Germany  were  cut  short  by  Tiberius, 
who  recalled  Germanicus  from  the  Rhine,  and  sent  him  to  the 
East  to  oppose  the  Parthians.  Whether  this  act  was  inspired 
by  envy  or  by  wisdom  on  the  part  of  Tiberius,  we  cannot 
say.  After  a  brief  and  unsuccessful  career  in  the  East,  Ger- 
manicus died,  whether  as  the  result  of  natural  causes  or  as  the 
result  of  foul  play,  we  are  also  at  a  loss  to  determine. 

Despotic  Measures  of  Tiberius.  —  While  Tiberius  pursued  in 
many  respects  the  policy  of  Augustus,  he  adopted  certain  meas- 
ures which  showed  that  he  had  little  sympathy  with  the 
"disguises  of  monarchy."  In  the  first  place,  he  extinguished 
the  political  rights  of  the  people  by  taking  away  from  the 
assemblies  what  little  legislative  power  had  been  left  to  them  ; 
and  also  by  transferring  to  the  senate  the  election  of  the  regu- 
lar magistrates.  The  popular  assemblies  were  thus  reduced 
to  a  mere  shadow. 

In  the  next  place,  he  gave  a  new  meaning  to  the  law  of  trea- 
son (lex  maiesta'tis).  This  law  had  hitherto  referred  only  to 
actual  crimes  against  the  state.     Now  it  was  made  to  include 


THE  JULIAN   EMPERORS  — TIBERIUS   TO   NERO        233 

any  words  or  conduct,  looks  or  gestures,  which  could  be  inter- 
preted as  hostile  to  the  emperor.  This  is  what  we  call ''  con- 
structive treason "  ;  and  at  Rome,  as  in  any  other  country 
where  it  has  been  tolerated,  it  became  an  instrument  of  des- 
potism. Again,  in  order  to  punish  his  enemies,  Tiberius 
encouraged  the  practice  of  "delation";  that  is,  he  ottered 
rewards  to  all  persons  who  would  give  information  regarding 


Caudium 


The  Bav  of  Naples 

offenders.  There  thus  sprang  up  at  Rome  a  class  of  informers 
(delatores)y  who  acted  as  professional  spies,  or  inquisitors,  to 
detect  the  enemies  of  the  emperor. 

Finally,  we  may  mention  another  change  made  by  Tiberius. 
This  was  the  bringing  together  of  the  prjetorian  cohorts  into 
one  camp  near  Rome,  to  protect  the  person  of  the  emperor 
and  thus  to  secure  more  strongly  his  power. 

The  Influence  of  Sejanus.— The  removal  of  the  praetorian 
camp  to  Rome  was  done  at  the  suggestion  of  Seja'nus,  a  wily 


234 


THE   KOMAN   EMPIRE 


and  unscrupulous  officer,  who  had  obtained  command  of 
these  cohorts.  As  Tiberius  was  suspicious  of  every  one  else, 
lie  selected  Sejanus  as  his  trusted  adviser.  Sejanus  was  to 
Tiberius  what  Agrippa  or  Maecenas  had  been  to  Augustus. 
I^ut  unlike  those  imperial  friends,  Sejanus  was  desirous  of 
power  and  was  treacherous  to  his  master.     To  secure  his  posi- 


MoDKRN    NaI'LKS 

tion,  Sejanus  caused  the  murder  of  Drusus,  the  son  of  Tiberius. 
He  even  induced  the  emperor  himself  to  retire  from  Il'mie  to  the 
island  of  Cap'reai  in  the  Bay  of  Naples,  and  to  leave  him  in  con- 
trol of  the  government.  The  schemes  and  crimes  of  Sejanus 
formed  a  large  part  of  this  despotic  reign.  When  his  treason 
was  discovered  by  Til)erius,  he  was  deposed  from  his  ])lace 
and  strangled  in  prison.  The  fall  of  Sejanus  was  followed 
by  the  prosecution  of  his  fellow-conspirators,  or  those  who 
were  suspected  of   plotting   against  the   emperor.     Although 


THE  JULIAN  EMPERORS  —  TIBERIUS  TO  NERO        235 

these  prosecutions  were  made  under  the  forms  of  law,  the  law 
was  the  lex  maiestatis  ;  and  the  methods  of  its  execution  pro- 
duced a  reign  of  terror  at  Rome. 

Prosperity  of  the  Provinces.  —  The  cruel  tyranny  of  Tiberius 
was  restricted  mainly  to  the  city  of  Rome,  and  to  those  persons 
whom  he  suspected  as  his  personal  enemies.  The  provinces 
were  relieved  from  this  suspicion,  and  hence  they  continued  to 
be  prosperous  as  they  had  been  under  Augustus.  Indeed, 
Tiberius  seemed  to  be  especially  anxious  regarding  their  wel- 
fare. Like  Augustus  he  tried  to  protect  them  from  unjust 
government  and  oppressive  taxation.  His  favorite  maxim  is 
said  to  have  been,  "  A  good  shepherd  should  shear  his  flock, 
and  not  flay  them."  While  he  prosecuted  his  own  enemies,  he 
also  brought  to  justice  the  provincial  governors  who  were  guilty 
of  extortion.  It  is  said  that  while  he  was  hated  at  Rome,  he 
was  loved  in  the  provinces.  When  many  cities  of  Asia  were 
destroyed  by  an  earthquake,  he  sent  to  them  relief  in  the  form 
of  money  and  remitted  their  taxes  for  five  years.  When  he 
died,  his  faults  were  exaggerated  by  the  Roman  historians,  and 
his  virtues  were  extolled  by  the  provincials. 


II.   The  Reign  of  Caligula  (a.d.  37-41) 

The  Early  Promise  of  Caligula.  —  Tiberius  had  made  no  pro- 
vision for  a  successor.  Hence  the  choice  lay  entirely  with  the 
senate,  which  selected  a  favorite  of  the  army.  This  was  Gains 
Csesar,  the  son  of  the  famous  general,  Germanicus.  He  was 
familiarly  called  by  the  soldiers  "  Calig'ula,"  ^  by  which  name 
he  is  generally  known.  He  was  joyfully  welcomed  by  the 
people,  and  gave  promise  of  a  successful  reign.  He  declared 
his  intention  of  devoting  himself  to  the  public  welfare.      But 


1  Caligula  is  the  diminutive  of  caliga,  the  name 
given  to  a  soldier's  boot,  such  as  is  shown  in  the 
appended  illustration.  Hence  Caligula  might  be 
translated  "  Little  Boots." 


Soldibk's  Boot 


1 


284 


THE   nOMAN   EMPIRE 


and  unscrupulous  officer,  who  liacl  obtained  command  of 
these  cohorts.  As  Tiberius  was  suspicious  of  every  one  else, 
he  selected  Sejanus  as  his  trusted  adviser.  Sejanus  was  to 
Tiberius  what  Agrippa  or  Maecenas  had  been  to  Augustus. 
P»ut  unlike  those  imperial  friends,  Sejanus  was  desirous  of 
power  and  was  treacherous  to  his  master.     To  secure  his  posi- 


Mol>KKN    NaI'LKS 


tion,  Sejanus  caused  the  murder  of  Drusus,  the  son  of  Tiberius. 
He  even  induced  the  emperor  himself  to  retire  from  Home  to  the 
island  of  Cap'reae  in  the  r>av  of  Naples,  and  to  leave  him  in  con- 
trol of  the  gOYemment.  Tlie  schemes  and  crimes  of  Sejanus 
formed  a  large  part  of  this  despotic  reii^n.  AVhcn  his  treason 
was  discovered  by  Til>erius,  he  was  de^^osed  from  his  \Aiice 
and  strangled  in  ]>rison.  The  fall  of  Sejanus  was  followed 
by  the  prosecution  of  his  fellow-conspirators,  or  those  who 
were  suspected  of   plotting   against  the   emperor.     Although 


THE  JULIAN   EMPERORS  — TIBERIUS  TO   NERO        235 

these  prosecutions  were  made  under  the  forms  of  law,  the  law 
was  the  lex  maiestatis  ;  and  the  methods  of  its  execution  pro- 
duced a  reign  of  terror  at  Rome. 

Prosperity  of  the  Provinces.  —  The  cruel  tyranny  of  Tiberius 
was  restricted  mainly  to  the  city  of  Eome,  and  to  those  persons 
whom  he  suspected  as  his  personal  enemies.  The  provinces 
were  relieved  from  this  suspicion,  and  hence  they  continued  to 
be  prosperous  as  they  had  been  under  Augustus.  Indeed, 
Tiberius  seemed  to  be  especially  anxious  regarding  their  wel- 
fare. Like  Augustus  he  tried  to  protect  them  from  unjust 
government  and  oppressive  taxation.  His  favorite  maxim  is 
said  to  have  been,  ''  A  good  shepherd  should  shear  his  flock, 
and  not  flay  them."  While  he  prosecuted  liis  own  enemies,  he 
also  brought  to  justice  the  provincial  governors  who  were  guilty 
of  extortion.  It  is  said  that  while  he  was  hated  at  Rome,  he 
was  loved  in  the  provinces.  When  many  cities  of  Asia  were 
destroyed  by  an  earthquake,  he  sent  to  them  relief  in  the  form 
of  money  and  remitted  their  taxes  for  five  years.  When  he 
died,  his  faults  were  exaggerated  by  the  Roman  historians,  and 
his  virtues  were  extolled  by  the  provincials. 

II.   The  Reign  of  Caligula  (a.d.  37-41) 

The  Early  Promise  of  Caligula.  —  Tiberius  had  made  no  pro- 
vision for  a  successor.  Hence  the  choice  lay  entirely  with  the 
senate,  which  selected  a  favorite  of  the  army.  This  was  Gains 
Csesar,  the  son  of  the  famous  general,  Germanicus.  He  was 
familiarly  called  by  the  soldiers  "  dalig'ula,"  ^  by  which  name 
he  is  generally  known.  He  was  joyfully  welcomed  by  the 
people,  and  gave  promise  of  a  successful  reign.  He  declared 
his  intention  of  devoting  himself  to  the  public  welfare.      But 


1  CaUf/ula  is  the  diminutive  of  caliga,  the  name 
given  to  a  soldier's  boot,  such  as  is  shown  in  the 
appended  illustration.  Hence  Caligula  might  be 
translated  "  Little  Boots." 


Soldieb's  Boot 


236 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


the  high  hopes  which  he  raised  at  his  accession  were  soon  dashed 
to  the  ground,  when  it  was  discovered  that  the  empire  was  in 

the  hands  of  a  man  who  had 
lost  his  reason.  The  brief 
career  of  Caligula  may  be 
of  interest  as  showing  the 
vagaries  of  a  diseased  and 
unbalanced  mind ;  but  they 
have  no  special  political 
importance,  except  as  prov- 
ing that  the  empire  could 
survive  even  with  a  mad 
prince  on  the  throne. 

His  Insanity  and  Extrava- 
gances. —  Caligula  was  sub- 
ject in  childhood  to  epilep- 
tic fits,  and  his  mind  was 
evidently  diseased.  When 
he  was  placed  in  the  high 
position  of  emperor  his  brain 
was  turned  and  he  revealed  all  the  grotesque  symptoms  of  in- 
sanity. He  believed  himself  a  god.  He  wasted  the  money  of 
the  treasury  in  senseless  projects.  He  built  a  bridge  from  the 
Palatine  hill,  where  he  resided,  to  the  Capitoline,  that  he  might 
be  "  next  door  neighbor  to  Jupiter."  To  lead  his  army  over  the 
sea  he  constructed  a  bridge  three  miles  long  over  the  Gulf  of 
Bai'se,  a  part  of  the  Bay  of  Naples,  and  conducted  his  soldiers 
over  it  in  a  triumphal  procession.  He  professed  to  lead  an 
expedition  against  Britain ;  and  when  he  had  collected  his  sol- 
diers on  the  seashore  as  if  for  embarkation,  he  suddenly  issued 
an  order  to  them  to  gather  the  shells  from  the  beach  and  carry 
them  to  Rome  as  "  the  spoils  of  the  ocean."  The  senate  was 
directed  to  deposit  these  spoils  among  the  treasures  of  the  Cap- 
itol. It  is  said  that  he  nominated  his  horse  for  consul.  In 
order  to  exceed  the  luxuries  of  Lucullus,  he  expended  an 
amount  equal  to  $240,000  on  a  single  meal.     He  threatened 


Caligula 


THE  JULIAN   EMPERORS  — TIBERIUS  TO   NERO        237 

to  set  up  his  own  image  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  and  to 
compel  the  Jews  to  worship  it.  Numerous  other  stories  of  a 
similar  kind  are  told  of  this  delirious  man  —  stories  which  are 
more  suited  to  illustrate  a  treatise  on  insanity  than  to  burden 
the  pages  of  history. 

Significance  of  his  Reign.  — The   reign   of   Caligula,  which 
was   fortunately   limited   to  the   brief  space   of  four  years. 


KuiNS  OF  THE  Palace  of  Caligula 


shows  to  us  the  perils  inherent  in  a  despotic  form  of 
government  that  permitted  a  madman  to  rule  the  civilized 
world.  The  Roman  Empire  had  no  provision  by  which 
any  prince  could  be  held  responsible,  either  to  law  or  to 
reason.  A  cruel  tyrant  could  revel  in  blood,  or  a  maniac 
could  indulge  in  the  wildest  excesses  without  restraint.  The 
only  limit  to  such  a  despotism  was  assassination;  and  by 
this  severe  method  the  reign  of  Caligula  was  brought  to  an 
end. 


236 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


the  high  hopes  which  he  raised  at  his  accession  were  soon  dashed 
to  the  ground,  when  it  was  discovered  that  the  empire  was  in 

the  hands  of  a  man  who  had 
lost  his  reason.  The  brief 
career  of  Caligula  may  be 
of  interest  as  showing  the 
vagaries  of  a  diseased  and 
unbalanced  mind ;  but  they 
have  no  special  political 
importance,  except  as  prov- 
ing that  the  empire  could 
survive  even  with  a  mad 
prince  on  the  throne. 

His  Insanity  and  Extrava- 
gances. —  Caligula  was  sub- 
ject in  childhood  to  epilep- 
tic fits,  and  his  mind  was 
evidently  diseased.  When 
he  was  placed  in  the  high 
position  of  emperor  his  brain 
was  turned  and  he  revealed  all  the  grotesque  symptoms  of  in- 
sanity. He  believed  himself  a  god.  He  wasted  the  money  of 
the  treasury  in  senseless  projects.  He  built  a  bridge  from  the 
Palatine  hill,  where  he  resided,  to  the  Capitoline,  that  he  might 
be  "  next  door  neighbor  to  Jupiter."  To  lead  his  army  over  the 
sea  he  constructed  a  bridge  three  miles  long  over  the  Gulf  of 
Bai'ge,  a  part  of  the  Bay  of  Naples,  and  conducted  his  soldiers 
over  it  in  a  triumphal  procession.  He  professed  to  lead  an 
expedition  against  Britain ;  and  when  he  had  collected  his  sol- 
diers on  the  seashore  as  if  for  embarkation,  he  suddenly  issued 
an  order  to  them  to  gather  the  shells  from  the  beach  and  carry 
them  to  Rome  as  "the  spoils  of  the  ocean."  The  senate  was 
directed  to  deposit  these  spoils  among  the  treasures  of  the  Cap- 
itol. It  is  said  that  he  nominated  his  horse  for  consul.  In 
order  to  exceed  the  luxuries  of  Lucullus,  he  expended  an 
amount  equal  to  $240,000  on  a  single  meal.     He  threatened 


Caligula 


THE   JULIAN  EMPERORS  — TIBERIUS  TO   NERO        237 

to  set  up  his  own  image  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  and  to 
compel  the  Jews  to  worship  it.  Numerous  other  stories  of  a 
similar  kind  are  told  of  this  delirious  man  — stories  which  are 
more  suited  to  illustrate  a  treatise  on  insanity  than  to  burden 
the  pages  of  history. 

Significance  of  his  Reign.  — The   reign   of  Caligula,  which 
was   fortunately   limited   to  the   brief  space   of  four   years, 


RuiNB  OF  THE  Palace  of  Caligula 


shows  to  US  the  perils  inherent  in  a  despotic  form  of 
government  that  permitted  a  madman  to  rule  the  civilized 
world.  The  Roman  Empire  had  no  provision  by  which 
any  prince  could  be  held  responsible,  either  to  law  or  to 
reason.  A  cruel  tyrant  could  revel  in  blood,  or  a  maniac 
could  indulge  in  the  wildest  excesses  without  restraint.  The 
only  limit  to  such  a  despotism  was  assassination ;  .  and  by 
this  severe  method  the  reign  of  Caligula  was  brought  to  an 
end. 


238 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


III.   The  Keign  of  Claudius  (a.d.  41-54) 


His  Elevation   by  the   Praetorians, 
emperor  proclaimed  by  the  army. 


—  Claudius  was  the  first 
The  murder  of  Caligula 
had  been  provoked  by  an 
insult  given  to  an  officer 
of  the  praetorian  guard. 
When  the  senate  hesitated 
to  choose  a  successor,  the 
praetorians,  accidentally 
finding  Claudius  in  the 
palace,  and  recognizing 
him  as  the  brother  of 
Germanieus,  assumed  the 
right  to  name  him  as  em- 
peror. The  senate  was 
obliged  to  submit ;  and 
for  a  long  time  after  this 
the  praetorians  continued 
to  exercise  the  right  of 
naming  the  prince.  Clau- 
dius is  usually  represented 
as  a  weak  imbecile ;  but  his  reign  stands  out  in  refreshing 
contrast  to  the  cruel  tyranny  of  Tiberius  and  the  wild  extrava- 
gances of  Caligula. 

The  Emperor's  Household.  —  Claudius  was  naturally  weak 
and  timid,  and  came  under  the  influence  of  the  members  of 
his  household  —  his  wives  and  freedmen.  The  intrigues  and 
crimes  of  his  wife  Messali'na,  and  of  his  niece  Agrippi'na, 
whom  he  married  after  the  death  of  Messalina,  were  a  scandal 
to  Koman  society.  So  far  as  he  was  influenced  by  these  aban- 
doned women,  his  reign  was  a  disgrace.  But  the  same  can 
scarcely  be  said  of  the  freedmen  of  his  household  —  Narcissus, 
his  secretary;  Pallas,  the  keeper  of  accounts;  and  Polybius, 
the  director  of  his  studies.  These  men  were  educated  Greeks, 
and  although  they  were  called  menials,  he  took  them  into  his 


^^^B^B^^^^V 

■ 

^m 

|H 

Hj 

^^H^^^^   ' '>^ 

■^^Hn' 

^ 

•  - 

Claudius 


THE  JULIAN  EMPERORS  — TIBERIUS   TO  NERO        239 

confidence  and  received  benefit  from  their  advice.  Indeed,  it 
has  been  said  that  "  from  Claudius  dates  the  transformation  of 
Caesar's  household  servants  into  ministers  of  state." 

His  Public  Works.  —  Claudius  followed  the  example  of 
Augustus  in  the  execution  of  works  of  public  utility.  He 
constructed  the  Claudian  aqueduct,  which  brought  water  to 
the  city  from  a  distance  of  forty-five  miles.  Por  the  purpose 
of  giving  Rome  a  good  harbor  where  the  grain  supplies  from 
Egypt  might  be  landed,  he  built  the  Portus  Romanus  at  the 


Ruins  of  the  Claudian  Aqueduct 


mouth  of  the  Tiber  near  Ostia.  To  improve  the  agriculture  of 
the  Marsians,  he  constructed  a  great  tunnel  to  drain  the  Pucine 
Lake,  a  work  which  required  the  labor  of  thirty  thousand  men 
for  eleven  years.  He  celebrated  the  completion  of  this  work 
by  a  mimic  naval  battle  on  the  waters  of  the  lake. 

The  Conquest  of  Southern  Britain.  —  But  the  most  important 
event  of  the  reign  of  Claudius  was  the  invasion  and  partial  con- 
quest of  Britain.  Since  the  invasion  of  Julius  Caesar  a  hundred 
years  before,  the  Romans  had  taken  little  interest  in  this  island. 
With  the  aid  of  his  lieutenants,  Aulus  Plautius  and  Vespa'sian, 
Claudius  now  effected  a  permanent  landing  in  Britain.  He 
was  opposed  by  the  famous  Celtic  chief  Caractacus,  but  suc- 


MOREY'S  ROM.   HIST. 


15 


238  THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 

III.   The  Reigx  of  Claudius  (a.d.  41-54) 

His  Elevation  by  the  Praetorians.  —  Claudius  was  the  first 
emperor  proclaimed  by  the  army.     The  murder  of  Caligula 

had  been  provoked  by  an 
insult  given  to  an  officer 
of  the  praetorian  guard. 
When  the  senate  hesitated 
to  choose  a  successor,  the 
pnetorians,  accidentally 
finding  Claudius  in  the 
palace,  and  recognizing 
hi  in  as  the  brother  of 
Germanicus,  assumed  the 
right  to  name  him  as  em- 
peror. The  senate  was 
obliged  to  submit ;  and 
for  a  long  time  after  this 
the  praetorians  continued 
to  exercise  the  right  of 
naming  the  prince.  Clau- 
dius is  usually  represented 
as  a  weak  imbecile ;  but  his  reign  stands  out  in  refreshing 
contrast  to  the  cruel  tyranny  of  Tiberius  and  the  wild  extrava- 
gances of  Caligula. 

The  Emperor's  Household.  —  Claudius  was  naturally  weak 
and  timid,  and  came  under  the  influence  of  the  members  of 
his  household  —  his  wives  and  freedmen.  The  intrigues  and 
crimes  of  his  wife  Messali'na,  and  of  his  niece  Agrippi'na, 
wliom  lie  married  after  the  death  of  !Messalina,  were  a  scandal 
to  Roman  society.  So  far  as  he  was  influenced  by  these  aban- 
doned women,  his  reign  was  a  disgrace.  But  the  same  can 
scarcely  be  said  of  the  freedmen  of  his  household  —  Narcissus, 
his  secretary;  l*allas,  the  keeper  of  accounts;  and  Polybius, 
the  director  of  his  studies.  These  men  were  educated  Greeks, 
and  although  they  were  called  menials,  he  took  them  into  his 


Claudiub 


I 

I) 


THE  JULIAN  EMPERORS  — TIBERIUS   TO  NERO        239 

confidence  and  received  benefit  from  their  advice.  Indeed,  it 
has  been  said  that  "  from  Claudius  dates  the  transformation  of 
Caesar's  household  servants  into  ministers  of  state." 

His  Public  Works.  —  Claudius  followed  the  example  of 
Augustus  in  the  execution  of  works  of  public  utility.  He 
constructed  the  Claudian  aqueduct,  which  brought  water  to 
the  city  from  a  distance  of  forty-five  miles.  For  the  purpose 
of  giving  Home  a  good  harbor  where  the  grain  supplies  from 
Egypt  might  be  landed,  he  built  the  Portus  Eomanus  at  the 


lluiNs  OF  THE  Claudian  AyuEOUox 

mouth  of  the  Tiber  near  Ostia.  To  improve  the  agriculture  of 
the  Marsians,  he  constructed  a  great  tunnel  to  drain  the  Fucine 
Lake,  a  work  which  required  the  labor  of  thirty  thousand  men 
for  eleven  years.  He  celebrated  the  completion  of  this  work 
by  a  mimic  naval  battle  on  the  waters  of  the  lake. 

The  Conquest  of  Southern  Britain.  —  l>ut  the  most  important 
event  of  the  reign  of  Claudius  was  the  invasion  and  partial  con- 
quest of  Britain.  Since  the  invasion  of  Julius  Caesar  a  hundred 
years  before,  the  Romans  had  taken  little  interest  in  this  island. 
With  the  aid  of  his  lieutenants,  Aulus  Plautius  and  Vespa'sian, 
Claudius  now  effected  a  permanent  landing  in  Britain.  He 
was  opposed  by  the  famous  Celtic  chief  Caractacus,  but  suc- 


MOREY'S  ROM.   HIST. 


15 


240 


THE    ROMAN   EMPIRE 


ceeded  in  subduing  the  southern  part  of  the  island.     Britain 
was  thus  opened  to  the  benefits  of  Roman  civilization. 

His  Care  of  the  Provinces.  —  It  is  to  the  credit  of  Claudius 
that  he  was  greatly  interested  in  the  condition  of  the  provinces. 
He  spent  much  time  in  regulating  the  affairs  of  the  East. 
The  kingdom  of  Thrace  was  changed  into  a  province,  and 
governed  by  a  Roman  procurator.  Lycia,  in  Asia  Minor,  also 
was  made  a  province,  as  well  as  Mauretania  in  Africa.  One 
of  the  most  important  changes  which  he  made  was  the  restora- 
tion of  the  kingdom  of  the  Jews  to  Herod  Agrippa.  This  he 
did  out  of  respect  for  this  people,  and  to  allay  the  bad  feeling 
which  had  been  stirred  up  during  the  previous  reign.  But 
Claudius  especially  showed  his  interest  in  the  provinces  by 
extending  to  them  the  rights  of  Roman  citizenship.  The 
civitas  was  granted  to  a  large  part  of  Gaul,  thus  carrying  out 
the  policy  which  had  been  begun  by  Julius  Caesar.  If  we 
except  the  scandals  of  the  court,  the  reign  of  Claudius  may  be 
regarded  as  inspired  by  prudence  and  a  wise  regard  for  the 
welfare  of  his  subjects. 

IV.   The  Reign  of  Nero  (a.d.  54-68) 

The  **  Quinquennium  Neronis.'*  —  Nero  was  the  grandson  of 
German icus  and  a  descendant  of  Augustus.  He  was  pro- 
claimed by  the  praetorians  and  accepted  by  the  senate.  He 
had  been  educated  by  the  great  philosopher  Seneca ;  and  his 
interests  had  been  looked  after  by  Burrhus,  the  able  captain 
of  the  praetorian  guards.  His  accession  was  hailed  with  glad- 
ness. He  assured  the  senate  that  he  would  not  interfere  with 
its  powers.  The  first  five  years  of  his  reign,  which  are  known 
as  the  "  Quinquennium  Neronis,"  were  marked  by  a  wise  and 
beneficent  administration.  During  this  time  he  yielded  to  the 
advice  and  influence  of  Seneca  and  Burrhus,  who  practically 
controlled  the  affairs  of  the  empire  and  restrained  the  young 
prince  from  exercising  his  power  to  the  detriment  of  the  state. 
Under  their  influence  delation  was  forbidden,  the  taxes  were 
reduced,  and  the  authority  of  the  senate  was  respected. 


THE  JULIAN   EMPERORS  — TIBERIUS  TO  NERO        241 


Tyranny  and  Crimes  of  Nero.  —  But  Nero's  worst  foes  were 
those  of  his  own  household,  especially  his  unscrupulous  and 
ambitious  mother,  Agrip- 
pina.      The   intrigues    of 
this   woman    to    displace 
Nero  and  to  elevate  Bri- 
tan'nicus,  the  son  of  Clau- 
dius,  led  to   Nero's   first 
domestic     tragedy  —  the 
poisoning  of  Britannicus. 
He      afterward     yielded 
himself  to   the   inflaence 
of  the  infamous  Poppae'a 
Sabi'na,  the  most  beautiful 
and  the  wickedest  woman 
of   Rome.      At   her   sug- 
gestion, he  murdered  first 
his  mother,  and  then  his 
wife.      He  discarded  the 
counsels    of    Seneca    and 
Burrhus,  and  accepted  those  of  Tigelli'nus,  a  man  of  the  worst 
character.     Then  followed  a  career  of  wickedness,  extortion, 
atrocious  cruelty,  which  it  is  not  necessary  to  describe,  but 
which  has  made  his  name  a  synonym  for  all  that  is  vicious 
in  human  nature,  and  despicable  in  a  ruler. 

Burning  and  Rebuilding  of  the  City.  —  In  the  tenth  year  of  his 
reign  occurred  a  great  fire  which  destroyed  a  large  part  of 
the  city  of  Rome.  It  is  said  that  out  of  the  fourteen 
regions,  six  were  reduced  to  ashes.  Many  ancient  temples 
and  public  buildings  were  consumed,  such  as  the  temple  of 
Jupiter  Stator  ascribed  to  Romulus,  and  the  temples  of  Vesta 
and  Diana,  which  dated  from  the  time  of  the  kings.  The 
reports  which  have  come  to  us  of  the  conduct  of  Nero  during 
this  great  disaster  are  very  diverse.  Some  represent  him  as 
gloating  over  the  destruction  of  the  city  and  repeating  his  own 
poem  on  the  "  Sack  of  Troy."     Other  reports  declare  that  he 


Nkko 


240 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


ceeded  in  subduing  the  southern  part  of  the  island.     Britain 
was  thus  opened  to  the  benefits  of  Roman  civilization. 

His  Care  of  the  Provinces.  —  It  is  to  the  credit  of  Claudius 
that  he  was  greatly  interested  in  the  condition  of  the  provinces. 
He  spent  much  time  in  regulating  the  affairs  of  the  East. 
The  kingdom  of  Thrace  was  changed  into  a  province,  and 
governed  by  a  Roman  procurator.  Lycia,  in  Asia  Minor,  also 
was  made  a  province,  as  well  as  Mauretania  in  Africa.  One 
of  the  most  important  changes  which  he  made  was  the  restora- 
tion of  the  kingdom  of  the  Jews  to  Herod  Agrippa.  This  he 
did  out  of  respect  for  this  people,  and  to  allay  the  bad  feeling 
which  had  been  stirred  up  during  the  previous  reign.  But 
Claudius  especially  showed  his  interest  in  the  provinces  by 
extending  to  them  the  rights  of  Roman  citizenship.  The 
civitas  was  granted  to  a  large  part  of  Gaul,  thus  carrying  out 
the  policy  which  had  been  begun  by  Julius  Caesar.  If  we 
except  the  scandals  of  the  court,  the  reign  of  Claudius  may  be 
regarded  as  inspired  by  prudence  and  a  wise  regard  for  the 
welfare  of  his  subjects. 

IV.   The  Reigx  of  Nero  (a.d.  54-68) 

The  '*  Quinquennium  Neronis.**  —  Nero  was  the  grandson  of 
German icus  and  a  descendant  of  Augustus.  He  was  pro- 
claimed by  the  praetorians  and  accepted  by  the  senate.  He 
had  been  educated  by  the  great  philosopher  Seneca;  and  his 
interests  had  been  looked  after  by  Burrhus,  the  able  captain 
of  the  praetorian  guards.  His  accession  was  hailed  with  glad- 
ness. He  assured  the  senate  that  he  would  not  interfere  with 
its  powers.  The  first  five  years  of  his  reign,  which  are  known 
as  the  "  Quinquennium  Neronis,"  were  marked  by  a  wise  and 
beneficent  administration.  During  this  time  he  yielded  to  the 
advice  and  influence  of  Seneca  and  Burrhus,  who  practically 
controlled  the  affairs  of  the  empire  and  restrained  the  young 
prince  from  exercising  his  power  to  the  detriment  of  the  state. 
Under  their  influence  delation  was  forbidden,  the  taxes  were 
reduced,  and  the  authority  of  the  senate  was  respected. 


THE   JULIAN   EMPERORS  — TIBEKIUS   TO   NERO        241 


Tyranny  and  Crimes  of  Nero.  —  But  Nero's  Avorst  foes  were 
those  of  his  own  household,  especially  his  unscrupulous  and 
ambitious  mother,  Agrip- 
pina.      The   intrigues    of 
this   woman    to    displace 
Nero  and  to  elevate  Bri- 
tan'nicus,  the  son  of  Clau- 
dius,  led  to   Nero's    first 
domestic     tragedy  —  the 
poisoning  of  Britanuicus. 
He      afterward      yielded 
himself  to  the   influence 
of  the  infamous  Poppae'a 
Sabi'na,  the  most  beautiful 
and  the  wickedest  woman 
of   Rome.      At   her   sug- 
gestion, he  murdered  first 
his  mother,  and  then  his 
wife.      He  discarded  the 
counsels    of    Seneca    and 
Burrhus,  and  accepted  those  of  Tigelli'nus,  a  man  of  the  worst 
character.     Then  followed  a  career  of  wickedness,  extortion, 
atrocious  cruelty,  which  it  is  not  necessary  to  describe,  but 
which  has  made  his  name  a  synonym  for  all  that  is  vicious 
in  human  nature,  and  despicable  in  a  ruler. 

Burning  and  Rebuilding  of  the  City.  —  In  the  tenth  year  of  his 
reign  occurred  a  great  fire  which  destroyed  a  large  part  of 
the  city  of  Rome.  It  is  said  that  out  of  the  fourteen 
regions,  six  were  reduced  to  ashes.  Many  ancient  temples 
and  public  buildings  were  consumed,  such  as  the  temple  of 
Jupiter  Stator  ascribed  to  Romulus,  and  the  temples  of  Vesta 
and  Diana,  which  dated  from  the  time  of  the  kings.  The 
reports  which  have  come  to  us  of  the  conduct  of  Nero  during 
this  great  disaster  are  very  diverse.  Some  represent  him  as 
gloating  over  the  destruction  of  the  city  and  repeating  his  own 
poem  on  the  "  Sack  of  Troy."     Other  reports  declare  that  he 


Nkro 


242 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


Temple  of  Vesta  (Kestored) 


never  showed  himself  in  a  more  favorable  light,  exerting  him- 
self to  put  out  the  flames,  opening  the  public  buildings  and  the 

imperial  palace  for  the 
shelter  of  the  homeless, 
and  relieving  the  suffer- 
ing by  reducing  the 
price  of  grain.  But  it 
is  charged  that  if  he 
performed  these  chari- 
ties, it  was  to  relieve 
himself  of  the  suspicion 
of  having  caused  the 
conflagration.  \\liat- 
ever  may  be  the  truth 
as  to  his  conduct,  the  burning  of  Kome  resulted  in  re- 
building the  city  on  a  more  magnificent  scale.  The  narrow 
streets  were  widened,  and  more  splendid  buildings  were  erected. 
The  vanity  of  the  emperor  was  shown  in  the  building  of  an 
enormous  and  meretricious  palace,  called  the  "  golden  house  of 
Nero,"  and  also  in  the  erection  of  a  colossal  statue  of  himself 
near  the  Palatine  hill.  To  meet  the  expenses  of  these 
structures  the  provinces  were  obliged  to  contribute ;  and  the 
cities  and  temples  of  Greece  were  plundered  of  their  works  of 
art  to  furnish  the  new  buildings. 

First  Persecution  of  the  Christians.  —  In  order  to  shield 
himself  from  the  suspicion  of  firing  the  city,  Nero  accused  the 
Christians  and  made  them  the  \nctiras  of  his  cruelty.  Nothing 
can  give  us  a  better  idea  of  this  first  persecution  than  the 
account  of  Tac'itus,  which  is  of  great  interest  to  us  because  it 
contains  the  first  reference  found  in  any  Roman  author  to 
Christ  and  his  followers.  This  passage  shows  not  only  the 
cruelty  of  Nero,  but  the  hatred  which  the  Romans  bore  to 
the  new  sect. 

Taxjitus  says :  "  In  order  to  drown  the  rumor,  Nero  shifted 
the  guilt  on  persons  hated  for  their  abominations  and  known 
as   Christians,   and  punished  them  with   exquisite   tortures. 


THE  JULIAN  EMPERORS  -  TIBERIUS  TO   NERO        243 

Christ,  from  whom  they  derive  their  name,  had  been  pun- 
ished under  Tiberius  by  the  procurator  Pontius  Pilate. 
Checked  for  a  time,  this  pernicious  religion  broke  out  again 
not  only  in  Judea  but  in  Rome.  Those  who  confessed  their 
creed  were  first  arrested;  and  then  by  their  information  a 
large  number  were  convicted,  not  so  much  on  the  charge  of 
burning  the  city,  as  of  hating  the  human  race.  In  their  deaths 
they  were  made  the  subjects  of  sport ;  for  they  were  covered 
with  the  skins  of  wild  beasts,  worried  to  death  by  dogs,  nailed 
to  crosses,  burned  to  serve  for  torches  in  the  night.  Nero 
offered  his  own  gardens  for  this  spectacle.  The  people  were 
moved  with  pity  for  the  sufferers,  even  though  they  were 
guilty  and  deserved  extreme  penalties ;  for  it  was  felt  that 
they  were  suffering  to  gratify  Nero's  cruelty,  not  from  consid- 
erations for  the  public  welfare."  ("Annals,"  Bk.  XV.,  Ch.  44.) 
General  Condition  of  the  Empire.  —  In  spite  of  such  enor- 
mous crimes  as  those  practiced  by  Nero,  the  larger  part  of 
the  empire  was  beyond  the  circle  of  his  immediate  influence, 
and  remained  undisturbed.  While  the  palace  and  the  city 
presented  scenes  of  intrigue  and  bloodshed,  the  world  in  gen- 
eral was  tranquil  and  even  prosperous.  Except  the  occa- 
sional extortion  by  w4iich  the  princes  sought  to  defray  the 
expenses  of  their  debaucheries,  Italy  and  the  provinces  were 
reaping  the  fruits  of  the  reforms  of  Julius  Caisar  and  Augus- 
tus. During  this  early  period,  the  empire  was  better  than 
the  emperor.  Men  tolerated  the  excesses  and  vices  of  the 
palace,  on  the  ground  that  a  bad  ruler  was  better  than  anarchy. 


SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Pelham,  Bk.  V.,  Ch.  4,  "The  Julian  Line''  (l).i 

Capes,  Early  Empire,   Ch.  2,   ''Tiberius,"  Ch.  3,   "Caligula,''  Ch.  4, 

"Claudius,"  Ch.  5,  "Nero"  (7). 
Bury,  Empire,  Ch.  13,  Sect.  1,  "  Civil  Government  of  Tiberius  "  (7). 
Merivale,  Empire,  Vol.  IV.,  Ch.  39,  "  Unity  of  the  Empire  "  (7). 

1  The  figure  iu  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


244 


THE   KOMAN  EMPIRE 


Crattwell,  Bk.  III.,  Ch.  n,  "Seneca"  (17). 

Suetonius,  ''Tiberius,"  '-Caligula,"  "Claudius,"  "Nero"  (11). 

Tacitus,  Annals,  Bk.  I.,  Chs.  11-15,  Tiberius  and  the  Senate  (4). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

The  Law  of  "Maiestas"  and  Delation. — Leighton,  p.  442  (1); 
Bury,  Empire,  pp.  194,  195  (7)  ;  Capes,  Early  Empire,  pp.  57-61  (7)  ; 
Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  pp.  446,  447  (1)  ;  Merivale,  Empire,  Vol.  V.,  pp. 
114-139  (7). 


CHAPTER   XXV 

The  Flavian  Emperors  —  Vespasian  to  Domitian 
I.   The  Disputed  Succession 

Extinction  of  the  Julian  Line.  —  With  the  death  of  Xero, 
the  imperial  line  which  traced  its  descent  from  Julius  Caesar 
and  Augustus  became  extinct.  We  are  now  about  to  discover 
one  of  the  great  defects  of  the  empire  as  established  by 
Augustus.  With  all  his  prudence,  Augustus  had  failed  to  pro- 
vide a  deiinite  law  of  succession.  In  theory  the  appointment 
of  a  successor  depended  upon  the  choice  of  the  senate,  with 
which  he  was  supposed  to  share  his  power.  But  in  fact  it 
depended  quite  as  much  upon  the  army,  upon  which  his  power 
rested  for  support.  Whether  the  appointment  was  made  by 
the  senate  or  by  the  army,  the  choice  had  hitherto  always 
fallen  upon  some  member  of  the  Julian  family.  But  with 
the  extinction  of  the  Julian  line,  the  imperial  office  was  open 
to  any  one. 

The  War  of  Succession.  —  Under  such  circumstances  we  could 
hardly  expect  anytliing  else  than  a  contest  for  the  throne.  Kot 
only  the  praetorian  guards,  but  the  legions  in  the  field,  claimed 
the  right  to  name  the  successor.  The  rival  claims  of  different 
armies  to  place  their  favorite  generals  on  the  throne  led  to  a 
brief  period  of  civil  war  —  the  first  to  break  the  long  peace 
established  by  Augustus. 


THE  FLAVIAX  EMPERORS 


245 


Galba  (A.D.  68-69). — At  the  time  of  Nero's  death,  the  Span- 
ish legions  had  already  selected  their  commander,  Galba,  for 
the   position   of    emperor. 
Advancing     upon     Rome, 
this  general  was  a<}cepted 
by  the  praetorians  and  ap- 
proved by  the  senate.     He 
was  a  man  of  high  birth, 
and  with  a  good  military 
record.      But    his    career 
was    a    brief    one.      The 
legions   on   the  Rhine  re- 
volted against  him.     The 
praetorians     were     discon- 
tented with  his    severity 
and  small  donations.     He 
soon    found     a    rival    in 
Otho,  the  husband  of  the 
infamous  Poppaea   Sabina 
who    had    disgraced    the 
reign  of  Nero.     Otho  enlisted  the  support  of  the  praetorians, 
and  Galba  was  murdered  to  give  place  to  his  rival. 

Otho  (A.D.  69).  —  The  brief  space  of  three  months,  during 
which  Otho  was  emperor,  cannot  be  called  a  reign,  but  only  an 
attempt  to  reign.  On  his  accession  the  new  aspirant  to  the 
throne  found  his  right  immediately  disputed  by  the  legions  of 
Spain  and  Gaul,  which  proclaimed  Vitellius.  The  armies  of 
these  two  rivals  met  in  northern  Italy,  and  fortune  declared  in 
favor  of  Vitellius. 

Vitellius  (A.D.  69). — No  sooner  had  Vitellius  begun  to  revel 
in  the  luxuries  of  the  palace,  than  the  standard  of  revolt  was 
again  raised,  this  time  by  the  legions  of  the  East  in  favor  of 
their  able  and  popular  commander,  Vespasian.  The  events  of 
the  previous  contest  were  now  repeated;  and  on  the  same 
battlefield  in  northern  Italy  where  Otho's  army  had  been 
defeated  by  that  of  Vitellius,  the  forces  of  Vitellius  were  now 


Galba 


■f' 


244 


THE   TIOMAN   EMPIRE 


THE   FLAVIAN  EMPERORS 


245 


Cruttwell,  Bk.  III.,  Ch.  3,  "Seneca-'  (17). 

Suetonius,  "Tiberius,"  "Caligula,"  "Claudius,"  "Nero"  (11). 

Tacitus,  Annals,  Bk.  I.,  Chs.  11-15,  Tiberius  and  the  Senate  (4). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

The  Law  of  "Maiestas"  and  Delation. — Leighton,  p.  442  (1); 
Bury,  Empire,  pp.  104,  195  (7) ;  Capes,  Early  Empire,  pp.  57-01  (7)  ; 
Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  pp.  44G,  447  (1)  ;  Merivale,  Empire,  Vol.  V.,  pp. 
114-139  (7). 


CHAPTER   XXV 

The  Flaviax  Emperors  —  Vespasian  to  Domitian 

I.   The  Disputed  Succession 

Extinction  of  the  Julian  Line.  —  With  the  death  of  Xero, 
tlie  imperial  line  which  traced  its  descent  from  Julius  Caesar 
and  Augustus  became  extinct.  We  are  now  about  to  discover 
one  of  the  great  defects  of  the  empire  as  established  by- 
Augustus.  With  all  his  prudence,  Augustus  had  failed  to  pro- 
vide a  delinite  law  of  succession.  In  theory  the  appointment 
of  a  successor  depended  upon  the  choice  of  the  senate,  with 
which  he  was  supposed  to  share  his  power.  ]>ut  in  fact  it 
depended  quite  as  much  \ipon  the  army,  upon  which  his  power 
rested  for  support.  AVhether  the  appointment  was  made  by 
the  senate  or  by  the  army,  the  choice  had  hitherto  always 
fallen  upon  some  member  of  the  Julian  family.  But  with 
the  extinction  of  the  Julian  line,  the  imperial  office  was  open 
to  any  one. 

The  War  of  Succession.  —  Under  such  circumstances  we  could 
hardly  expect  anything  else  than  a  contest  for  the  throne.  Not 
only  the  pnietorian  guards,  but  the  legions  in  the  field,  claimed 
the  right  to  name  the  successor.  The  rival  claims  of  different 
armies  to  place  their  favorite  generals  on  the  throne  led  to  a 
brief  period  of  civil  war  —  the  first  to  break  the  long  peace 
established  by  Augustus. 


^4ji|i^T.'\'-:] 


Galba  (A.D.  68-69). — At  the  time  of  ISTero's  death,  the  Span- 
ish legions  had  already  selected  their  commander,  Galba,  for 
the   position   of    emperor. 
Advancing     upon     Rome, 
this  general  was  accepted 
by  the  pr<etorians  and  ap- 
proved by  the  senate.     He 
was  a  man  of  high  birth, 
and  with  a  good  military 
record.      But    his    career 
was    a    brief    one.      The 
legions   on  the  Rhine  re- 
volted against  him.     The 
praetorians     were     discon- 
tented  with   his    severity 
and  small  donations.     He 
soon    found     a    rival    in 
Otho,  the  husband  of  the 
infamous  Poppaea   Sabina 
who    had    disgraced    the 
reign  of  Nero.     Otho  enlisted  the  support  of  the  praetorians, 
and  Galba  was  murdered  to  give  place  to  his  rival. 

Otho  (A.D.  69).  —  The  brief  space  of  three  months,  during 
which  Otho  was  emperor,  cannot  be  called  a  reign,  but  only  an 
attempt  to  reign.  On  his  accession  the  new  aspirant  to  the 
throne  found  his  right  immediately  disputed  by  the  legions  of 
Spain  and  Gaul,  which  proclaimed  Vitellius.  The  armies  of 
these  two  rivals  met  in  northern  Italy,  and  fortune  declared  in 
favor  of  Vitellius. 

Vitellius  (A.D.  69).  — No  sooner  had  Vitellius  begun  to  revel 
in  the  luxuries  of  the  palace,  than  the  standard  of  revolt  was 
again  raised,  this  time  by  the  legions  of  the  East  in  favor  of 
their  able  and  popular  commander,  Vespasian.  The  events  of 
the  previous  contest  were  now  repeated ;  and  on  the  same 
battlefield  in  northern  Italy  where  Otho's  army  had  been 
defeated  by  that  of  Vitellius,  the  forces  of  Vitellius  were  now 


Galba 


246 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


defeated  by  those  of  Vespasian.  Afterward  a  severe  and  bloody 
contest  took  place  in  the  streets  of  Rome,  and  Vespasian  made 
his  position  secure. 

The  only  significance  of  these  three  so-called  reigns,  and  the 
civil  wars  which  attended  them,  is  the  fact  that  they  showed 
the  great  danger  to  which  the  empire  was  exposed  by  having 
no  regular  law  of  succession. 

II.   The  Reign  op  Vespasiax  (a.d.  69-79) 

Beginning  of  a  New  Era.  —  The  accession  of  Vespasian  was 
the  beginning  of  a  new  era  for  Home.    Indeed,  the  next  century 

may  be  regarded  as   the 
most    prosperous    in   her 
whole  history.     The   ide- 
als of  Julius  Caesar  and 
Augustus  seemed  to  be  re- 
alized.    The  hundred  and 
eleven  years  which  elapsed 
from    the    beginning     of 
Vespasian's  reign  to  the 
death  of  Marcus  Aurelius, 
have  been  called  the  hap- 
piest   in    the    history    of 
mankind.    The   new   em- 
peror   belonged     to    the 
Flavian     family,     which 
furnished     three     rulers, 
Vespasian,  Titus,  and  Do- 
mitian.      Vespasian    was 
an  able   and   efficient   prince.     He   rescued   Rome   from   the 
bankrupt  condition  into  which   it  had  been  plunged  by  his 
predecessors.     He  retrenched  the  expenses  of  the  court  and 
set  the  example  of  moderation.     He  appointed  good  governors 
for  the  provinces,  and  extended  the  Latin  right,  that  is,  the 
commerchim^  to  the  people  of  Spain. 


VK^l^v^^A.N 


THE   FLAVIAN   EMPERORS 


247 


Roman  CivUization  in  Gaul.— The  first  duty  of  Vespasian 
was  to  suppress  a  revolt  in  Gaul  which,  under  Claudius  Civi'lis, 
threatened  to  deprive  Rome  of  that  province.  After  three 
defeats  Civilis  was  obliged  to  give  up  his  ambitious  scheme, 
and  Gaul  again  was  pacified.  Nowhere  in  the  West,  outside  of 
Italy,  did  the  civilization  of  Rome  take  a  firmer  hold.  Gaul 
became  the  seat  of  Roman  colonies;  its  cities  were  united 
by  Roman  roads;   and  the  Roman  language,  literature,  law, 


Aqueduct  of  Nismes,  Fbajsce 

manners,  and  art  found  there  a  congenial  home.  The  ruins 
which  we  find  to-day  in  France,  of  the  ancient  buildings,  baths, 
aqueducts  and  amphitheaters,  show  how  completely  the  prov- 
ince of  Gaul  was  Romanized. 

Destruction  of  Jerusalem  (A.D.  70).  —  The  most  unfortunate 
event  in  the  reign  of  Vespasian  was  the  revolt  of  the  Jews, 
which  finally  resulted  in  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  There 
had  been  many  changes  in  the  government  of  Judea  since  its 
first  conquest  by  Pompey.  Some  of  these  changes  had  been 
made  to  reconcile  the  Jews  to  the  Roman  sway.  But  there 
had  been  many  things  to  awaken  the  opposition  of  the  people ; 


246 


THK  ROMAN  EMPJKE 


THE  FLAVIAN  EMPERORS 


247 


defeated  by  those  of  Vespasian.  Afterward  a  severe  and  bloody 
contest  took  place  in  tlie  streets  of  Rome,  and  Vespasian  made 
his  position  secure. 

The  only  significance  of  these  three  so-called  reigns,  and  the 
civil  wars  which  attended  them,  is  the  fact  that  they  showed 
the  great  danger  to  which  the  empire  was  exposed  by  having 
no  regular  law  of  succession. 

II.    The  Rkigx  of  Vespasiax  (a.d.  69-70) 

Beginning  of  a  New  Era.  —  The  accession  of  Vespasian  was 
the  beginning  of  a  new  era  for  Rome.    Indeed,  the  next  century 

may  be  regarded  as   the 
most    prosperous    in   her 
whole  history.     The   ide- 
als of  Julius  Cifisar  and 
Augustus  seemed  to  be  re- 
alized.    The  hundred  and 
eleven  years  whichelapsed 
from    the    beginning     of 
Vesi)asian's  reign  to  the 
deatli  of  Marcus  Aurelius, 
have  been  called  the  hap- 
piest   in    the    history    of 
mankind.    The   new   em- 
peror   belonged     to    the 
Flavian     family,     which 
furnished     three     rulers, 
Vespasian,  Titus,  and  I)o- 
mitian.      Vespasian    was 
an  able   and   efficient   prince.     He   rescued  Rome   from   the 
bankrupt  condition  into  which   it  had  been  plunged  by  his 
predecessors.     He  retrenched  the  expenses  of  the  court  and 
set  the  example  of  moderation.     He  appointed  good  governors 
for  the  provinces,  and  extended  the  Latin  right,  that  is,  the 
cofiimerciumj  to  the  people  of  Spain. 


VKtil' ASIAN 


Roman  Civilization  in  Gaul. —The  first  duty  of  Vespasian 
was  to  suppress  a  revolt  in  Gaul  which,  under  Claudius  Civi'lis, 
threatened  to  deprive  Rome  of  that  province.  After  three 
defeats  Civilis  was  obliged  to  give  up  his  ambitious  scheme, 
and  Gaul  again  was  pacified.  Nowhere  in  the  West,  outside  of 
Italy,  did  the  civilization  of  Rome  take  a  firmer  hold.  Gaul 
became  the  seat  of  Roman  colonies;  its  cities  were  united 
by  Roman  roads;   and  the  Ronum  language,  literature,  law. 


Aquki>u(;t  of  NisMKs,  France 

manners,  and  art  found  there  a  congenial  home.  The  ruins 
which  we  find  to-day  in  France,  of  the  ancient  buildings,  baths, 
aqueducts  and  amphitheaters,  show  how  completely  the  prov- 
ince of  Gaul  was  Romanized. 

Destruction  of  Jerusalem  (A.D.  70).  —  The  most  unfortunate 
event  in  the  reign  of  Vespasian  was  the  revolt  of  the  Jews, 
which  finally  resulted  in  the  destruction  of  eJerusalem.  There 
had  been  many  changes  in  the  government  of  Judea  since  its 
first  conquest  by  Pompey.  Some  of  these  changes  had  been 
made  to  reconcile  the  Jews  to  the  Roman  sway.  ]>ut  there 
had  been  many  things  to  awaken  the  opposition  of  the  people ; 


248 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


for  example,  tlie  unreasonable  prejudice  against  them  at  Rome, 
the  insane  attempt  of  Caligula  to  place  his  statue  in  their 
temple,  as  well  as  the  harsh  government  of  Nero.  At  last 
the  Jews  were  provoked  into  a  general  rebellion.  Vespasian 
was  conducting  the  war  against  them  when  he  was  proclaimed 
emperor  by  his  legions.  The  war  was  then  left  in  the  hands 
of  his  son  Titus,  who,  in  spite  of  desperate  resistance,  captured 
and  destroyed  the  sacred  city.  The  Jews  were  left  without  a 
national  home  j  and  Judea  became  a  separate  province  of  the 


Sfoilu  of  Jeeusaleji  (From  the  Arch  of  Titus) 


empire.  The  representation  of  the  golden  candlestick  cut 
upon  the  arch  of  Titus  is  a  striking  memorial  of  this  unfortu- 
nate war. 

The  Public  Buildings.  —  By  the  strictest  economy  Vespasian 
was  able  to  replenish  the  treasury ;  and  by  the  means  thus 
obtained  he  spent  large  sums  upon  the  public  buildings  of 
Rome.  He  restored  the  Capitoline  temple,  which  had  been 
destroyed  during  the  late  civil  war.  He  laid  out  a  new  Forum 
which  bore  his  name.  He  built  a  temple  to  Peace,  the  goddess 
whom  he  delighted  to  honor.  But  the  most  memorable  of  his 
works  was  the  Flavian  Amphitheater,  or  as  it  is  sometimes 
called,  the  Colosse'um  (see  p.  313;  also  pp.  302,  303).     This 


THE  FLAVIAN  EMPERORS 


249 


stupendous  building  occupied  about  six  acres  of  ground,  and 
was  capable  of  seating  nearly  ninety  thousand  spectators.  The 
sports  which  took  place  in  this  great  structure  were  the  most 
popular  of  all  the  Roman  amusements. 

Amusements  of  the  Romans.  —  The  chief  public  amusements 
of  the  Romans  were  those  which  took  place  in  the  circus,  the 
theater,  and  the  amphitheater. 

The  greatest  circus  of  Rome  was  the  Circus  Maximus.  It 
was  an  inclosure  about  two  thousand  feet  long  and  six  hun- 
dred feet  wide.  Within  it  were  arranged  seats  for  different 
classes  of  citizens,  a  separate  box  being  reserved  for  the  impe- 
rial family.  The  games  consisted  chiefly  of  chariot  races.  The 
excitement  was  due  to  the  reckless  and  dangerous  driving  of 
the  charioteers,  each  striving  to  win  by  upsetting  his  competi- 
tors. There  were  also  athletic  sports ;  running,  leaping,  box- 
ing, wrestling,  throwing  the  quoit,  and  hurling  the  javelin. 
Sometimes  sham  battles  and  sea  fights  took  place. 

The  Romans  were  not  very  much  addicted  to  the  theater, 
there  being  only  three  principal  structures  of  this  kind  at 
Rome,  those  of  Pompey,  Marcellus,  and  Balbus  (pp.  302,  303). 
The  theater  was  derived  from  the  Greeks  and  was  built  in  the 
form  of  a  semicircle,  the  seats  being  apportioned,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  circus,  to  different  classes  of  persons.  The  shows  con- 
sisted largely  of  dramatic  exhibitions,  of  mimes,  pantomimes, 
and  dancing.     It  is  said  that  the  poems  of  Ovid  were  acted  in 

pantomime. 

The  most  popular  and  characteristic  amusements  of  the 
Romans  were  the  sports  of  the  amphitheater.  This  building 
was  in  the  form  of  a  double  theater,  forming  an  entire  circle 
or  ellipse.  Such  structures  were  built  in  different  cities  of 
the  empire,  but  none  equaled  the  colossal  building  of  Ves- 
pasian. The  sports  of  the  amphitheater  were  chiefly  gladia- 
torial shows  and  the  combats  of  wild  beasts.  The  amusements 
of  the  Romans  were  largely  sensational,  and  appealed  to  the 
tastes  of  the  populace.  Their  influence  was  almost  always 
bad,  and  tended  to  degrade  the  morals  of  the  people. 


248 


THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE 


THE   FLAVIAN  EMPERORS 


249 


for  example,  the  unreasonable  prejudice  against  them  at  Home, 
the  insane  attempt  of  Caligula  to  place  his  statue  in  their 
temple,  as  well  as  the  harsh  government  of  Nero.  At  last 
the  Jews  were  provoked  into  a  general  rebellion.  Vespasian 
was  conducting  the  war  against  them  when  he  was  proclaimed 
emperor  by  his  legions.  The  war  was  then  left  in  the  hands 
of  his  son  Titus,  who,  in  spite  of  desperate  resistance,  captured 
and  destroyed  the  sacred  city.  The  Jews  were  left  without  a 
national  home ;  and  Judea  became  a  separate  province  of  the 


Sfoils  or  Jerusalem  (From  the  Arch  of  Titus) 

empire.  The  representation  of  the  golden  candlestick  cut 
upon  the  arch  of  Titus  is  a  striking  memorial  of  this  unfortu- 
nate war. 

The  Public  Buildings.  —  By  the  strictest  economy  Vespasian 
was  able  to  replenish  the  treasury ;  and  by  the  means  thus 
obtained  he  spent  large  sums  upon  the  public  Iniildings  of 
Kome.  He  restored  the  Capitoline  temple,  which  had  been 
destroyed  during  the  late  civil  war.  He  laid  out  a  new  Forum 
which  bore  his  name.  He  built  a  temple  to  Peace,  the  goddess 
whom  he  delighted  to  honor.  But  the  most  memorable  of  his 
works  was  the  Flavian  Amphitheater,  or  as  it  is  sometimes 
called,  the  Colosse'um  (see  p.  313;  also  pp.  302,  303).     This 


stupendous  building  occupied  about  six  acres  of  ground,  and 

was  capable  of  seating  nearly  ninety  thousand  spectators.    The 

sports  which  took  place  in  this  great  structure  were  the  most 

popular  of  all  the  Roman  amusements. 

Amusements  of  the  Romans.  —  The  chief  public  amusements 

of  the  Romans  were  those  which  took  place  in  the  circus,  the 

theater,  and  the  amphitheater. 

The  greatest  circus  of  Rome  was  the  Circus  Maximus.     It 

was  an  inclosure  about  two  thousand  feet  long  and  six  hun- 
dred feet  wide.  Within  it  were  arranged  seats  for  different 
classes  of  citizens,  a  separate  box  being  reserved  for  the  impe- 
rial family.  The  games  consisted  chiefly  of  chariot  races.  The 
excitement  was  due  to  the  reckless  and  dangerous  driving  of 
the  charioteers,  each  striving  to  win  by  upsetting  his  competi- 
tors. There  were  also  athletic  sports ;  running,  leaping,  box- 
ing, wrestling,  throwing  the  quoit,  and  hurling  the  javelin. 
Sometimes  sham  battles  and  sea  fights  took  place. 

The  Romans  were  not  very  much  addicted  to  the  theater, 
there  being  only  three  principal  structures  of  this  kind  at 
Rome,  those  of  Pompey,  Marcellus,  and  Balbus  (pp.  302,  303). 
The  theater  was  derived  from  the  Greeks  and  was  built  in  the 
form  of  a  semicircle,  the  seats  being  apportioned,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  circus,  to  different  classes  of  persons.  The  shows  con- 
sisted largely  of  dramatic  exhibitions,  of  mimes,  pantomimes, 
and  dancing.     It  is  said  that  the  poems  of  Ovid  were  acted  in 

pantomime. 

The  most  popular  and  characteristic  amusements  of  the 
Romans  were  the  sports  of  the  amphitheater.  This  building 
was  in  the  form  of  a  double  theater,  forming  an  entire  circle 
or  ellipse.  Such  structures  were  built  in  different  cities  of 
the  empire,  but  none  equaled  the  colossal  building  of  Ves- 
pasian. The  sports  of  the  amphitheater  were  chiefly  gladia- 
torial shows  and  the  combats  of  wild  beasts.  The  amusements 
of  the  Romans  were  largely  sensational,  and  appealed  to  the 
tastes  of  the  populace.  Their  influence  was  almost  always 
bad,  and  tended  to  degrade  the  morals  of  the  people. 


u 

u 


X 

< 

'A 
< 

O 


250 


THE  FLAVIAN  EMPERORS  251 

111.   Reign  OF  Titus  (79-81) 

The  **  Delight  of  Mankind. "— Vespasian  had  prepared  for 
his  death  by  associating  with  him  in  the  government  his 
son,  Titus ;  so  the  change 
to  the  new  reign  was  at- 
tended by  no  war  of  suc- 
cession or  other  disturb- 
ance. The  great  aim  of 
Titus  was  to  make  himself 
loved  by  the  people.  He 
was  lavish  in  the  giving  of 
public  shows.  He  dedi- 
cated the  great  amphithe- 
ater built  by  his  father 
with  a  magnificent  naval 
spectacle.  He  ruled  with 
so  much  kindness  and 
moderation  that  he  became 
the  most  popular  of  the 
emperors,  and  was  called  ,^^^^^ 

the     "Delight     of     Man- 
kind."    It  is  related  that  one  evening  he  remembered  that  he 
had  bestowed  no  gift  upon  any  one,  and  in  regret  exclaimed  to 
his  friends,  "  I  have  lost  a  day." 

Destruction  of  Herculaneum  and  Pompeii.  — J^ut  the  reign  of 
Titus,  delightful  as  it  was,  was  marked  by  two  great  calamities. 
One  was  a  great  fire  which  consumed  the  new  temple  of  the 
Capitoline  Jupiter,  which  his  father  had  just  erected;  and 
which  also  injured  the  Pantheon,  the  baths  of  Agrippa,  and 
the  theaters  of  Pompey  and  Marcellus.  But  the  greatest 
calamity  of  this  reign  was  due  to  the  terrible  eruption  of  Mt. 
Vesuvius,  which  destroyed  the  two  cities  of  Hercula'neum  and 
Pompe'ii,  situated  on  the  Bay  of  Naples  (see  map,  p.  233).  The 
Romans  had  never  suspected  that  this  mountain  was  a  volcano, 
although  a  few  years  before  it  had  been  shaken  by  an  earth- 


III 


f 


a 


P. 


\ 


250 


THE   FLAVIAN   EMPERORS  251 

111.   llEiGx  OF  Titus  (79-81) 

The  **  Delight  of  Mankind." —Vespasian  had  prepared  for 
his  death  by  associating  with  him  in  the  government  his 
son,  Titns ;  so  the  change 
to  the  new  reign  was  at- 
tended by  no  war  of  suc- 
cession or  other  disturb- 
ance. The  great  aim  of 
Titus  was  to  make  himself 
loved  by  the  peoi)le.  He 
was  lavish  in  the  giving  of 
public  shows.  He  dedi- 
cated the  great  amphithe- 
ater built  by  his  father 
with  a  magnificent  naval 
spectacle.  He  ruled  with 
so  much  kindness  and 
moderation  that  he  became 
the  most  popular  of  the 
emperors,  and  was  called  ^^^^^ 

the     "Delight     of     Man- 
kind."    It  is  related  that  one  evening  he  remembered  that  he 
had  bestoAved  no  gift  upon  any  one,  and  in  regret  exclaimed  to 
his  friends,  "  I  have  lost  a  day." 

Destruction  of  Herculaneum  and  Pompeii. — J^ut  the  reign  of 
Titus,  delightful  as  it  was,  was  marked  by  two  great  calamities. 
One  was  a  great  fire  which  consumed  the  new  temple  of  the 
Capitoline  Jupiter,  which  his  father  had  just  erected;  and 
which  also  injured  the  Pantheon,  the  baths  of  Agrippa,  and 
the  theaters  of  Tompey  and  INLarcellus.  But  the  greatest 
calamity  of  this  reign  was  due  to  the  terrible  erui)tion  of  Mt. 
Vesuvius,  which  destroyed  the  two  cities  of  Hercula'neum  and 
Pompe'ii,  situated  on  the  Pay  of  Naples  (see  map,  p.  233).  The 
Romans  had  never  suspected  that  this  moimtain  was  a  volcano, 
although  a  few  years  before  it  had  been  shaken  by  an  earth- 


11 


It 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


# 


quake.  The  scenes  which  attended  this  eruption  are  described 
by  the  younger  l*liny,  whose  uncle,  the  elder  Pliny,  lost  his 
life  while  investigating  the  causes  of  the  eruption.  The  buried 
city  of  Pompeii  has  been  exhumed,  and  its  relics  reveal  in  a 
vivid  way  the  private  life  and  customs  of  the  Roman  people. 


KlINS   OF    PoMPKlI 


IV.   Life  and  Manners  of  the  Romans 

Houses  of  the  Romans.  —  The  uncovered  ruins  of  Pompeii 
show  to  us  a  great  many  houses,  from  the  most  simple  to  the 
elaborate  "House  of  Pansa."  The  ordinary  house  (domns) 
consisted  of  front  and  rear  parts  connected  by  a  central  area, 
or  court.  The  front  part  contained  the  entrance  hall  (^vestihu- 
lum) ;  the  large  reception  room  (atrinm)  ;  and  the  private  room 
of  the  master  (tabUnum),  which  contained  the  archives  of  the 
family.  The  large  central  court  was  surrounded  by  columns 
(peristf/him).     The  rear  part  contained  the  more  private  apart- 


THE  FLAVIAN  EMPERORS 


253 


ments  —  the  dining  room  (triclinium),  where  the  members  of  the 
family  took  their  meals  reclining  on  couches;  the  kitchen 
(culina) ;  and  the  bathroom  (balneum).     The  Romans  had  no 


KoMAN  House,  ftiiowiNO  the  Atrium  in  the  Fokegbound 

stoves  like  ours,  and  rarely  did  they  have  any  chimneys.  The 
house  was  warmed  by  portable  furnaces  (foculi),  like  fire  pans, 
in  which  coal  or  charcoal  was  burned,  the  smoke  escaping 
through  the  doors  or 
an  open  place  in  the 
roof ;  sometimes  hot 
air  was  introduced  by 
pipes  from  below.  The 
rooms     were     lighted 


either  by  candles  (can- 
deloe)   made   of   tallow 
or    wax ;      or    by    oil 
lamps  (lucernce)  made  of  terra  cotta,  or  of  bronze,  worked  some- 
times into  exquisite  designs. 

Meals.  —  There  were  usually  three  daily  meals :  the  breakfast 


Dining  Couchku 


I' 


252 


THE   KOMAN   P:MPIRE 


THE   FLAVIAN  EMPERORS 


253 


quake.  The  scenes  which  attended  this  eruption  are  described 
by  the  younger  IMiny,  Avhose  uncle,  the  ehler  Pliny,  lost  his 
life  while  investigating  the  causes  of  the  eruption.  The  buried 
city  of  Pompeii  has  been  exhumed,  and  its  relics  reveal  in  a 
vivid  way  the  private  life  and  customs  of  the  Roman  peojjle. 


IV.   Life  and  Manners  of  the  Romans 

Houses  of  the  Romans.  —  The  uncovered  ruins  of  Pompeii 
show  to  us  a  great  many  houses,  from  the  most  simple  to  the 
elaborate  "House  of  Pansa."  The  ordinary  house  (domus) 
consisted  of  front  and  rear  parts  connected  by  a  central  area, 
or  court.  The  front  part  contained  the  entrance  hall  (vestihu- 
hfm);  the  large  reception  room  (atrifim)^  and  the  private  room 
of  the  master  (tabh'nftm)^  which  contained  the  archives  of  the 
family.  The  large  central  court  was  surrounded  by  columns 
(peristtjJum),     The  rear  part  contained  the  more  private  apart- 


ments—  the  dining  room  {tncUnium),  where  the  members  of  the 
family  took  their  meals  reclining  on  couches;  the  kitchen 
(cuUna) ;  and  the  bathroom  (balneum).     The  Romans  had  no 


KuMAN  UorsK,  siiowiNu  THE  Atrium  in  tiik  Fokeground 

stoves  like  ours,  and  rarely  did  they  have  any  chimneys.     The 
house  was  warmed  by  portable  furnaces  (foculi),  like  fire  pans, 
in  which  coal  or  charcoal  was  burned,  the  smoke  escaping 
through   the   doors   or 
an  open  place   in  the 
roof;     sometimes    hot 
air  was  introduced  by 
pipes  from  below.    The 
rooms     were     lighted 
either  V)y  candles  (can- 
delce)   made   of  tallow 
or    wax ;      or    by    oil 
lamps  (lucernai)  made  of  terra  cotta,  or  of  bronze,  worked  some- 
times into  exquisite  designs. 

Meals.  —  There  were  usually  three  daily  meals :  the  breakfast 


Dining  Couchkb 


f 


254 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


(ientaculum),  soon  after  rising;  the  luncheon,  or  midday  meal 
(pranclium,)\  and  the  chief  meal,  or  dinner  (cena),  in  the  after- 
noon. The  food  of  the  poorer  classes  consisted  of  a  kind  of 
porridge,  or  breakfast  food  (farina)^  made  of  a  coarse  species 
of  wheat  (far)y  together  with  ordinary  vegetables,  such  as  tur- 
nips and  onions,  with  milk  and  olives.  The  wealthy  classes 
vied  with  one  another  in  procuring  the  rarest  delicacies  from 
Italy  and  other  parts  of  the  world. 

Dress.  —  The  cliaracteristic  dress  of  the  men  was  the  toga,  a 
loose  garment  thrown  about  the  person  in  ample  folds,  and 
covering  a  closer  garment  called 
the  tunic  (tmika).  The  Romans 
wore  sandals  on  the  feet,  but  gen- 
erally no  covering  for  the  head. 
The  dress  of  a  Roman  matron  con- 
sisted of  three 
parts:  the  close- 
fitting  tunica  ; 
the  stola,  a  gown 
reaching  to  the 
feet ;  and  the 
palla,  a  shawl 
large  enough  to 
cover  the  whole 
fii:jure.  The  la- 
dies  took  great 
pains  in  arrang- 
ing the  hair,  and 
possessed  the 
usual  fondness 
for  ornaments  — 
necklaces,  bracelets,  earrings,  and  costly   jewels. 

Writing  Materials. —  For  writing  the  Romans  used  different 
materials:  first,  the  tablet  (tabula),  or  a  thin  piece  of  board 
covered  with  wax,  which  was  written  ui)on  with  a  sharp  iron 
pencil  (stylus)  ;  next,  a  kind  of  paper  (charta)  made  from  the 


Stola  and  Palla 


TOOA 


THE  FLAVIAN  EMPERORS 


255 


!l 


\v  KITING  Materials 


plant    called  papyrus;  and,  finally,  parchment   (memhrana) 
made  from  the  skins  of  animals.     The  paper  and  parchment 
were  written  upon  with  a  pen  made  of  reed  sharpened  with  a 
penknife,  and   ink  made 
of  a  mixture  of  lampblack. 
When  a  book  (liber)  was 
written,      the      different 
pieces  of  paper  or  parch- 
ment were  pasted  together 
in  a  long  sheet  and  rolled 
upon  a  round  stick.     When  collected  in  a  library  (bibUotheca), 
the  rolls  were  arranged  upon  shelves  or  in  boxes. 

The  Employments  of   the  Romans  comprised  many  of  the 
chief  occupations  and  trades  with  which  we  are  familiar  to-day, 
including   professional,  commercial,  mechanical,  and   agricul- 
tural   pursuits.      To  the  learned    professions    belonged    the 
priest,  the  lawyer,  the  physician,  and  the  teacher.     The  com- 
mercial classes  included  the  merchant,  the  banker,  the  broker, 
the  contractor,  to  whom  may  also  be  added  the  taxgatherer 
of  earlier  times.     The  mechanical   trades  comprised  a  great 
variety  of  occupations,  such  as  the  making  of  glass,  earthen- 
ware, bread,  cloth,  wearing  apparel,  articles  of  wood,  leather, 
iron,  bronze,  silver,  and  gold.     The  artisans  were  often  organ- 
ized into  societies  or  guilds  (collegia)  for  their  mutual  benefit ; 
these  guilds  were  very  ancient,  their  origin  being  ascribed  to 
Numa.     The  agriculturists  of  Rome  comprised  the  large  land- 
owners, who  were  regarded  as  a  highly  respectable  class,  and 
the  small  proprietors,  the  free  laborers,  and  the  slaves,  the  last 
mentioned  forming  a  great  part  of  the  tillers  of  the  soil.     In 
general,  the  Roman  who  claimed  to  be  respectable  disdained 
all  manual  labor,  and  resigned  such  labor  into  the  hands  of 

slaves  and  freedmen. 

Marriage.  — The  marriage  customs  comprised,  first,  the  cere- 
mony of  betrothal  (sponsalia),  which  included  the  formal  con- 
sent of  the  bride's  father,  and  an  announcement  in  the  form  of 
a  festival  or  the  presentation  of  the  betrothal  ring ;  secondly, 

MOREY's    ROM.    HIST. — 16 


U 


L 


250 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


THE  FLAVIAN  EMPERORS 


257 


the  marriage  ceremony,  which  might  be  either  a  religious  cere- 
mony, in  which  a  consecrated  cake  was  eaten  in  the  presence 
of  the  priest  {coiifarreatio),  or  a  secular  ceremony,  in  which  the 
father  gave  away  his  daughter  by  the  forms  of  a  legal  sale 
(coemptio).  In  the  time  of  the  empire  it  was  customary  for 
persons  to  be  married  without  these  ceremonies,  by  their  sim- 
ple consent.  During  this  time,  also,  divorces  became  common, 
and  the  general  morals  of  society  became  corrupt. 

The  Funeral  Customs  of  the  Eomans  show  the  great  respect 
which  was  paid  to  the  dead.  The  nearest  relative  received 
the  last  breath  of  the  dying  person ;  and  his  hand  closed  the 
eyes  and  the  mouth  of  the  deceased.  The  body  was  prepared 
for  burial  by  being  anointed,  clothed  in  garments  suited  to 
the  rank  of  the  deceased,  and  then  placed  upon  a  bier  in  the 
atiium,  where  the  ancestral  images  were  exhibited  and  where 
the  body  remained  until  the  time  for  burial.  A  branch  of 
cypress  was  hung  at  the  door  as  a  symbol  of  death.  The 
funeral  procession  moved  from  the  house,  preceded  by  musi- 
cians and  women  hired  to  utter  lamentations  and  to  sing  the 
funeral  songs.  Jhen  came  those  who  impersonated  the  ances- 
tors of  the  deceased,  followed  by  the  family  and  near  relatives 
dressed  in  black,  and  then  the  bier  carried  on  the  shoulders  of 
the  bearers,  and  lastly  the  long  train  of  mourning  friends.  If 
the  deceased  had  been  a  person  of  high  rank,  the  procession 
moved  to  the  Forum,  where  a  funeral  oration  was  pronounced, 
and  then  continued  its  way  to  the  place  of  burial,  beyond  the 
city  walls.  In  case  the  body  was  burned,  the  ashes  were 
mingled  with  wine,  milk,  and  costly  perfumes,  and  placed  in 
the  family  tomb.  The  tombs  and  monuments  erected  for  the 
dead  were  often  costly  and  imposing.  The  greatest  funeral 
ceremony  among  the  Komans  was  the  deification  of  the 
emperors,  which  took  place  on  the  Campus  Martins.  The 
image  of  the  deceased  emperor  was  burned  upon  a  lofty 
funeral  pile,  an  eagle  was  let  loose  bearing  the  soul  to  heaven, 
and  to  the  name  of  the  emperor  was  thereafter  attached  the 
appellation  Divus. 


V.     The  Reign  of  Domitian  (a.d.  81-96) 
Exceptional  Tyranny  of  Domitian. -The  happy  period  begun 
by   Vespasian  and  Titus  was  interrupted  by  the  exceptional 
tyranny  of  Domitian,  the 
younger  brother  of  Titus. 
Domitian  seemed  to  take 
for   his   models    Tiberius 
and    Nero.      He   ignored 
the  senate  and  the  forms 
of  the  constitution.      He 
revived  the  practice  of  de- 
lation, and  was  guilty  of 
confiscations    and    extor- 
tions.      He    teased    and 
irritated  all  classes.     He 
persecuted  the  Jews  and 
the  Christians.      Like  Ti- 
berius, he  was  suspicious, 
and    lived    in    perpetual 
fear       of      assassination. 
His  fears  were   realized; 
a  conspiracy  was  organized  against  him,  and  he  was  murdered 

by  a  freedman  of  the  palace. 

Agricola  in  Britain.— The  chief  event  of  importance  m  the 
reign  of  Domitian  was  the  extension  of  the  Roman  power  in 
Britain.  Agric'ola  had  already  been  appointed  governor  of 
Britain  by  Vespasian ;  but  it  was  not  until  this  time  that  his 
arms  were  crowned  with  marked  success.  The  limits  of  the 
province  were  now  pushed  to  the  north,  and  a  new  field  was 
opened  for  the  advance  of  civilization.  Britain  became  dotted 
with  Roman  cities,  united  by  great  military  roads.  As  in  Gaul, 
the  Roman  law  and  customs  found  a  home,  although  they  did 
not  obtain   so   enduring   an    influence   as  in  the   continental 

provinces. 

The  Silver  Age  of  Roman  Literature.  —  The  period  of  Roman 


Domitian 


i' 


I' 

n 


250 


THE   ROxMAN  EMPIRE 


THE  FLAVIAN  EMPERORS 


257 


the  marriage  ceremony,  which  might  be  either  a  religious  cere- 
mony, in  which  a  consecrated  cake  was  eaten  in  the  presence 
of  the  priest  (coufarreatio),  or  a  secular  ceremony,  in  which  tlie 
father  gave  away  liis  daughter  by  the  forms  of  a  legal  sale 
(coemptio).  In  the  time  of  the  empire  it  was  customary  for 
persons  to  be  married  witliout  these  ceremonies,  by  their  sim- 
ple consent.  During  this  time,  also,  divorces  became  common, 
and  the  general  morals  of  society  became  corrupt. 

The  Funeral  Customs  of  the  Romans  show  the  great  respect 
which  was  paid  to  the  dead.  The  nearest  relative  received 
the  last  breath  of  tlie  dying  person ;  and  his  hand  closed  the 
eyes  and  the  mouth  of  the  deceased.  The  body  was  i)repared 
for  burial  by  being  anointed,  clothed  in  garments  suited  to 
the  rank  of  the  deceased,  and  then  placed  upcm  a  bier  in  the 
cUrium,  where  the  ancestral  images  Avere  exliibited  and  where 
the  body  remained  until  the  time  for  burial.  A  l)ranch  of 
cypress  w^as  hung  at  the  door  as  a  symbol  of  death.  The 
funeral  procession  moved  from  the  house,  preceded  by  musi- 
cians and  women  hired  to  utter  lamentations  and  to  sing  the 
funeral  songs.  Jhen  came  those  who  impersonated  the  ances- 
tors of  the  deceased,  followed  by  the  family  and  near  relatives 
dressed  in  V>lack,  and  tlu^n  the  bier  carried  on  the  shoulders  of 
the  bearers,  and  lastly  the  long  train  of  mourning  friends.  If 
the  deceased  had  been  a  person  of  high  rank,  the  procession 
moved  to  the  Forum,  where  a  funeral  oration  was  pronounced, 
and  then  continued  its  way  to  the  place  of  burial,  beyond  the 
city  walls.  In  case  the  body  was  burned,  the  ashes  were 
mingled  with  wine,  milk,  and  costly  perfumes,  and  placed  in 
the  family  toud).  The  tond)s  and  monuments  erected  for  the 
dead  were  often  costly  aiul  imposing.  The  greatest  funeral 
ceremony  among  the  Romans  was  the  deification  of  the 
emperors,  which  took  place  on  the  Campus  Martins.  The 
image  of  the  deceased  emperor  was  burned  upon  a  lofty 
funeral  ]>ile,  an  eagle  was  let  loose  bearing  the  soul  to  heaven, 
and  to  the  name  of  the  emperor  was  thereafter  attached  the 
appellation  Dicus. 


V.     The  Reign  of  Domitian  (a.d.  81-96) 
Exceptional  Tyranny  of  Domitian. -The  happy  period  begun 
by   Vespasian  and  Titus  was  interrupted  by  the  exceptional 
tyranny  of  Domitian,  the 
younger  brother  of  Titus. 
Domitian  seemed  to  take 
for   his   models    Tiberius 
and    Nero.      He    ignored 
the  senate  and  the  forms 
of  the  constitution.      He 
revived  the  practice  of  de- 
lation, and  was  guilty  of 
confiscations     and    extor- 
tions.      He    teased    and 
irritated  all  classes.     He 
persecuted  the  Jews  and 
the  Christians.      Like  Ti- 
berius, he  was  suspicious, 
and    lived    in    perpetual 
fear      of      assassination. 
His  fears  were   realized; 
a  conspiracy  was  organized  against  him,  and  he  was  murdered 
by  a  freedman  of  the  palace. 

Agricola  in  Britain.— The  chief  event  of  importance  in  the 
reign  of  Domitian  was  the  extension  of  the  Roman  power  in 
Britain.  Agric'ola  had  already  been  appointed  governor  of 
Britain  by  Vespasian ;  but  it  was  not  until  this  time  that  his 
arms  were  crowned  with  marked  success.  The  limits  of  the 
province  were  now  pushed  to  the  north,  and  a  new  field  was 
opened  for  the  advance  of  civilization.  r>ritain  became  dotted 
with  Roman  cities,  united  by  great  military  roads.  As  in  Gaul, 
the  Roman  law  and  customs  found  a  home,  although  they  did 
not  obtain   so   enduring   an    influence   as  in  the   continental 

provinces. 

The  Silver  Age  of  Roman  Literature.  —  The  period  of  Roman 


Domitian 


258 


THE   ROMAN   EMI'IKK 


h  era^ire  whi.h  followed  the  age  of  Augustus  is  often  called 
the  Silver  Age."     The  despotic  rule  of  the  Julian  emperors 
had  not  been  favorable  to  literature.      Only  two  names  of  that 
period  stand  out  with  prominence,  those  of  Seneca,  the  Stoic 
philosopher,  and  Lucan,  who  wrote  an  epic  poem  describing 
the  civil  war  between  Pompey  and  Caesar.     Under  the  Fla- 
vians occurred  a  revival  of   letters,  which  continue.l  under 
the   subsequent  emperors.      Among   the  most   noted  writers 
who  flourished  at  this  time  were  Ju'venal,  the  satirist ;  Tacitus 
the   historian;    Suetonius,   the   biographer   of    the   "Twelve 
Caesars";  Martial,  the  epigrammatist ;  Quintilian,  the  rhetori- 
cian ;  and  Pliny  the  Younger,  the  writer  of  epistles.     Althou-h 
the  writings  of  the  Silver  Age  do  not  equal  those  of  the  a-e  of 
Augustus  in  grace  of  style,  they  show  quite  as  much  vigor'aud 
originality.  ° 

SELECTIONS  FOR  READING 
""'""'D^mlL^  ''  ''Vespasian.^'  Ch.  10,  .^Titus,'^  Ch.  11, 

Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Ch.  60,  -The  Wars  of  Succession  -  (l) 
Bury,  Empire,  Ch.  31,  "  Roman  Life  and  Manners  "  (7) 
Lei-hton,  Ch.  56,  "  Manners  and  Custonis''  (1) 
Merivale,  Empire,  Vol.  IV.,  Ch.  41,  "Life  in  Rome-  (7) 
Inge,  Ch.  9,  "Amusements"  (16). 

Guhl  and  Koner,  pp.  55.^-564,  "  Amphitheatrical  Games-  (16) 
Ramsay  and  Lanciani,  Ch.  14,  "I>rivate  Life  of  the  Romans-  (8) 
See  also  Appendix  (16),  "  Life  and  Manners.- 


SPECIAL  STUDY 

29jT8Wnhl"^r'T;~^"^''  ^^-  '^"-''^  ^'^^  '  Eschenbur^,  pp.  200- 
292  (8)  ;   Guhl  and  Koner.  j)p.  365-375,  437-460   (16)  •   HarDer's  mot 
Antiqq.,  "Domus-  (8)  ;  Becker,  GaUus,  pp.  231-314  (io) 

J  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  ADoendix 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found.  Appendix, 


CHAPTER   XXVI 


THE  FIVE  GOOD  EMPERORS,— NERVA  TO  MARCUS  AURELIUS 

I.   The  Reign  of  Xerva  (a.d.  96-98) 

Prosperity  of  the  Empire. —  With  the  death  of  Domitian  the 
empire  came  back  into  the  hands  of  wise  and  beneficent  rulers. 
The  "  five  good   emperors,"  as  they  are   usually  called,  were 
Xerva,  Trajan,  and  Hadrian  (who  were  related  to  one  another 
only  by  adoption),  and  the  two  An'tonines,  Antoni'nus  Pius 
and  Marcus  Aurelius.     The  period  of  general  prosperity  which 
began    under     Vespasian 
continued  under  these  em- 
perors.     It  is  during  this 
time  that  we  are  able  to 
see  Roman  civilization  at 
its  best,  its  highest  stage 
of    development.     Xerva 
was  chosen  neither  by  the 
praetorians  nor  by  the  le- 
gions, but  by  the  senate. 
Within  the  brief  time  that 
he  sat  upon  the  throne, 
he  could  do  little  except 
to  remedy  the  wrongs  of 
his  predecessor.     He  for- 
bade the  practice  of  dela- 
tion,  recalled   the   exiles 
of  Domitian,  relieved  the 
people  from  some  oppressive  taxes  and  was  tolerant  to  the 
Christians.     His  wise  and  just  reign  is  praised  by  all  ancient 
writers.      In  order  to  prevent  any  trouble  at  his  death,  he 
adopted  Trajan  as  his  successor  and  gave  him  a  share  in  the 
government. 

259 


Nebva 


258 


THE   ROMAN   EMJ'IUE 


1  era^re  whu.h  followed  the  age  of  Augustus  is  often  called 
"the  Silver  Age."     The  despotic  rule  of  the  Julian  emperors 
had  not  been  favorable  to  literature.      Only  two  names  of  that 
period  stand  out  with  prominence,  those  of  Seneca,  the  Stoic 
philosopher,  and  Lucan,  who  wrote  an  epic  poem  describing 
the  civil  war  between  Pompey  and  C^sar.     Under  the  Fla- 
vians occurred  a  revival  of   letters,  which  continued  under 
the   subsequent   emperors.      Among   the  most   noted  writers 
who  flourished  at  this  time  were  Ju'venal,  the  satirist  j  Tacitus 
the   historian;    Suetonius,   the   biographer    of    the    "Twelve 
Caesars";  Martial,  the  epigrammatist ;  Quintilian,  the  rhetori- 
cian ;  and  Pliny  the  Younger,  the  writer  of  epistles.     Althou<^h 
the  writings  of  the  Silver  Age  do  not  equal  those  of  the  age  of 
Augustus  m  grace  of  style,  they  show  quite  as  much  vigor  and 
originality.  ^ 

SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Capes,  Early  Empire,  Ch.  9,  "Vespasian,"  Ch.  10.  -Titus"  Ch    ll 
*'Domitian"  (7).i  '  ^^' 

Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Ch.  GO,  -The  Wars  of  Succession "  (1) 
Bury,  Empire,  Ch.  81,  -Roman  Life  and  Manners"  (7) 
Leighton,  Ch.  56,  -  ^Manners  and  Customs"  (1) 
Merivale,  Empire,  Vol.  IV.,  Ch.  41,  -Life  in  Rome"  (7) 
Inge,  Ch.  9,  -Amusements"  (IG). 

Guhl  and  Koner,  pp.  553-5G4,  -  Amphitheatrical  Games"  ri6) 
Ramsay  and  Lanciani.  Ch.  14,  -Private  Life  of  the  Romans"  (8) 
See  also  Appendix  (IG),  -Life  and  Manners." 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

29'TT8v''cnhl'''rK"'^^''  ^^'  '''-'''  ^'^^  '  Eschenburg,  pp.  290- 
292  (8);   Guhl  and  Koner,  j)p.  365-375,  437-460   (16)  :   Harper's  Diet 
Antiqq.,  -Domus"  (8)  ;  Becker,  Gallus,  pp.  231-314  (16) 

J  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Annendix 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found.  Appendix. 


CHAPTER   XXVI 

THE  FIVE  GOOD  EMrERORS,— NERVA  TO  MARCUS  AURELIUS 

I.   The  Reigx  of  Xerva  (a.d.  96-98) 

Prosperity  of  the  Empire. —  With  the  death  of  Domitian  the 
empire  came  back  into  the  hands  of  wise  and  beneficent  rulers. 
The  "  five  good  emperors,"  as  they  are  usually  called,  were 
Xerva,  Trajan,  and  Hadrian  (who  were  related  to  one  another 
only  by  adoption),  and  the  two  An'tonines,  Antoni'nus  Pius 
and  Marcus  Aurelius.  The  period  of  general  prosperity  which 
began  under  Vespasian 
continued  under  these  em- 
perors. It  is  during  this 
time  that  we  are  able  to 
see  Roman  civilization  at 
its  best,  its  highest  stage 
of  development.  Xerva 
was  chosen  neither  by  the 
praetorians  nor  by  the  le- 
gions, but  by  the  senate. 
Within  the  brief  time  that 
he  sat  upon  the  throne, 
he  could  do  little  except 
to  remedy  the  wrongs  of 
his  predecessor.  He  for- 
bade the  practice  of  dela- 
tion, recalled  the  exiles 
of  Domitian,  relieved  the 

people  from  some  oppressive  taxes  and  was  tolerant  to  the 
Christians.  His  wise  and  just  reign  is  praised  by  all  ancient 
writers.  In  order  to  prevent  any  trouble  at  his  death,  he 
adopted  Trajan  as  his  successor  and  gave  him  a  share  in  the 


Nebva 


■\ 


orovernment. 


259 


260 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


1 1^1 


Nervals  Attempt  to  relieve  the  Poor.  —  One  of  the  character- 
istic features  of  Nerva's  short  reign  was  his  attempt  to  relieve 
the  poor.  In  the  first  place,  he  bought  up  large  lots  of  hind 
from  the  wealthy  landlords,  and  let  them  out  to  the  needy 
citizens.  It  is  noteworthy  that  he  submitted  this  law  to  the 
assembly  of  the  people.  In  the  next  place,  he  showed  his 
great  interest  in  the  cause  of  public  education.  He  set  apart 
a  certain  fund,  the  interest  of  which  was  used  to  educate  the 
children  of  poor  parents.  This  interest  in  providing  for  the 
care  and  education  of  the  poorer  classes  was  continued  by  his 
successors. 

Roman  Education.  —  Education  among  the  Romans,  though 
not  usually  endowed   by  the  state,  was  very  general  and  was 

highly  appreciated.  Its  main  features 
were  derived  from  the  Greeks.  It  was 
intended  to  develop  all  the  mental 
powers,  and  to  train  a  man  for  public 
life.  Children  —  both  boys  and  girls 
—  began  to  attend  school  at  six  or 
seven  years  of  age.  The  elementary 
studies  were  reading,  writing,  and 
arithmetic.  The  children  were  tempted 
to  learn  the  alphabet  by  playing  with 
pieces  of  ivory  with  the  letters  marked 
upon  them.      They  were  taught  writ- 

BoY  WITH  Calculating  Board     •         i  .  i%     •      .    ^  ^    . 

ing  by  a  copy,  set  upon  their  tablets ; 
and  arithmetic  by  means  of  the  calculating  board  (ahacns) 
and  counters  {caJadi).  The  higher  education  comprised 
what  were  called  the  liberal  arts  (artes  liberales),  including 
the  Latin  and  Greek  languages,  composition  and  oratory,  and 
mental  and  moral  philosophy.  An  important  part  of  education 
consisted  in  public  recitals  and  declamations,  which  were  in- 
tended to  train  young  men  for  the  forum,  and  which  were 
often  held  in  the  temples.  The  state  sometimes  patronized 
education,  as  we  have  already  seen  in  the  case  of  Nerva. 
Hadrian   afterward   instituted   a  public  school  in  a  building 


THE   FIVE    GOOD   EMPERORS 


261 


called  the  Athen^'um.  Public  fees  were  sometimes  paid  to 
the  instructors  {professores)  in  addition  to  the  fees  of  the 
pupils. 

II.   The  Reign  of  Tra.jan   (a.d.  98-117) 

The  Greatness  of  Trajan.  —  After  Julius  Csesar  and  Augustus, 
Trajan  may  be  called,  in  many  respects,  the  greatest  of  the 
Roman  sovereigns.     Adopted  by  Nerva,  he  was  accepted  by 
the    senate.       He    made 
himself  popular  with  the 
army  and  with  the  great 
body  of  the  people.     He 
was  a  Spaniard  by  birth ; 
and  the  fact  that  he  was 
the  first  emperor  who  was 
not    a    native    of    Italy, 
shows  that  the  distinction 
between  Romans  and  pro- 
vincials was  passing  away. 
He  was  a  brave  general, 
a  wise  statesman,  and  a 
successful    administrator. 
He  continued  the  efforts 
of  Nerva  to  remedy  the 
evils  which  the  early  des- 
potism had  brought  upon 
Rome.     To  the  people  he  restored  the  elective  power ;  to  the 
senate,  liberty  of  speech  and  of  action;    to  the  magistrates, 
their  former  authority.     He  abolished  the  law  of  treason  (lex 
inaiestatis),  and  assumed  his  proper  place  as  the  chief  magis- 
trate of  the  empire.     He  was  a  generous  patron  of  literature 
and  of  art.     He  also  desired  to  relieve  the  condition  of  the 
poor.     It  is  said  that  five  thousand  children  received  from  him 
their  daily  allowance  of  food.     So  highly  was  Trajan  esteemed 
by  the  Romans  that  to  his  other  imperial  titles  was  added 
that  of  "  Optimus  "  (the  Best). 


Tkajan 


, 


260 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


THE   FIVE   GOOD   EMPERORS 


2G1 


Nervals  Attempt  to  reUeve  the  Poor One  of  the  character- 
istic features  of  Nerva's  short  reign  was  his  attempt  to  relieve 
the  poor.  In  the  first  place,  he  bought  up  large  lots  of  land 
from  the  wealthy  landlords,  and  let  them  out  to  the  needy 
citizens.  It  Is  noteworthy  that  he  submitted  this  law  to  the 
assembly  of  the  people.  In  the  next  place,  he  showed  his 
great  interest  in  the  cause  of  public  education.  He  set  apart 
a  certain  fund,  the  interest  of  which  was  used  to  educate  the 
children  of  poor  parents.  This  interest  in  providing  for  the 
care  and  education  of  the  poorer  classes  was  continued  by  his 
successors. 

Roman  Education.  —  Education  among  the  Romans,  though 
not  usually  endowed   by  the  state,  was  very  general  aiul  was 

highly  api)reciated.  Its  main  features 
were  derived  from  the  Greeks.  It  was 
intended  to  develop  all  the  mental 
powers,  and  to  train  a  man  for  public 
life.  Children  —  both  boys  and  girls 
—  began  to  attend  school  at  six  or 
seven  years  of  age.  The  elementary 
studies  were  reading,  writing,  and 
arithmetic.  The  children  were  tempted 
to  learn  the  alphabet  by  playing  with 
pieces  of  ivory  with  the  letters  marked 
upon  them.     They  were  taught  writ- 

BoY  WITH  Calculating  Board     •         i  .  ,  i     •      .    i  i    , 

ing  by  a  coj)y,  set  upon  their  tablets ; 
and  arithmetic  by  means  of  the  calculating  board  (abacus) 
and  counters  (calculi).  The  higlier  education  comprised 
what  were  called  the  liberal  arts  (artes  liboudes),  including 
the  Latin  and  Greek  languages,  composition  and  oratory,  and 
mental  and  moral  philosophy.  An  important  part  of  education 
consisted  in  public  recitals  and  declamations,  which  were  in- 
tended to  train  young  men  for  the  forum,  and  which  were 
often  held  in  the  temples.  The  state  sometimes  patronized 
educaticm,  as  we  have  already  seen  in  the  case  of  Nerva. 
Hadrian   afterward   instituted   a   public  school  in  a  building 


called  the  Athenai'um.  Public  fees  were  sometimes  paid  to 
the  instructors  (pwfessores)  in  addition  to  the  fees  of  the 
pupils. 

II.   The  Pveigx  of  Trajan   (a.d.  98-117) 

The  Greatness  of  Trajan.  —  After  Julius  Caesar  and  Augustus, 
Trajan  may  be  called,  in  many  respects,  the  greatest  of  the 
Roman  sovereigns.     Adopted  by  Nerva,  he  was  accepted  by 
the    senate.       He    nuide 
himself  popular  with  the 
army  and  with  the  great 
body  of  the  people.     He 
was  a  Si)aniard  by  birth ; 
and  the  fact  that  he  was 
the  first  emperor  who  was 
not    a    native    of    Italy, 
shows  that  the  distinction 
between  Romans  and  pro- 
vincials was  passing  away. 
He  was  a  brave  general, 
a  wise  statesman,  and  a 
successful    administrator. 
He  continued  the  efforts 
of  Nerva  to  remedy  the 
evils  which  the  early  des- 
potism  had  brought  upon 
Rome.     To  the  people  he  restored  the  elective  power;  to  the 
senate,  liberty  of  speech  and  of  action;    to  the  magistrates, 
their  former  authority.     He  abolished  the  law  of  treason  (lex 
maiestatis),  and  assumed  his  proper  place  as  the  chief  magis- 
trate of  the  empire.     He  was  a  generous  i)atron  of  literature 
and  of  art.     He  also  desired  to  relieve  the  condition  of  the 
l)()or.     It  is  said  that  five  thousand  children  received  from  him 
their  daily  allowance  of  food.     So  highly  was  Trajan  esteemed 
by  the  Romans  that  to  his  other  imperial  titles  was  added 
that  of  "  Optimus"  (the  Best). 


Tka.ian 


'PTIOGTI TTIRSTV^IS    IMAT*    yo.  7. 


-pT?.o<^rg,TnssiVE  MAT*  :x<>.  t 


262 


A  List  of  thk  Chief  Roman  Pkovinces 

WITH    THE    DATES    OF    THEIK   ACQUISITION    OK    ORGANIZATION 


I.  EuRorEAN  Provinces 

1.  Western. 

Spain  (B.C.  205-10). 
Gaul  (n.c.  120-17). 
Britain  ( a. d.  43-84). 

2.  Central. 

Rha^tia  et  Vindellcia  (b.c.  15). 
Noricum  (b.c.  15), 
Fannonia  (a.d.  10). 

3.  Eastern. 

Illyricum  (b.c.  107-59). 
Macedonia  (b.c.  146). 
Achnea  (n.c.  146). 
Moesia  (b.c.  29). 
Thrace  (a.d.  46). 
Dacia  (a.i>.  107). 

II.  African  Provinces 

Africa  proper  (b.c.  146). 
Cyrenaica  and  Crete  (b.c.  74, 

63). 
Numidia  (b.c.  46). 
Egypt  (B.C.  dO). 
Mauretania  (a.d.  42). 


III.    Asiatic  Provinces 

1.    In  Asia  Minor. 

Asia  proper  (b.c.  1;33). 
Bithynia    et    Pontus    (b.c. 

74,  65). 
Cilicia  (b.c.  67). 
Galatia  (b.c.  25). 
Paniphylia  et  Lycia  (b.c.  25, 

A.D.  43). 
Cappadocia  (a.d.  17). 


o 


In  Southwestern  Asia. 
Syria  (b.c.  64). 
Judea  (B.C.  63-a.i).  70). 
Arabia  Petnea  (a.d.  105). 
Armenia  (a.d.  114). 
Mesopotamia  (a.d.  115). 
Assyria  (a.d.  115). 

IV.    Island  Provinces 

Sicily  (B.C.  241). 

SardiniaetCorsica(B.c.  238). 
Cyprus  (B.C.  58). 


Total,  32. 


Note.  —  Many  of  these  chief  provinces  were  subdivided  into  smaller  prov- 
inces, each  under  a  separate  governor —  raak in rj  the  total  number  of  provincial 
governors  more  than  one  hundred.  For  a  complete  list  of  the  Roman  prov- 
inces in  A.D.  117,  see  Leighton,  p.  xxix. 


264 


T 


THE  FIVE   GOOD  EMPERORS 


265 


The  Conquests  of  Trajan.  —  Since  the  death  of  Augustus  there 
had  been  made  no  important  additions  to  the  Roman  territory, 
except  Britain.  But  under  Trajan  the  Romans  became  once 
more  a  conquering  people.  The  new  emperor  carried  his  con- 
quests across  the  Danube  and  acquired  the  province  of  Dacia. 
He  then  extended  his  arms  into  Asia,  and  brought  into  subjec- 
tion  Armenia,  Mesopotamia,  and  Assyria,  as  the  result  of  a 


i^oRUM  AND  Column  of  Trajan 


short  war  with  the  Parthians.     Under  Trajan  the  boundaries 
of  the  empire  reached  their  greatest  extent. 

His  Public  Works  and  Buildings.  —  Rome  and  Italy  and  the 
provinces  all  received  the  benefit  of  his  wise  administration ; 
and  the  empire  reached  its  highest  point  of  material  grandeur. 
Roads  were  constructed  for  the  aid  of  the  provincials.  He 
restored  the  harbors  of  Italy,  and  improved  the  water  supply 
of  Rome.  He  built  two  new  baths,  one  of  which  was  for  the 
exclusive  use  of  women.    The  greatest  monument  of  Trajan 


THE  FIVE   GOOD  EMPERORS 


265 


A  List  of  the  Chief  Koman  Provinces 

WITH    THE    DATES    OF    THEIK    ACQUISITION    Oli    ORGANIZATION 


I.  European  Provinces 

1.  Western. 

Spain  (B.C.  205-11)). 
Gaul  (h.c.  120-17). 
Britain  ( a. d.  43-84). 

2.  Central. 

Rhretia  et  Vindelicia  (b.c.  15). 
Noricum  (b.c.  15). 
Fannonia  (a.d.  10). 

3.  Eastern. 

Illyricum  (n.c.  107-59). 
Macedonia  (n.c.  140). 
Achtca  (ii.c.  140). 
Mcesia  (b.c.  21)). 
Thrace  (a.d.  40), 
Dacia  (a.d.  107). 

II.  African  Provinces 

Africa  proper  (b.c.  140). 
Cyrenaica  and  Crete  (b.c.  74, 

03). 
Nuniidia  (b.c.  40). 
Egypt  (B.C.  m). 
Mauretania  (a.d.  42). 


III.  Asiatic  I'rovinces 

1.    In  Asia  Minor. 

Asia  proper  (b.c.  133). 
Bitliynia    et    Pontus    (b.c. 

74,  05). 
Cilicia  (b.c.  07). 
Galatia  (b.c.  25). 
Paniphyiia  et  Lycia  (b.c.  25, 

A.D.  43). 
Cappadocia  (a.d.  17). 

2.   In  tSoutfnoe stern  Asia. 
Syria  (b.c.  04). 
Judea  (B.C.  03-a.d.  70). 
Arabia  Petriea  (a.d.  105). 
Armenia  (a.d.  114). 
Mesopotamia  (a.d.  115). 
Assyria  (a.d.  115). 

IV.  Island  Provinces 

Sicily  (B.C.  241). 

Sardinia  et  Corsica  (B.C.  238). 

Cyprus  (B.C.  58). 


Total,  32. 


Note.  — Many  of  these  chief  provinces  were  subdivided  into  smaller  prov- 
inces, each  under  a  separate  governor  —  making  the  total  number  of  provincial 
governors  more  than  one  hundred.  For  a  complete  list  of  the  Roman  prov- 
inces in  A.D.  117,  see  Leightou,  p.  xxix. 

264 


r 


The  Conquests  of  Trajan.  —  Since  the  death  of  Augustus  there 
had  been  made  no  important  additions  to  the  Roman  territory, 
except  Britain.  But  under  Trajan  the  Romans  became  once 
more  a  conquering  people.  The  new  emperor  carried  his  con- 
quests across  the  Danube  and  acquired  the  province  of  Dacia. 
He  then  extended  his  arms  into  Asia,  and  brought  into  subjec- 
tion  Armenia,  Mesopotamia,  and*  Assyria,  as  the  result  of  a 


FoKUM  AND  Column  of  Trajan 

short  war  with  the  Parthians.     Under  Trajan  the  boundaries 
of  the  empire  reached  their  greatest  extent. 

His  Public  Works  and  Buildings.  —  Rome  and  Italy  and  the 
provinces  all  received  the  benefit  of  his  wise  administration ; 
and  the  empire  reached  its  highest  point  of  material  grandeur. 
Roads  were  constructed  for  the  aid  of  the  provincials.  He 
restored  the  harbors  of  Italy,  and  improved  the  water  supply 
of  Rome.  He  built  two  new  baths,  one  of  which  was  for  the 
exclusive  use  of  women.     The  greatest  monument  of  Trajan 


i 


2f)6 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


THE   FIVE   GOOD    EMPERORS 


267 


was  the  new  Forum,  in  which  a  splendid  column  was  erected  to 
commemorate  his  victories. 

Roman  Art.  —  During  this  period  Koman  art  reached  its 
highest  development.  The  art  of  the  Romans,  as  we  have 
before  noticed,  was  modeled  in  great  part  after  that  of  the 
Greeks.  While  lacking  the  fine  sense  of  beauty  which  the 
Greeks  possessed,  the  Komaiis  yet  expressed  in  a  remarkable 
degree  the  ideas  of  massive  strength  and  of  imposing  dignity. 
In  their  sculpture  and  painting  they  were  least  original,  repro- 
ducing the  figures  of  Greek  deities,  like  those  of  Venus  and 
Apollo,  and  Greek  mythological  scenes,  as  shown  in  the  wall 
paintings  at  Pompeii.  Roman  sculpture  is  seen  to  good  advan- 
tage in  the  statues  and  busts  of  the  emperors,  and  also  in  such 
finely  wrouglit  reliefs  as  those  which  decorate  the  arch  of  Titus 
.nd  the  column  of  Trajan. 

r>ut  it  was  in  architecture  that  the  Romans  excelled;  and  by 
cheir  splendid  works  they  have  taken  rank  among  the  world's 
greatest  builders.     AVe  have  already  seen  the  progress  made 
during  the  later  republic  and  under  Augustus.     With  Trajan, 
Rome  became  a  city  of   magnificent  public  buildings.     The 
architectural  center  of  the  city  was  the  Roman  Forum  (see 
frontispiece),  with  the  additional  Forums  of  Julius,  of  Augus- 
tus, of  Vespasian,  of  Nerva,  and  of  Trajan  (see  map,  p.  303). 
Surrounding  these  were  the  temples,  the  basilicas  or  halls  of 
justice,  porticoes,  and  other  public  buildings.     The  most  con- 
spicuous buildings  which  would  attract  the  eyes  of  one  stand- 
ing in  the  Forum  were  the  splendid  temples  of  Jupiter  and 
Juno   situated   upon   the   Capitoline  hill  (see  pp.  268,  269). 
While  it  is  true  that  the  Romans  obtained  their  chief  ideas  of 
architectural  beauty  from  the  Greeks,  it  is  a  question  whether 
Athens,  even  in  the  time  of  Pericles,  could  have  presented 
such  a  scene  of  imposing  grandeur  as  did  Rome  in  the  time  of 
Trajan   and   Hadrian,    with   its   forums,   temples,   aqueducts, 
basilicas,  palaces,  porticoes,  amphitheaters,  theaters,  circuses, 
baths,  columns,  triumphal  arches,  and  tombs. 


II 


III.   The  Reign  of  Hadrian  (a.d.  117-138) 

The  Statesmanship  of  Hadrian.  -At  the  death  of  Trajan,  his 
adopted  son  Hadrian  was  proclaimed  by  the  praetorian  guards 
But  Hadrian  did  not  regard  this  as  a  constitutional  act;  and 
he  requested  to  be  formally  elected  by  the  senate.     In  some 
respects  he  was  similar  to  Trajan,  with  the  same  generous 
spirit  and  desire  for  the  welfare  of  the  people,  and  with  the 
same   wish  to   add  to  the 
architectural    splendor    of 
Rome.  He  was,  like  Trajan, 
a  friend  of  literature  and  a 
patron  of  the  fine  arts.    But 
he  differed  from  Trajan  in 
not  thinking  that  the  great- 
ness   of     Rome    depended 
upon   military    glory.     He 
believed    that     the    army 
should  be  maintained;  but 
that  foreign  conquest  was 
less    important    than     the 
prosperity  of  his  subjects. 
In  his  political  ideas  and 
administrative    ability    he 
was    a   type    of   the    true 
statesman.     He  is  said  to 

have  been  a  man  of  wider  acquirements  and  greater  general 
capacity  than  any  previous  ruler  since  Julius  Ccesar.  He  was 
iu  the  best  sense  liberal  and  cosmopolitan.  He  was  tolerant 
of  the  Christians,  and  put  himself  in  sympathy  with  the  various 
races  and  creeds  which  made  up  the  em])ire.  Against  the 
Jews  only,  who  rose  in  revolt  during  his  reign,  did  he  show  a 
spirit  of  unreasonable  severity. 

His  Abandonment  of  Trajan's  Conquests.  —  Hadrian  did  not 
believe  that  the  mission  of  Rome  was  to  conquer  the  world, 
but  to  civilize  her  own  subjects.     He  therefore  voluntarily 


UAniiivN 


266 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


THE   FIVE    GOOD   EMPERORS 


207 


was  the  new  Forum,  in  which  a  splendid  cohimn  was  erected  to 
commemorate  his  victories. 

Roman  Art. — During  this  period  Roman  art  reached  its 
highest  development  The  art  of  the  Romans,  as  we  have 
before  noticed,  was  modeled  in  great  part  after  that  of  the 
Greeks.  While  lacking  the  fine  sense  of  beauty  which  the 
Greeks  possessed,  the  Romans  yet  expressed  in  a  remarkable 
degree  the  ideas  of  massive  strength  and  of  imposing  dignity. 
In  their  sculpture  and  painting  they  were  least  original,  repro- 
ducing the  figures  of  Greek  deities,  like  those  of  Venus  and 
Apollo,  and  (ireek  mythological  scenes,  as  shown  in  the  wall 
paintings  at  Pompeii.  Roman  sculpture  is  seen  to  good  advan- 
taL'e  in  the  statues  and  busts  of  the  emperors,  and  also  in  such 
finely  wrought  reliefs  as  those  which  decorate  the  arch  of  Titus 
nd  the  column  of  Trajan. 

Rut  it  was  ia architecture  that  the  Romans  excelled;  and  by 
dieir  splendid  works  they  have  taken  rank  among  the  world's 
greatest  builders.     We  have  already  seen  the  progress  made 
during  the  later  republic  and  under  Augustus.     With  Trajan, 
Rome  became  a  city  of   magnificent  public  buildings.     The 
architectural  center  of  the  city  was  the  Roman  Forum  (see 
frontispiece),  with  the  additional  Forums  of  Julius,  of  Augus- 
tus, of  Vespasian,  of  Nerva,  and  of  Trajan  (see  map,  p.  3();3). 
Surrounding  these  were  the  temples,  the  basiUcas  or  halls  of 
justice,  porticoes,  and  other  public  buildings.     The  most  con- 
spicuous buildings  which  would  attract  the  eyes  of  one  stand- 
ing in  the  Forum  were  the  splendid  temples  of  Jupiter  and 
Juno   situated   upon   the   Capitoline  hill  (see  pp.  2G8,  2()9). 
While  it  is  true  that  the  Romans  obtained  their  chief  ideas  of 
architectural  beauty  from  the  Greeks,  it  is  a  question  whether 
Athens,  even  in  the  time  of  Pericles,  could  have  presented 
such  a  scene  of  imposing  grandeur  as  did  Rome  in  the  time  of 
Trajan   and   Hadrian,    with   its   forums,   temples,   aqueducts, 
basilicas,  palaces,  porticoes,  amphitheaters,  theaters,  circuses, 
baths,  columns,  triumphal  arches,  and  tombs. 


III.   The  Reign  of  Hadrian  (a.p.  117-138) 

The  Statesmanship  of  Hadrian. -At  the  death  of  Trajan,  his 
adopted  son  Hadrian  was  proclaimed  by  the  pr^tonan  guards 
Rut  Hadrian  did  not  regard  this  as  a  constitutional  act;  and 
he  requested  to  be  formally  elected  by  the  senate.     In  some 
respects  he  was  similar  to  Trajan,  with  the  same  generous 
spirit  and  desire  for  the  welfare  of  the  people,  and  with  the 
came   wish  to   add  to  the 
architectural    splendor    of 
Rome.  He  was,  like  Trajan, 
a  friend  of  literature  and  a 
patron  of  the  fine  arts.    P>ut 
he  differed  from  l^rajan  in 
not  thinking  that  the  great- 
ness   of    Rome    depended 
upon   military    glory.     He 
believed     that     the     army 
should  be  maintained;  but 
that  foreign  conquest  was 
less    important    than     the 
prosperity  of  his  subjects. 
In  his  political  ideas  and 
administrative    ability    he 
was    a    type    of   the    true 
statesman.     He  is  said  to 

have  been  a  man  of  wider  acquirements  and  greater  general 
capacity  than  any  previous  ruler  since  Julius  Caesar.  He  was 
in  the  best  sense  liberal  and  cosmopolitan.  He  was  tolerant 
of  the  Christians,  and  put  himself  in  sympathy  with  the  various 
races  and  creeds  which  made  up  the  empire.  Against  the 
Jews  only,  who  rose  in  revolt  during  his  reign,  did  he  show  a 
spirit  of  unreasonable  severity. 

His  Abandonment  of  Trajan's  Conquests.  —  Hadrian  did  not 
believe  that  the  mission  of  Rome  was  to  conciuer  the  world, 
but  to  civilize  her  own  subjects.     He  therefore  voluntarily 


IIadria-N 


268 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


THE  FIVE   GOOD   EMPERORS 


269 


gave  up  the  extensive  cou.inests  of  Trajan  in  the  East,  the 
provinces  of  Armenia,  Mesopotamia,  and  Assyria.  He  de- 
dared  that  the  Eastern  policy  of  Trajan  was  a  great  mistake. 
He  openly  professed  to  cling  to  the  policy  of  Augustus,  which 
was  to  improve  the  empire  rather  than  to  enlarge  it 

The  Imperial  CouncU.  _  Another  evidence  of  the  statesman- 
ship of  Hadrian  is  seen  in  the  fact  that  he  was  willing  to  take 


TK.MM.E  „K  ,1,  iMTEu  C.ipiTm.iNus  (I!estoration) 


advice.  He  not  only  sought  the  advice  of  the  best  men  of  the 
empire,  but  he  organized  a  permanent  body  of  counsellors  like 
a  cabinet  (concilium  Amjustf),  which  became  an  established 
inst.  ution.  The  emperor  was  not  now  the  victim  of  un- 
worthy advisers,  as  in  the  time  of  Tiberius,  but  was  sur- 
rounded by  men  noted  for  their  learning  and  wisdom.  These 
men  were  often  trained  lawyers,  who  were  skilled  in  the  rules 
01  justice. 

The  Perpetual  Edict  of  Salvias  Julianus.  -  Perhaps  the  most 


i 


I 


important  event  in  the  reign  of  Hadrian  was  his  compilation 
of  the  best  part  of  the  Roman  law.  Since  the  XII.  Tables 
there  had  been  no  collection  of  legal  rules.  That  ancient  code 
was  framed  upon  the  customs  of  a  primitive  people.  It  did 
not  represent  the  actual  law  by  which  justice  was  now  admin- 
istered. A  new  and  better  law  had  grown  up  in  the  courts  of 
the  prsetors  and  of   the  provincial  governors.     It  had   been 


Temi'lk  ok  Juno  Monkta  (Hestoration) 


expressed  in  the  edicts  of  these  magistrates ;  but  it  had  now 
become  voluminous  and  scattered.  Hadrian  delegated  to  one 
of  his  jurists,  Salvius  Julia'nus,  the  task  of  collecting  this  law 
into  a  concise  form,  so  that  it  could  be  used  for  the  better 
administration  of  justice  throughout  the  empire.  This  collec- 
tion was  called  the  Perpetual  Edict  {Edlctum  Perpetunm). 

The  Visitation  of  the  Provinces.  —  Hadrian  showed  a  stronger 
sympathy  with  the  provinces  than  any  of  his  predecessors, 
and  under  his  reign  the  provincials  attained  a  high  degree  of 
prosperity  and  happiness.     He  conducted  himself  as  a  true 


268 


THK    ROMAN   EMPIRE 


THE   FIVE   GOOD  EMPEUORS 


269 


gave  up  the  extensive  cou<iuest.s  of  Trajan  in  the  East,  the 
provinces  of  Arnu-nia,  Mesopotamia,  and  Assyria.  He  de- 
c  ared  that  the  Eastern  policy  of  Trajan  was  a  great  mistake. 
He  openly  professed  to  cling  to  the  policy  of  Augustus,  which 
was  to  improve  the  empire  rather  than  to  enlarge  it 

The  Imperial  Council. -Another  evidence  of  the  statesman- 
ship of  Hadrian  is  seen  in  the  fact  that  he  was  willing  to  take 


Tkmi-le  Of  .It  i.nKR  (■AiTr..i.,si:»  (Hcstoratioii) 


advice.  He  not  only  sought  the  advice  of  the  best  men  of  the 
empire,  but  he  organized  a  permanent  body  of  counsellors  like 
a  cabinet  (concilium  A,n,„stf),  which  became  an  established 
mst,  iition.  The  emperor  was  not  now  the  victim  of  un- 
worthy  advisers,  as  in  the  time  of  Tiberius,  but  was  sur- 
rounded by  men  noted  for  their  learning  and  wisdom.  These 
men  were  often  trained  lawyers,  who  were  skilled  in  the  rules 
01  justice. 

The  Perpetual  Edict  of  Salvias  Julianus.  -  Perhaps  the  most 


I 


I 


important  event  in  the  reign  of  Hadrian  was  his  compilation 
of  the  best  part  of  the  Roman  law.  Since  the  XII.  Tables 
there  had  been  no  collection  of  legal  rules.  That  ancient  code 
was  framed  upon  the  customs  of  a  primitive  people.  It  did 
not  represent  the  actual  law  by  which  justice  was  now  admin- 
istered. A  new  and  better  law  had  grown  up  in  the  courts  of 
the  prsetors  and  of  the  provincial  governors.     It  had   been 


TK.MIM.K  OK  JiN«»  MoNKTA  (liestoratioii) 


expressed  in  the  edicts  of  these  magistrates ;  but  it  had  now 
become  voluminous  and  scattered.  Hadrian  delegated  to  one 
of  his  jurists,  Salvius  Julia'nus,  the  task  of  collecting  this  law 
into  a  concise  form,  so  that  it  could  be  used  for  the  better 
administration  of  justice  throughout  the  empire.  This  collec- 
tion was  called  the  I'erpetual  Edict  (Edict urn  Perpetnmn). 

The  Visitation  of  the  Provinces.  —  1  ladrian  showed  a  stronger 
sympathy  with  the  provinces  than  any  of  his  predecessors, 
and  under  his  reign  the  provincials  attained  a  high  degree  of 
prosperity  and  happiness.     He  conducted   himself   as  a  true 


(I 


270 


TUE   FIVE   GOOD  EMPERORS 


271 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


sovereign  and  friend  of  his  people.  To  become  acquainted 
with  their  condition  and  to  remedy  their  evils,  he  spent  a 
large  part  of  his  time  in  visiting  the  provinces.  Of  his  long 
reign  of  twenty-one  years,  he  spent  more  than  two  thirds  out- 
side of  Italy.  He  made  his  temporary  residence  in  the  chief 
cities  of  the  empire,  —  in  York,  in  Athens,  in  Antioch,  and  in 
Alexandria  —  where  he  was  continually  looking  after  the  in- 


M.iusuLi^uu  OF  llAUi;iAN  VCoiiUti  of  St.  Aufclw) 

terests  of  his  subjects.  In  the  provinces,  as  at  Rome,  he  con- 
structed many  magnificent  public  works ;  and  won  for  himself 
a  renown  eriual,  if  not  superior,  to  that  of  Trajan  as  a  great 
builder.  Rome  was  decorated  with  the  temple  of  Venus  and 
Roma,  and  the  splendid  mausoleum  which  to-day  bears  the 
name  of  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo;  a  beautiful  villa  was  also 
constructed  at  Tibur,  a  temple  of  Augustus  at  Tar'raeo,  a 
basilica  at  Nemausus  (Nismes),  extensive  ramparts  in  Britain, 
and  costly  buildings  at  Alexandria. 


The  Provincial  and  Municipal  Systems.  -The  general  organiza. 
tion  of  the  provinces  remained  much  as  it  had  been  established 
by  Augustus.  There  were  still  the  two  classes,  the  senatoria  , 
Rovern^ed  by  the  proconsuls  and  proprstors,  and  the  imperial, 
governed  by  the  legati,  or  the  emperor's  lieutenants.  In  some 
of  the  smaller  provinces  a  procurator  was  appointed  as  gov- 
ernor, as  in  the  case  of  Judea  and  Thrace.  The  improvement 
which  took  place  under  the  empire  in  the  condition  of  the 
provinces  was  due  to  the  longer  term  of  ofRce  given  to  the 
Governors,  the  more  economic  management  of  the  finances,  and 
die  abolition  of  the  system  of  farming  the  revenues 

But  the  province  was  in  reality  a  collection  of  towns  or 
cities  and  the  freedom  of  the  provincials  depended  upon  the 
li       status  of  the  towns  in  which  they  lived.     These  towns  were 
not  all  alike.     While  they  almost  always  had  their  own  gov- 
ernment and  chose  their  own  officers,  their  relations  to  Kome 
were  quite  various.     The  different  kinds  of  towns  and  their 
relative  numbers  in  the  provinces  we  may  judge  from  1  Imy  s 
enumeration  of  the  towns  of  Btet'ica,  a  province  in  Spain. 
Here  were  nine  colonies,  eight  municipia,  twenty-nine  Latin 
towns,  six  free  towns,  three  federate  towns,  and  one  hundred 
and  twenty   tributary  towns.     The   colonies  were   general  y 
settlements  of  soldiers  or  poor  citizens  sent  out  from  Italy 
and  retaining  full  Roman  rights.     The  municipia  were  native 
towns  which  had  received  the  same  rights.     The  Latin  towns 
were  those  which  received  the   partial  rights  of  citizenship 
(commercinm).     The  free  towns  were  the  native  cities  which 
were  exempted  from  all  burdens.     The  federate  towns  were 
related  to  Rome  by  a  special  treaty.     The  tributary  towns, 
which  comprised  the  great  mass  of  provincial  cities,  were  sub- 
iect  to  the  Roman  tribute  or  tax,  which  might  be  paid  in 
money  or  in  produce.     The  town  itself  had  generally  for  its 
own  government  a  municipal  council  {curia),  composed  of  the 
landed  aristocracy  {cnriales)  and  presided  over  by  two  magis- 
trates  (duumviri).    The  tendency  of  all  towns  in  the  West  was 
to  conform  to  this  model. 


¥ 


270 


THE   ROMAN  KMPIEE 


sovereign  and  friend  of  his  people.  To  become  acquainted 
with  their  condition  and  to  remedy  their  evils,  he  spent  a 
large  part  of  his  time  in  visiting  the  provinces.  Of  his  long 
reign  of  twenty-one  years,  he  spent  more  than  two  thirds  out- 
side of  Italy.  He  made  his  temporary  residence  in  the  chief 
cities  of  the  empire,  —  in  York,  in  Athens,  in  Antioch,  and  in 
Alexandria  —  where  he  was  continually  looking  after  the  in- 


Mausulicl-m  uir  Uaukian  (Ca»tlc  of  bt,  Aiii,'ulu) 

terests  of  his  subjects.  In  the  provinces,  as  at  Rome,  he  con- 
structed many  magnificent  public  works ;  and  won  for  himself 
a  renown  equal,  if  not  superior,  to  that  of  Trajan  as  a  great 
builder.  Rome  was  decorated  with  the  temple  of  Venus  and 
Roma,  and  the  splendid  mausoleum  which  to-day  bears  the 
name  of  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo;  a  beautiful  villa  was  also 
constructed  at  Tibur,  a  temple  of  Augustus  at  Tar'raco,  a 
basilica  at  Nemausus  (Nismes),  extensive  ramparts  in  Britain, 
and  costly  buildings  at  Alexandria. 


THE   FIVE   GOOD  EMPERORS 


271 


The  Provincial  and  Municipal  Systems.  -The  general  organiza- 
tion of  the  provinces  remained  much  as  it  had  been  establislied 
by  Augustus.  There  were  still  the  two  classes,  the  senatona  , 
governwl  by  the  proconsuls  and  propraetors,  and  the  imperial, 
governed  by  the  leqat!,  or  the  emperor's  lieutenants.  In  some 
of  the  smaller  provinces  a  procurator  was  appointed  as  gov- 
ernor, as  in  the  case  of  Judoa  and  Thrace.  The  improvement 
which  took  place  under  the  empire  in  the  condition  of  the 
provinces  was  due  to  the  longer  term  of  office  given  to  the 
'governors,  the  more  economic  management  of  the  finances,  and 
the  abolition  of  the  system  of  farming  the  revenues 

But   the  province  was  in  reality  a  collection  of  towns  or 
cities,  and  the  freedom  of  the  pvovineials  depended  upon  the 
status  of  the  towns  in  which  they  lived.     These  towns  were 
not  all  alike.     While  they  almost  always  had  their  own  gov- 
ernment and  chose  their  own  officers,  their  relations  to  Rome 
were  quite  various.     The  different  kinds  of  towns  and  their 
relative  numbers  in  the  provinces  we  may  judge  from  1  hny  s 
enumeration  of  the  towns  of  Bsefica,  a  province  in  Spain. 
Here  were  nine  colonies,  eight  munidpia,  twonty-nme  Latin 
towns,  six  free  towns,  three  federate  towns,  and  one  hundred 
and  twenty   tributary  towns.     The   colonies  were   general  y 
settlements  of  soldiers  or  poor  citizens  sent  out  from  Italy 
and  retaining  full  Roman  rights.     The  immMpia  were  native 
towns  which  had  received  the  same  rights.     The  Latin  towns 
were  those  which  received  the   partial  rights  of  citizenship 
(commercUm).     The  free  towns  were  the  native  cities  which 
were  exempted  from  all  burdens.     The  federate  towns  were 
related  to  Rome  by  a  special  treaty.     The  tributary  towns, 
which  comprised  the  great  mass  of  provincial  cities,  were  sub- 
iect  to  the  Roman  tribute  or  tax,  which  might  be  paid  in 
money  or  in  produce.     The  town  itself  had  generally  for  its 
own  government  a  municipal  council  (cma),  composed  of  the 
landed  aristocracy  (c«nafes)  and  presided  over  by  two  magis- 
trates (duumviri).    The  tendency  of  all  towns  in  the  West  was 
to  conform  to  this  model. 


272 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


THE   FIVE   GOOD   EMPERORS 


273 


IV.    The  Reigx  of  Antoninus  Pius  (a.d.  138-161) 

The  Virtues  of  Antoninus.  —  If  we  desired  to  find  in  Roman 
history  a  more  noble  character  than  that  of  Hadrian,  we  should 
perhai)s  find  it  in  his  adopted  son  and  successor,  Antoninus, 
surnamed  Pius.  The  description  given  of  him  by  his  son, 
^Farcus  Aurelius,  is  worthy  to  be  read  by  the  young  people 
of  all  times.  "  In  my  father,"  he  says,  "  I  saw  mildness  of 
manners,  firmness  of  resolution,  contempt  of  vain  glory.     He 

knew  when  to  rest  as  well 
as  to  labor.  He  taught  me 
to  forbear  from  all  im- 
proper indulgences,  to  con- 
duct myself  as  an  equal 
among  equals,  to  lay  on 
my  friends  no  burden  of 
servilifcy.  From  him  I 
learned  to  be  resigned  to 
every  fortune  and  to  bear 
myself  calmly  and  se- 
renely ;  to  rise  superior  to 
vulgar  applause,  and  to 
despise  vulgar  criticism ; 
to  worship  the  gods  with- 
out superstition  and  to 
serve  mankind  without 
ambition.  He  was  ever 
prudent  and  moderate ;  he  looked  to  his  duty  only,  and  not  to 
the  opinions  that  might  be  formed  of  him.  Such  was  the 
character  of  his  life  and  manners  —  nothing  harsh,  nothing 
excessive,  nothing  rude,  nothing  which  showed  roughness  and 
violence." 

The  ''Reign  without  Events."  —  The  reign  of  Antoninus, 
although  a  long  one  of  twenty-three  years,  is  known  in  history 
as  the  uneventful  reign.  Since  much  that  is  usually  called 
"  eventful "  in  history  is  made  up  of  wars,  tumults,  calamities, 


Antoninus  Viva 


1 1 


\1 


and  discords,  it  is  to  the  greatest  credit  of  Antoninus  that 
his  reign  is  called  uneventful.  We  read  of  no  conquests,  no 
insurrections,  no  proscriptions,  no  extortions,  no  cruelty.  His 
reign  is  an  illustration  of  the  maxim,  "Happy  is  the  people 
which  has  no  history."  Although  not  so  great  a  statesman 
as  Hadrian,  he  yet  maintained  the  empire  in  a  state  of  peace 
and  prosperity.  He  managed  the  finances  with  skill  and 
economy.  He  was  kind  to  his  subjects;  and  interfered  to 
prevent  the  persecution  of  the  Christians  at  Athens  and 
Thessaloni'ca. 

His  Influence  upon  Law  and  Legislation.  —  If  we  should  seek 
for  the  most  distinguishing  feature  of  his  reign,  we  should 
doubtless  find  it  in  the  field  of  law.     His  high  sense  of  justice 
brought   him   into   close   relation   with    the    great   jurists   of 
the  age,  who  were  now  beginning  to  make  their  influence  felt. 
With  them  he  believed  that  the  spirit  of  the  law  was  more 
important   than   the   letter.     One   of   his   maxims   was   that, 
"While  the  forms  of  the  law  must  not  be  lightly  altered,  they 
must  be  interpreted  so  as  to  meet  the  demands  of  justice." 
He  laid  down  the  important  principle  that  every  one  should 
be  regarded  as  innocent  until  proved   guilty.     He  mitigated 
the  evils  of  slavery,  and  declared  that  a  man  had  no  more 
right  to  kill  his  own  slave  than  the  slave  of  another.     It  was 
about  the  close  of  his  reign  that  the  great  elementary  treatise 
on  the  Roman  law,  called  the  "  Institutes  "  of  Gains,  appeared. 
Roman  Jurisprudence.  —  Some  one  has  said  that  the  greatest 
bequests  of  antiquity  to  the  modern  world  were  Christianity, 
Greek  philosophy,  and  the   Roman  law.     W^e  should   study 
the  history  of  Rome  to  little  purpose  if  we  failed   to  take 
account  of  this,  the  highest  product  of  her  civilization.     It  is 
not  to  her  amphitheaters,  her  circuses,  her  triumphal  arches, 
or  to  her  sacred  temples  that  we  must  look  in  order  to  see  the 
most  distinctive  and  enduring  features  of  Roman  life.     We 
must  look  rather  to  her  basilicas  —  that  is,  her  courthouses  — 
where  the  principles  of  justice  were  administered  to  her  citi- 
zens and  her  subjects  in  the  forms  of  law. 


I 


I    ;| 


i 


\ 


272 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


THE   FIVE   GOOD   EMPERORS 


273 


TV.    The  Keigx  of  Antoninus  Pius  (a.d.  138-161) 

The  Virtues  of  Antoninus.  —  If  we  desired  to  find  in  Roman 
history  a  more  noble  character  than  that  of  Hadrian,  we  should 
perhai)s  find  it  in  his  adopted  son  and  successor,  Antoninus, 
surnanied  Pius.  The  description  given  of  him  by  his  son, 
Marcus  Aiirelins,  is  worthy  to  be  read  by  the  young  jieople 
of  all  times.  "  In  my  father,"  he  says,  ''  I  saw  mildness  of 
manners,  firmness  of  resolution,  contempt  of  vain  glory.     He 

knew  when  to  rest  as  well 
as  to  labor.  He  taught  me 
to  forbear  from  all  im- 
])roper  indulgences,  to  con- 
duct myself  as  an  equal 
among  equals,  to  lay  on 
my  friends  no  burden  of 
servility.  From  him  I 
learned  to  be  resigned  to 
every  fortune  and  to  bear 
myself  calmly  and  se- 
renely ;  to  rise  superior  to 
vulgar  applause,  and  to 
despise  vulgar  criticism ; 
to  worship  the  gods  with- 
out superstition  and  to 
serve  mankind  without 
ambition.  He  was  ever 
prudent  and  moderate  ;  he  looked  to  his  duty  only,  and  not  to 
the  opinions  that  might  be  formed  of  him.  Such  was  the 
character  of  his  life  and  manners  —  nothing  harsh,  nothing 
excessive,  nothing  rude,  nothing  which  showed  roughness  and 
violence." 

The  "  Reign  without  Events."  —  The  reign  of  Antoninus, 
although  a  long  one  of  twenty-three  years,  is  known  in  history 
as  the  uneventful  reign.  Since  much  that  is  usually  called 
"  eventful  "  in  history  is  made  up  of  wars,  tumults,  calamities, 


Antoninus  Pirs 


\ 


and  discords,  it  is  to  the  greatest  credit  of  Antoninus  that 
his  reign  is  called  uneventful.  We  read  of  no  conquests,  no 
insurrections,  no  proscriptions,  no  extorticms,  no  cruelty.  His 
reign  is  an  illustration  of  the  maxim,  ^' Happy  is  the  people 
which  has  no  history."  Although  not  so  great  a  statesman 
as  Hadrian,  he  yet  maintained  the  empire  in  a  state  of  i)eace 
and  prosperity.  He  managed  the  finances  with  skill  and 
economy.  He  was  kind  to  his  subjects;  and  interfered  to 
prevent  the  persecution  of  the  Christians  at  Athens  and 
Thessaloni'ca. 

His  Influence  upon  Law  and  Legislation.  —  If  we  should  seek 
for  the  most  distinguishing  feature  of  his  reign,  we  should 
doubtless  find  it  in  the  field  of  law.     His  high  sense  of  justice 
brought   him   into   close   relation   with    the   great   jurists   of 
the  age,  who  were  now  beginning  to  make  their  infiuence  felt. 
With  them  he  believed  that  the  spirit  of  the  law  was  more 
important   than   the   letter.     One   of   his   maxims   was   that, 
"AVhile  the  forms  of  the  law  must  not  be  lightly  altered,  they 
must  be  interpreted  so  as  to  meet  the  demands  of  justice." 
He  laid  down  the  important  principle  that  every  one  should 
be  regarded  as  innocent  until  proved   guilty.     He  mitigated 
the  evils  of  slavery,  and  declared  that  a  man  had  no  more 
right  to  kill  his  own  slave  than  the  slave  of  another.     It  was 
about  the  close  of  his  reign  that  the  great  elementary  treatise 
on  the  Roman  law,  called  the  "  Institutes  "  of  Gains,  appeared. 
Roman  Jurisprudence.  —  Some  one  has  said  that  the  greatest 
bequests  of  antiquity  to  the  modern  world  were  Christianity, 
Greek  philosophy,  and  the   Roman  law.     We  should   study 
the  history  of  Rome  to  little  purpose  if  we  failed   to  take 
account  of  this,  the  highest  product  of  her  civilization.     It  is 
not  to  her  amphitheaters,  her  circuses,  her  triumphal  arches, 
or  to  her  sacred  temples  that  we  must  look  in  order  to  see  the 
most  distinctive  and  enduring  features  of  Roman  life.     We 
must  look  rather  to  her  basilicas  —  that  is,  her  courthouses  — 
where  the  principles  of  justice  were  administered  to  her  citi- 
zens and  her  subjects  in  the  forms  of  law. 


I' 


274 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


If  we  would  comprehend  how  Rome  came  to  be  tlie  great 
lawgiver  of  the  world,  we  should  understand  that  the  begin- 
nings of  her  great  legal  system  grew  out  of  the  customs  of  the 
ancient  patrician  families,  and  were  embodied  in  the  XII. 
Tables.  We  should  understand  that  with  the  growing  con- 
quests of  Rome  it  became  necessary  to  administer  justice  upon 
broader  principles  between  Romans  and  foreigners  ;  that  these 


Intkrior  of  thk  Basilica  of  Ulpian 

principles  were  expressed  in  the  edicts  of  her  magistrates  and 
collected,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  Perpetual  Edict  of  Salvius 
Julianus.  We  should  understand,  finally,  that  the  law  was 
made  more  just  and  equitable  by  such  wise  maxims  as  those 
of  Antoninus  Pius  and  the  great  jurists  of  the  empire;  and 
that  it  was  afterward  embodied  in  the  immortal  "  Digest "  of 
Justinian,  through  which  it  has  obtained  an  influence  over 
the  jurisprudence  of  nearly  all  modern  countries. 


/ 


THE   FIVE   GOOD   EMPERORS  275 

V.   The  Reign  of  Marcus  Aukelius  (a.d.  161-180) 

The  Philosopher  on  the  Throne.  —  Marcus  Aurelius  was  the 
adopted  son  of  Antoninus  Pius,  and  came  to  the  throne  at  his 
father's  death.  The  new  emperor  was  first  of  all  a  philoso- 
pher. He  had  studied  in  the  school  of  the  Stoics,  and  was 
himself  the  highest  embodiment  of  their  principles.  He  was 
wise,  brave,  just,  and  tem- 
perate. The  history  of 
the  pagan  world  presents 
no  higher  example  of  up- 
rightness and  manhood. 
In  whatever  he  did  he 
acted  from  a  pure  sense  of 
duty.  But  his  character 
as  a  man  was  no  doubt 
greater  than  his  ability  as 
a  statesman.  8o  far  as 
we  know,  Marcus  Aure- 
lius never  shrank  from  a 
known  duty,  private  or 
public;  but  it  is  not  so 
clear  that  his  sense  of 
personal  duty  was  always 
in  harmony  with  the  best 
interests  of  the  empire. 

Misfortunes  of  his  Reign.  — In  judging  of  this  great  man  we 
must  not  forget  that  his  reign  was  a  time  of  great  misfortunes. 
Rome  was  afflicted  by  a  deadly  plague  and  famine,  the  most 
terrible  in  her  history.  From  the  East  it  spread  over  the 
provinces,  carrying  with  it  death  and  desolation.  One  writer 
affirms,  Avith  perhaps  some  exaggeration,  that  half  the  popula- 
tion of  the  empire  perished.  The  fierce  barbarians  of  the 
north  were  also  trying  to  break  through  the  frontiers,  and 
threatening  to  overrun  the  provinces.  But  Marcus  Aurelius 
met  all  these  dangers  and  difficulties  with  courage  and  patience. 

MOREY's  ROM.    HIST.  — 17 


MARri'S   AUEELIl'S 


r 


274 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


If  we  would  comprelieiul  how  Rome  came  to  be  the  great 
lawgiver  of  the  world,  we  should  understand  that  the  begin- 
nings of  her  great  legal  system  grew  out  of  the  customs  of  the 
ancient  patrician  families,  and  were  embodied  in  the  XII. 
Tables.  We  should  understand  that  with  the  growing  con- 
quests of  Rome  it  became  necessary  to  administer  justice  upon 
broader  principles  between  Romans  and  foreigners  ;  that  these 


Interior  of  the  Basilu.v  <»f  Ulpian 

principles  were  expressed  in  the  edicts  of  her  magistrates  and 
collected,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  Peri)etual  Edict  of  Salvius 
Julian  us.  AVe  should  understand,  finally,  that  the  law  was 
made  more  just  and  equitable  by  such  wise  maxims  as  those 
of  Antoninus  Pius  and  the  great  jurists  of  the  empire;  and 
that  it  was  afterward  embodied  in  the  immortal  ''Digest"  of 
Justinian,  through  which  it  has  obtained  an  influence  over 
the  jurisprudence  of  nearly  all  modern  countries. 


/ 


THE   FIVE   GOOD   EMPERORS  275 

V.   The  Reign  of  Marcus  Aurelius  (a.d.  161-180) 

The  Philosopher  on  the  Throne. — Marcus  Aurelius  was  the 
adopted  son  of  Antoninus  Pius,  and  came  to  the  throne  at  his 
father's  death.  The  new  emperor  was  first  of  all  a  philoso- 
pher. He  had  studied  in  the  school  of  the  Stoics,  and  was 
himself  the  highest  embodiment  of  their  principles.  He  was 
wise,  brave,  just,  and  tem- 
perate. The  history  of 
the  pagan  world  presents 
no  higher  example  of  up- 
rightness and  manhood. 
In  whatever  he  did  he 
acted  from  a  pure  sense  of 
duty.  But  his  character 
as  a  man  was  no  doubt 
greater  than  his  ability  as 
a  statesman.  So  far  as 
we  know,  Marcus  Aure- 
lius never  shrank  from  a 
known  duty,  private  or 
public;  but  it  is  not  so 
clear  that  his  sense  of 
personal  duty  was  always 
in  harmony  with  the  best 
interests  of  the  empire. 

Misfortunes  of  his  Reign.  — In  judging  of  this  great  man  we 
must  not  forget  that  his  reign  was  a  time  of  great  misfortunes. 
Rome  was  afflicted  by  a  deadly  plague  and  famine,  the  most 
terrible  in  her  history.  From  the  East  it  spread  over  the 
provinces,  carrying  with  it  death  and  desolation.  One  writer 
affirms,  with  perhaps  some  exaggeration,  that  half  the  popula- 
tion of  the  empire  perished.  The  fierce  barbarians  of  the 
north  were  also  trying  to  break  through  the  frontiers,  and 
threatening  to  overrun  the  provinces.  Rut  Marcus  Aurelius 
met  all  these  dangers  and  difficulties  with  courage  and  patience. 

MOUEY's  ROM.    HIST. — 17 


Marcis  ArRKLn-8 


276 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


THE   FIVE   GOOD   EMPERORS 


277 


His  Persecution  of  the  Christians.  —  The  most  striking  exam- 
ple of  the  fact  that  the  emperor's  sense  of  duty  was  not  always 
in  harmony  with  the  highest  welfare  of  the  people  is  shown  in 
his  persecution  of  the  Christians.     The  new  religion  had  found 
its  way  throughout  the  eastern  and  western  provinces.     It  was 
at  first  received  by  the  common  people  in  the  cities.    As  it  was 
despised  by  many,  it  was  the  occasion  of  bitter  opposition  and 
often  of  popular  tumults.     The  secret  meetings  of  the  Chris- 
tians had  given  rise  to  scandalous  stories  about  their  practices. 
They  were  also  regarded  as  responsible  in  some  way  for  the 
calamities  inflicted  by  the  gods  upon  the  people.     Since  the 
time  of  Nero,  the  policy  of  the  rulers  toward  the  new  sect  had 
varied.     But  the  best  of  the  emperors  had  hitherto  been  cau- 
tious like  Trajan,  or  tolerant  like  Hadrian,  or  openly  friendly 
like  Antoninus.     But  Marcus  Aurelius  sincerely  believed  that 
the  Christians  were  the  cause  of  the  popular  tumults,  and  that 
the  new  sect  was  dangerous  to  the  public  peace.     He  therefore 
issued  an  order  that  those  who  denied  their  faith  should  be  let 
alone,  but  those  who  confessed  should  be  put  to  death.     The 
most  charitable  judgment  which  can  be  passed  upon  this  act  is 
that  it  was  the  result  of  a  great  mistake  made  by  the  emperor 
regarding  the  character  of  the  Christians  and  their  part  in  dis- 
turbing the  peace  of  society. 

Encroachments  upon  the  Frontiers.  —  During  this  reign  the 
peace  of  the  empire  was  first  seriously  threatened  by  inva- 
sions from  without.  The  two  great  frontier  enemies  of  Rome 
were  the  Parthians  on  the  east  and  the  Germans  on  the  north. 
The  Parthians  were  soon  repelled.  But  the  barbarians  from 
the  north,  the  Marcomauni  and  Quadi,  continued  their  attacks 
for  fourteen  years.  Pressed  by  the  Slavonians  and  the  Tura- 
nians on  the  north  and  east,  these  tribes  were  the  forerunners 
of  that  great  migration  of  the  northern  nations  which  finally 
overran  the  empire.  With  courage  and  a  high  sense  of  his 
mission  the  emperor  struggled  against  these  hordes,  and  suc- 
ceeded for  the  most  part  in  maintaining  the  northern  frontier. 
He  died  in  his  camp  at  Vienna,  at  his  post  of  duty.     However 


I 


much  we  may  condemn  his  policy  w^ith  reference  to  the  Chris- 
tians, we  must  always  admire  him  for  the  purity  of  his  life 
and  his  nobility  as  a  man. 

Roman  Philosophy.  —  Marcus  Aurelius  expressed  in  his  life 
and  writings  the  highest  ideas  of  Roman  philosophy.  The 
Romans  cannot,  however,  be  said  to  have  shown  any  origi- 
nality in  their  philosophical  systems.  These  they  derived 
almost  entirely  from  the  Greeks.  The  two  systems  which 
were  most  popular  with  them  were  Epicureanism  and  Stoi- 
cism. The  Epicureans  believed  that  hapi)iness  was  the  great 
end  of  life.  But  the  high  idea  of  happiness  advocated  by  the 
Greek  philosophers  became  degraded  into  the  selfish  idea  of 
pleasure,  which  could  easily  excuse  almost  any  form  of  indul- 
gence. In  Rome  we  see  this  idea  of  life  exercising  its  influ- 
ence especially  upon  the  wealthy  and  indolent  classes.  Tlie 
Stoics,  on  the  other  hand,  believed  that  the  end  of  life  was  to 
live  according  to  the  highest  law  of  our  nature.  This  doctrine 
tended  to  make  strong  and  upright  characters.  It  could  not 
well  have  a  degrading  influence ;  so  we  find  some  of  the  noblest 
men  of  Rome  adhering  to  its  tenets  —  such  men  as  Cato, 
Cicero,  Seneca,  and  Marcus  Aurelius.  The  Stoic  philosophy 
also  exercised  a  great  and  beneficial  influence  upon  the  Roman 
jurists,  who  believed  that  the  law  of  the  state  should  be  in 
liarmony  with  the  higher  law  of  justice  and  equity. 

SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Capes,  Antonines,  Ch.  1,  "  Nerva,"  Ch.  2,  "Trajan,''  Ch.  .3,  "  Hadrian," 

Ch.  4,  "  Antoninns  Pius,"  Ch.  5,  "  Marcus  Aurelius"  (7).i 
Pelham,  Bk.  VI.,  Ch.  1,  "The  Antonines"  (1). 
Bury,  Empire,  Ch.  30,  "Roman  World  under  the  Empire"  (7). 
Dyer,  City,  Sect.  4,  "  Rome  from  Augustus  to  Hadrian"  (9). 
Merivale,  Empire,  Vol.  IV.,  Ch.  40,  "  Great  Cities  of  the  Empire"  (7). 
Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Ch.  79,  "  The  City  of  Rome  "  (1). 
Farrar,  chapter  on  "  Marcus  Aurelius"  (18). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


278 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


SPECIAL  STUDY 


The  Forums  of  Rome. — Bury,  Empire,  see  index,  "Foruiir'  (7)  ; 
Burn,  Cl)s.  2,  4  (0)  ;  Parker,  Arch.  Hist.,  Ch.  11  (0)  ;  Hare,  Ch.  4  (14)  ; 
Middleton,  Ancietit  Rome,  Chs.  5,  6,  8  (D)  ;  Lanciani,  Ruins,  pp.  2:32- 
254  (9).     See  also  Appendix  (13)  '•  Forum." 


CHAPTER   XXVII 

THE   DECLINE   OF  THE   EMPIRE 
I.   The  Times  of  the  Severi 

Review  of  the  Early  Empire.  —  As  we  review  the  condition 
of  the  Roman  world  since  the  time  of  Augnstus,  we  can  see 
that  the  fall  of  the  republic  and  the  establishment  of  the 
empire  were  not  an  evil,  but  a  great  benefit  to  Rome.  In 
place  of  a  century  of  civil  wars  and  discord  which  closed  the 
republic,  we  see  more  than  two  centuries  of  internal  i)eace  and 
tranquillity.  Instead  of  an  oppressive  and  avaricious  treat- 
ment of  the  provincials,  we  see  a  treatment  which  is  with  few 
exceptions  mild  and  generous.  Instead  of  a  government  con- 
trolled by  a  proud  and  selfish  oligarchy,  we  see  a  government 
controlled,  generally  speaking,  by  a  wise  and  patriotic  prince. 
From  the  accession  of  Augustus  to  the  death  of  Marcus  Aure- 
lius  (B.C.  31-A.D.  ISO),  a  period  of  two  hundred  and  eleven 
years,  only  three  emperors  who  held  power  for  any  length  of 
time  —  Tiberius,  Nero,  and  Domitian  —  are  known  as  tyrants; 
and  their  cruelty  was  confined  almost  entirely  to  the  city,  and 
to  their  own  personal  enemies.  The  establishment  of  the 
empire,  we  must  therefore  believe,  marked  a  stage  of  progress 
and  not  of  decline  in  the  history  of  the  Roman  people. 

Sjnnptoms  of  Decay.  —  But  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the 
empire  met  the  needs  of  the  people  better  than  the  old  aristo- 
cratic republic,  it  yet  contained  many  elements  of  weakness. 
The  Roman  people  themselves  possessed  the  frailties  of  human 


s 


DECLINE   OF  THE   EMPIRE 


279 


nature;  and  the  imperial  government  was  not  without  the 
imperfection  of  all  human  institutions.  The  decay  of  religion 
and  morality  among  the  people  was  a  fundamental  cause  of 
their  weakness  and  ruin.  If  we  were  asked  what  were  the 
symptoms  of  this  moral  decay,  we  should  answer :  the  selfish- 
ness of  classes ;  the  accumulation  of  wealth,  not  as  the  fruit  of 
legitimate  industry,  but  as  the  spoils  of  war  and  of  cupidity ; 
the  love  of  gold  and  the  passion  for  luxury;  the  misery  of 
poverty  and  its  attendant  vices  and  crimes ;  the  terrible  evils 
of  slave  labor ;  the  decrease  of  the  population ;  and  the  decline 
of  the  patriotic  spirit.  These  were  moral  diseases,  which  could 
hardly  be  cured  by  any  government. 

Military  Despotism.  —  The  great  defect  of  the  imperial  gov- 
ernment was  the  fact  that  its  power  rested  upon  a  military 
basis,  and  not  upon  the  rational  will  of  the  people.  It  is  true 
that  many  of  the  emperors  were  popular  and  loved  by  their 
subjects.  But  back  of  their  power  was  the  army,  which  knew 
its  strength,  and  which  now  more  than  ever  before  asserted 
its  claims  to  the  government.  This  period,  extending  from 
the  death  of  Marcus  Aurelius  to  the  accession  of  Diocle'tian 
(a.d.  180-284),  has  therefore  been  aptly  called  ''the  period  of 
military  despotism."  It  was  a  time  when  the  emperors  were 
set  up  by  the  soldiers,  and  generally  cut  down  by  their  swords. 
During  this  period  of  one  hundred  and  four  years,  the  impe- 
rial title  was  held  by  twenty-nine  different  rulers,^  some  few  of 
whom  were  able  and  high-minded  men,  but  a  large  number  of 

1  The  following  table  shows  the  names  of  these  emperors  and  the  dates  of 
their  accession :  — 


Corn'modns  .  .  . 
Per'tiiuix  .... 
Julianas  .... 
Septiinius  Seve'rus 
Caracalla  [ 
Getu  * 
Maori 'nils  .  .  . 
Elagab'aliis  .  .  . 
Alexander  Severus 
Maximi'nus  .    .    . 


A.n. 

ISO 

193 

198 

193 

211 

217 

218 

222 

235 

Gordia'nus  I.  j 
Gordianiis  II.  ) 
Pupio'nus  Maximus 
Balbi'nus 
Gordianiis  III.  . 
Philip'pus     .     . 
Decins .... 
GalluB  .... 
^Emilia'nus  .     . 
Valerian   .    .    . 


A.D.  237 


) 


238 

238 
244 
249 
251 
253 
253 


(:allie'nus 
Claudius  II. 
Aurelian   . 
Tacitus     . 
Floria'nus 
Probus 
Cams   .    . 
Cari'nus 


i 


Numeria'nus  \ 


A.n.  260 

"  268 

"  270 

"  275 

"  276 

"  276 

"  282 

"  288 


n 

5'" 


I 


J 


278 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


SPECIAL  STUDY 


The  Forums  of  Rome.  —  Bury,  Empire,  see  index,  "Forum"  (7)  ; 
Burn,  CIjs.  2,  4  (9)  ;  Parker,  Arch.  Hist.,  Ch.  11  (0)  ;  Hare,  Ch.  4  (14)  ; 
Middleton,  Ancient  Rome,  Chs.  5,  6,  8  (9)  ;  Lanciani,  Ruins,  pp.  232- 
254  (9).     See  also  Appendix  (13)  '•  Forum." 


CHAPTER   XXVII 

THE   DECLINE   OF  THE   EMPIRE 
I.   The  Times  of  the  SevePwI 

Review  of  the  Early  Empire.  —  As  we  review  the  condition 
of  the  Koman  world  since  the  time  of  Augustus,  we  can  see 
that  the  fall  of  the  republic  and  the  establishment  of  the 
empire  were  not  an  evil,  but  a  great  benefit  to  Rome.  In 
place  of  a  century  of  civil  wars  and  discord  which  closed  the 
republic,  we  see  more  than  two  centuries  of  internal  peace  and 
tranquillity.  Instead  of  an  oppressive  and  avaricious  treat- 
ment of  the  provincials,  we  see  a  treatment  which  is  with  few 
exceptions  mild  and  generous.  Instead  of  a  government  con- 
trolled by  a  proud  and  selfish  oligarchy,  we  see  a  government 
controlled,  generally  speaking,  by  a  wise  and  patriotic  prince. 
From  the  accession  of  Augustus  to  the  death  of  Marcus  Aure- 
lius  (B.C.  31-A.D.  180),  a  period  of  two  hundred  and  eleven 
years,  only  three  emperors  who  held  power  for  any  length  of 
time  —  Tiberius,  Nero,  and  Domitian  —  are  known  as  tyrants ; 
and  their  cruelty  was  confined  almost  entirely  to  the  city,  and 
to  their  own  personal  enemies.  The  establishment  of  the 
empire,  we  must  therefore  believe,  marked  a  stage  of  progress 
and  not  of  decline  in  the  history  of  the  Roman  people. 

Symptoms  of  Decay.  —  But  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the 
empire  met  the  needs  of  the  people  better  than  the  old  aristo- 
cratic republic,  it  yet  contained  many  elements  of  weakness. 
The  Roman  people  themselves  possessed  the  frailties  of  human 


THE   DECLINE   OF  THE   EMPIRE 


279 


nature;  and  the  imperial  government  was  not  without  the 
imperfection  of  all  human  institutions.  The  decay  of  religion 
and  morality  among  the  people  was  a  fundamental  cause  of 
their  weakness  and  ruin.  If  we  were  asked  what  were  the 
symptoms  of  this  moral  decay,  we  should  answer :  the  selfish- 
ness of  classes ;  the  accumulation  of  wealth,  not  as  the  fruit  of 
legitimate  industry,  but  as  the  spoils  of  war  and  of  cupidity ; 
the  love  of  gold  and  the  passion  for  luxury;  the  misery  of 
poverty  and  its  attendant  vices  and  crimes ;  the  terrible  evils 
of  slave  labor ;  the  decrease  of  the  population ;  and  the  decline 
of  the  patriotic  spirit.  These  were  moral  diseases,  which  could 
hardly  be  cured  by  any  government. 

Military  Despotism.  —  The  great  defect  of  the  imperial  gov- 
ernment was  the  fact  that  its  power  rested  upon  a  military 
basis,  and  not  upon  the  rational  will  of  the  people.  It  is  true 
that  many  of  the  emperors  were  popular  and  loved  by  their 
subjects.  But  back  of  their  power  was  the  army,  which  knew 
its  strength,  and  which  now  more  than  ever  before  asserted 
its  claims  to  the  government.  This  period,  extending  from 
the  death  of  Marcus  Aurelius  to  the  accession  of  Diocle'tian 
(a.d.  180-284),  has  therefore  been  aptly  called  "  the  period  of 
military  despotism."  It  was  a  time  when  the  emperors  were 
set  up  by  the  soldiers,  and  generally  cut  down  by  their  swords. 
During  this  period  of  one  hundred  and  four  years,  the  impe- 
rial title  was  held  by  twenty-nine  different  rulers,^  some  few  of 
whom  were  able  and  high-minded  men,  but  a  large  number  of 

1  The  following  table  shows  the  names  of  these  emperors  and  the  dates  of 
their  accession :  — 


Coni'niodtis  .  .  . 
Per'tinax  .... 
Julian  US  .  .  .  . 
Septimius  Seve'rus 
Taracalla  ( 
Geta  * 
Maori 'n  us  .  .  . 
Elaijab'alus  .  .  . 
Alexander  Severus 
Maxiini'nus  .    .    . 


A.n.  180 
"  193 
"  193 
"    193 


a 


211 

217 
218 
222 
285 


Gordia'nus  I.  | 
Gordianus  II.  ^ 


.  A.D.  237 


Pupic'nusMaximus  |  ^^     „„ 


Balbi'nus 
Gordianus  III 
Philip' pus  . 
Decius .  .  . 
GalluR  .  .  . 
J«^milia'nus  . 
Valerian   .    . 


238 
244 
249 
251 
253 
258 


(lallie'nus    .. 
Claudius  II.  .    , 
Aurelian   .     . 
Tacitus     .     . 
Floria'nus 
Probus      .     . 
Carus   .    .    . 
Cari'nus         ^ 
Numeria'nus  ) 


A.D.  260 
"  268 
270 
275 
276 
276 
282 

288 


it 


280 


THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE 


them  were  weak  and  despicable.  Some  of  them  hekl  their 
places  for  only  a  few  months.  The  history  of  this  time  con- 
tains for  the  most  part  only  the  dreary  records  of  a  declining 
government.  There  are  few  events  of  importance,  except  those 
which  illustrate  the  tyranny  of  the  army  and  the  general  tend- 
ency toward  decay  and  disintegration. 

After  the  reign  of  Commodus,  the  unworthy  son  of  Marcus, 
the  soldiers  became  the  real  sovereigns  of  Rome.  His  succes- 
sor Pertinax  was  dispatched  by  their  swords ;  and  the  empire 
was  offered  to  the  one  who  would  give  them  the  largest  dona- 
tion. This  proved  to  be  a  rich  senator  by  the  name  of  Didius 
Julianas,  who  offered  for  tlie  vacant  throne  a  sum  equal  to 
$15,000,000.  He  lield  this  place  for  about  two  months.  In 
the  meantime  three  different  armies  —  in  Britain,  in  Pan- 
nonia,  and  in  Syria  —  each  proclaimed  its  own  leader  as 
emperor. 

Septimius  Severus  (A.D.  193-211). —  The  commander  of  the 

army  in  the  neighboring 
province  of  Pannonia  was 
the  first  to  reach  Rome; 
and  was  thus  able  to  secure 
the  throne  against  his  ri- 
vals. The  reign  of  Septim- 
ius is  noted  for  the  dis- 
banding of  the  prgetorian 
guard,  which  Augustus  had 
organized  and  Tiberius  had 
encamped  near  the  city. 
In  the  place  of  this  body 
of  nine  thousand  soldiers, 
Septimius  organized  a  Ro- 
man garrison  of  forty 
thousand  troops  selected 
from  the  best  soldiers  of 
the  legions.  This  was  in- 
tended to  give  a  stronger  military  support  to  the  government  j 


THE   DECLINE   OF  THE   EMPIRE 


281 


but  in  fact  it  gave  to  the  army  a  more  powerful  influence  in 
the  appointment  of  the  emperors.  Septimius  destroyed  his 
enemies  in  the  senate,  and  took  away  from  that  body  the  last 
vestige  of  its  authority.  He  was  himself  an  able  soldier  and 
made  several  successful  campaigns  in  the  East. 

Edict  of  Caracalla  (A.D.  211).  — The  Roman  franchise,  which 
had  been  gradually  extended  by  the  previous  emperors,  was 
now   conferred    upon    all 
the  free  inhabitants  of  the 
Roman  world.     This   im- 
portant act  was  done  by 
Caracalla,    the    worthless 
son  and  tyrannical  succes- 
sor of  Septimius  Severus. 
The  edict  was  issued  to 
increase   the   revenue   by 
extending  the  inheritance 
tax,  which  had  heretofore 
rested  only  upon  citizens. 
Notwithstanding  the  ava- 
ricious motive  of  the  em- 
peror this  was  in  the  line 
of    earlier    reforms    and 
effaced  the  last  distinction 
between  Romans  and  pro- 
vincials.    The  name  of  Caracalla  is  infamous,  not  only  for  his 
cruel  proscriptions,  but  especially  for  his  murder  of  Papinian, 
the  greatest  of  the  Roman  jurists,  who  refused  to  defend  his 
crimes. 

Alexander  Severus  (A.D.  222-235).— After  the  brief  reign 
of  Macrinus,  and  the  longer  reign  of  the  monster  Elagabalus, 
the  most  repulsive  of  all  the  emperors,  the  throne  was  occupied 
by  a  really  excellent  man,  Alexander  Severus.  In  a  corrupt  age, 
he  was  a  prince  of  pure  and  blameless  life.  He  loved  the  true 
and  the  good  of  all  times.  It  is  said  that  he  set  up  in  his 
private  chapel  the  images  of  those  whom  he  regarded  as  the 


Caracalla 


280 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


THE   DECLINE   OF  THE   EMPIRE 


281 


tliem  were  weak  and  despicable.  Some  of  them  lield  tlieir 
places  for  only  a  few  months.  The  history  of  this  time  con- 
tains for  the  most  part  only  the  dreary  records  of  a  declining 
government.  There  are  few  events  of  importance,  except  those 
which  illustrate  the  tyranny  of  the  army  and  the  general  tend- 
ency toward  decay  and  disintegration. 

After  the  reign  of  Oommodus,  the  unworthy  son  of  Marcus, 
the  soldiers  l)ecame  the  real  sovereigns  of  Kome.  His  succes- 
sor Pertinax  was  dispatched  by  their  swords ;  and  the  empire 
was  offered  to  the  one  who  would  give  them  the  largest  dona- 
tion. This  i)roved  to  be  a  rich  senator  by  the  name  of  Didius 
Julianus,  who  offered  for  the  vacant  throne  a  sum  equal  to 
f  ir),()00,O()().  He  held  this  place  for  about  two  months.  In 
the  meantime  three  different  armies  —  in  P>ritain,  in  Pan- 
nonia,  and  in  Syria  —  each  proclaimed  its  own  leader  as 
em})eror. 

Septimius  Severus  (A.D.  193-211).  — The  commander  of  the 

army  in  the  neighboring 
province  of  Pannonia  was 
the  first  to  reach  Rome; 
and  was  thus  able  to  secure 
the  throne  against  his  ri- 
vals. The  reign  of  Septim- 
ius is  noted  for  the  dis- 
banding of  the  praetorian 
guard,  wliich  Augustus  had 
organized  and  Tiberius  had 
encamped  near  the  city. 
In  tlie  place  of  this  body 
of  nine  thousand  soldiers, 
Septimius  organized  a  Ro- 
man garrison  of  forty 
thousand  troops  selected 
from  the  best  soldiers  of 
the  legions.  This  was  in- 
tended to  give  a  stronger  military  support  to  the  government; 


SePTIMIL'8   teEVEKl'S 


but  in  fact  it  gave  to  the  army  a  more  powerful  influence  in 
the  appointment  of  the  emperors.  Septimius  destroyed  liis 
enemies  in  the  senate,  and  took  away  from  that  body  the  last 
vestige  of  its  authority.  He  was  himself  an  able  soldier  and 
made  several  successful  campaigns  in  the  East. 

Edict  of  Caracalla  (A.D.  211).  — The  Roman  franchise,  which 
had  been  gradually  extended  by  the  previous  emperors,  was 
now    conferred    upon    all 
the  free  inhabitants  of  the 
Roman  world.     This   im- 
portant act  was  done  by 
Caracalla,    the    worthless 
son  and  tyrannical  succes- 
sor of  Septimius  Severus. 
The  edict  was  issued  to 
increase   the   revenue   by 
extending  the  inheritance 
tax,  which  had  heretofore 
rested  only  upon  citizens. 
Notwithstanding  the  ava^ 
ricious  motive  of  the  em- 
peror this  was  in  the  line 
of    earlier    reforms    and 
effaced  the  last  distinction 
between  Romans  and  pro- 
vincials.    The  name  of  Caracalla  is  infamous,  not  only  for  his 
cruel  proscriptions,  but  especially  for  his  murder  of  Papinian, 
the  greatest  of  the  Roman  jurists,  who  refused  to  defend  his 
crimes. 

Alexander  Severus  (A.D.  222-235).— After  the  brief  reign 
of  Macrinus,  and  the  longer  reign  of  the  monster  Elagabalus, 
the  most  repulsive  of  all  the  emperors,  the  throne  was  occupied 
by  a  really  excellent  man,  Alexander  Severus.  In  a  corrupt  age, 
he  was  a  prince  of  pure  and  l)lameless  life.  He  loved  the  true 
and  the  good  of  all  times.  It  is  said  that  he  set  up  in  his 
private  chapel  the  images  of  those  whom  he  regarded  as  the 


Caracalla 


282 


THP:   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


THE    DECLINE   OF   THE   EMPIRE 


greatest  teachers  of  mankind,  including  Abraham  and  Jesus 
Christ.  He  tried  as  best  he  could  to  follow  the  example  of  the 
best  of  the  emperors.  He  selected  as  his  advisers  the  great 
jurists,  Ulpian  and  Paullus.  The  most  important  event  of  his 
reign  was  his  successful  resistance  to  the  Persians,  who  had 
just  established  a  new  monarchy  on  the  ruins  of  the  Parthian 
kingdom  (a.d.  226). 

II.    The  Pisintegratiox  of  the  Empire 

Foreign  Enemies  of  Rome.  —  Never  before  had  the  Koman 
Empire  been  beset  i)y  such  an  array  of  foreign  enemies  as  it 
encountered  during  the  third  century.     On  the  east  was  the 

new  PeVsian  monarchy  estab- 
lished under  a  vigorous  and  am- 
bitious line  of  kings,  called  the 
Sassan'idie.  The  founder  of  this 
lino,  Artax'ares  (Ardashir),  laid 
claim  to  all  the  Asiatic  prov- 
inces of  Home  as  jn-operly  be- 
longing to  l*ersia.  The  refusal 
of  this  demand  gave  rise  to 
the  war  with  Alexander  Seve- 
rus,  just  referred  to,  and  to 
severe  struggles  with  his  suc- 


cessors. 

But  the  most  formidable  ene- 
mies of  Homo  were  the  Ger- 
man barbarians  on  the  frontiers  of  the  lUiine  and  the  J)anube. 
On  tlie  lower  Ehine  near  the  North  Sea  were  several  tribes 
known  as  the  Chatti,  Chauci,  and  the  Cherus'ci,  who  came 
to  be  united  with  other  tribes  under  the  common  name  of 
"Franks.''  On  the  upper  Rhine  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Alps 
were  various  tribes  gathered  together  under  the  name  of  Ale- 
manni  (all  men).  Across  the  Danube  and  on  the  northern 
shores  of  the  Black  Sea  was  the  great  nation  of  the  Goths, 


Alexander  Severus 


283 


V 


whicli  came  to  be  the  terror  of  Rome.  Under  a  succession  of 
emperors  whose  names  have  little  significance  to  us,  the  Romans 
were  engaged  in  wars  with  these  various  peoples  — not  now 
wars  for  the  sake  of  conquest  and  glory  as  in  the  time  of  the 
republic,  but  wars  of  defense  and  for  the  sake  of  existence. 

Invasion  of  the  Goths  in  the  East.  —  The  Goths  made  their 
first  appearance  upon  the  Roman  territory  in  the  middle  of  the 
third  century  (a.d.  250).  At  this  time  they  invaded  Dacia, 
crossed  the  Danube,  and  overran  the  province  of  Mcesia.  In 
a  great  battle  in  Mcesia  perished  the  brave  emperor  Decius, 
a  descendant  of  the  Decius  Mus  who  devoted  his  life  at  Mt 
Vesuvius  in  the  heroic  days  of  the  republic.  His  successor* 
Gallus,  purchased  a  peace  of  the  Goths  by  the  payment  of  an 
annual  tribute.  It  was  not  many  years  after  this  that  the 
same  barbarians,  during  the  reigns  of  Valerian  and  Gallienus 
(a.d.  253-268),  made  a  more  formidable  invasion,  this  time  by 
way  of  the  Blaxik  Sea  and  the  Bosphorus.  With  the  aid  of 
their  ships  they  crossed  the  sea,  besieged  and  plundered  the 
cities  of  Asia  Minor.  They  destroyed  the  splendid  temple  of 
Diana  at  Eph'esus;  they  crossed  the  .^gean  Sea  into  Greece, 
and  threatened  Italy ;  and  finally  retired  with  their  spoils  to 
their  homes  across  the  Danube. 

Invasion  of  the  Franks  and  Alemanni  in  the  West. —  In  the 
meantime  the  western  provinces  were  invaded  by  the  bar- 
barians who  lived  across  the  Rhine.  The  Franks  entered  the 
western  regions  of  Gaul,  crossed  the  Pyrenees,  and  sacked 
the  cities  of  Spain ;  while  the  Alemanni  entered  eastern  Gaul 
and  invaded  Italy  as  far  as  the  walls  of  Raven'na.  It  was 
then  that  the  Roman  garrison^  which  took  the  place  of  the  old 
praetorian  guard,  rendered  a  real  service  to  Rome  by  prevent- 
ing the  destruction  of  the  city. 

Attacks  of  the  Persians  in  Asia.  _  But  all  the  disasters  of 
Rome  did  not  come  from  the  north.  The  new  Persian  mon- 
archy, under  its  second  great  king,  Sapor,  was  attempting  to 
carry  out  the  policy  of  Artaxares  and  expel  the  Romans  from 
their  Asiatic  provinces.     Sapor  at  first  brought  under  his  con- 


284 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


THE   DECLINE    OF   THE    EMPIRE 


trol  Armenia,  which  had  remained  an  independent  kingdom 
since  the  time  of  Hadrian.  He  then  overran  the  Roman  prov- 
inces of  Syria,  Cilicia,  and  Cappadocia;  Antioch  and  other 
cities  of  the  coast  were  destroyed  and  pillaged;  and  the  em- 
peror Valerian  was  made  a  prisoner.  The  story  of  Sapor's 
pride  and  of  Valerian's  disgrace  has  passed  into  history ;  to 
humiliate  his  captive,  it  is  said,  whenever  the  Persian  monarch 
mounted  his  horse,  he  placed  his  foot  on  the  neck  of  the  Roman 
emperor. 

The  Time  of  the  "Thirty Tyrants."  —  In  the  midst  of  these 
external  perils  Rome  beheld  another  danger  which  she  had 
never  seen  before,  at  least  to  the  same  extent,  and  that  was 
the  appearance  of  usurpers  in  every  part  of  the  empire  —  in 
Asia,  in  Egypt,  in  Greece,  in  Illyricum,  and  in  Gaul.  This  is 
called  the  time  of  the  "thirty  tyrants";  although  Gibbon 
counts  only  nineteen  of  these  so-called  tyrants  during  the 
reign  of  Gallienus.  If  we  should  imagine  another  calamity 
in  addition  to  those  already  mentioned,  it  would  be  famine 
and  pestilence  —  and  from  these,  too,  Rome  now  suffered. 
From  the  reign  of  Decius  to  the  reign  of  Gallienus,  a  period 
of  about  fifteen  years,  the  empire  was  the  victim  of  a  furious 
plague,  which  is  said  to  have  raged  in  every  province,  in  every 
city,  and  almost  in  every  family.  With  invasions  from  without 
and  revolts  and  pestilence  within,  Rome  never  before  seemed 
so  near  to  destruction. 


III.    The  Illyrian  Emperors 

Partial  Recovery  of  the  Empire.  —  For  a  period  of  eighty-eight 
years  —  from  the  death  of  Marcus  Aurelius  (a.d.  180)  to  the 
death  of  Gallienus  (a.d.  268)  —  the  imperial  government  had 
gradually  been  growing  weaker  until  it  now  seemed  that  the 
empire  was  going  to  pieces  for  the  want  of  a  leader.  But 
we  have  before  seen  Rome  on  the  verge  of  ruin  —  in  the  early 
days  of  the  Gauls,  during  the  invasion  of  Hannibal,  and 
under  the  attacks  of  the  Cimbri.     As  in  those  more  ancient 


285 


times,  so  now  the  Romans  showed  their  remarkable  fortitude 
and  courage  in  the  presence  of  danger.  Under  the  leadership 
of  five  able  rulers  —  Claudius  II.,  Aurelian,  Tacitus,  Probus, 
and  Cams  — they  again  recovered;  and  they  maintained  their 
existence  for  more  than  two  hundred  years  in  the  West  and 
for  more  than  a  thousand  years  in  the  East.  Let  us  see 
how  Rome  recovered  from  her  present  disasters,  and  we 
may  also  understand  how  the  early  empire  as  established  by 
Augustus  was  changed  into  the  new  empire  established  by 
Diocletian  and  Con'stantine. 

Claudius  II.  and  the  Defeat  of  the  Goths  (A.D.  268-270).  —  One 
of  the  reasons  of  the  recent  revolts  in  the  provinces  had  been 
general   distrust   of  the   central   authority  at  Rome.     If  the 
Roman  emperor  could  not  protect  the  provinces,  the  provinces 
were  determined  to  protect  themselves  under  their  own  rulers. 
AMien  a  man  should  appear  able  to  defend  the  frontiers  the 
cause  of  these  revolts  would   disappear.      Such  a  man  was 
Claudius   II.,  who  came   from   Illyricum.      He   aroused   the 
patriotism  of  his   army  and  restored  its  discipline.     Paying 
little  attention  to  the  independent  governors,  he  pushed  his 
army  into  Greece  to  meet  the  Goths,  who  had  again  crossed 
the  Danube  and  had  advanced  into  Macedonia.      By  a  series 
of  victories  he  succeeded  in  delivering  the  empire  from  these 
barbarians,  and  for  this  reason  he  received  the  name  of  Clau- 
dius Goth'icus. 

Aurelian  and  the  Restored  Empire  (A.D.  270-275).  —  The 
fruits  of  the  victories  of  Claudius  were  reaped  by  his  successor 
Aurehan,  who  became  the  real  restorer  of  the  empire.  He 
first  provided  against  a  sudden  descent  upon  the  city  by 
rebuilding  the  walls  of  Rome,  which  remain  to  this  day  and 
are  known  as  the  walls  of  Aurelian.  He  then  followed  the 
prudent  policy  of  Augustus  by  withdrawing  the  Roman  army 
from  Dacia  and  making  the  Danube  the  frontier  of  the  empire. 
He  then  turned  his  attention  to  the  rebellious  provinces ;  and 
recovered  Gaul,  Spain,  and  Britain  from  the  hand  of  the 
usurper  Tet'ricus.     He  finally  restored  the  Roman  authority 


286 


THE    ROMAN   EMPIRE 


in  the  East ;  and  destroyed  the  city  of  Palmy'ra,  which  had 
been  made  the  seat  of  an  independent  kingdom,  where  ruled 
the  famous  Queen  Zenobia. 

The  **  Silent  Invasions.'*  —  The  successors  of  Aurelian  — 
Tacitus,  Frobus,  and  (Jams — preserved  what  he  himself  had 
achieved.  The  integrity  of  the  empire  was  in  general  main- 
tained against  the  enemies  from  without  and.  the  "tyrants" 
from  within.     It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  at  this  time  a  con- 


BU1N8    AT    PaLMYKA 

ciliatory  policy  toward  the  barbarians  was  adopted,  by  grant- 
ing to  them  peaceful  settlements  in  the  frontier  provinces. 
This  step  began  what  are  known  as  the  "silent  invasions." 
Not  only  the  Roman  territory,  but  the  army  and  the  offices 
of  the  state,  military  and  civil,  were  gradually  opened  to  the 
Germans  who  were  willing  to  V)ecome  Roman  subjects. 

The  New  Class  of  *»  Coloni.**  —  It  became  a  serious  question 
what  to  do  with  all  the  newcomers  who  were  now  admitted 
into  the  provinces.  The  most  able  of  the  barbarian  chiefs 
were  sometimes  made  Roman  generals.     Many  persons  were 


THE   DECLINE   OF  THE   EMPIRE 


287 


admitted  to  the  ranks  of  the  army.  Sometimes  whole  tribes 
were  allowed  to  settle  upon  lands  assigned  to  them.  But  a 
great  many  persons,  especially  those  who  had  been  captured 
in  war,  were  treated  in  a  somewhat  novel  manner.  Instead 
of  being  sold  as  slaves  they  were  given  over  to  the  large 
landed  proprietors,  and  attached  to  the  estates  as  permanent 
tenants.  They  could  not  be  sold  off  from  these  estates  like 
slaves;  but  if  the  land  was  sold  they  were  sold  with  it. 
This  class  of  persons  came  to  be  called  colo'ni.  They  were 
really  serfs  bound  to  the  soil.  The  colonus  had  a  little  plot 
of  ground  which  he  could  cultivate  for  himself,  and  for  which 
he  paid  a  rent  to  his  landlord.  But  the  class  of  coloni  came 
to  be  made  up  not  only  of  barbarian  captives,  but  of  manu- 
mitted slaves,  and  even  of  Roman  freemen,  who  were  not  able 
to  support  themselves  and  who  gave  themselves  up  to  become 
the  serfs  of  some  landlord.  The  coloni  thus  came  to  form  a 
large  part  of  the  population  in  the  provinces. 

This  new  class  of  persons,  which  held  such  a  peculiar  posi- 
tion in  the  Roman  empire,  has  a  special  interest  to  the  general 
historical  student ;  because  from  them  were  descended,  in  great 
part,  the  class  of  serfs  Avhieh  formed  a  large  element  of 
Euroi)ean  society  after  the  fall  of  Rome,  during  the  middle 
ages. 

Transition  to  the  Later  Empire.  —  The  successful  efforts  of 
the  last  five  rulers  showed  that  the  Roman  Empire  could  still 
be  preserved  if  properly  organized  and  governed.  In  the  hands 
of  weak  and  vicious  men,  like  Commodus  and  Elagabalus,  the 
people  were  practically  left  without  a  government,  and  were 
exposed  to  the  attacks  of  foreign  enemies  and  to  all  the  dan- 
gers of  anarchy.  But  when  ruled  by  such  men  as  Claudius  II. 
and  Aurelian  they  were  still  able  to  resist  foreign  invasions 
and  to  repress  internal  revolts.  The  events  of  the  third  century 
made  it  clear  that  if  the  empire  was  to  continue  and  the  prov- 
inces were  to  be  held  together  there  must  be  some  change  in 
the  imperial  government.  The  decline  of  the  early  empire 
thus  paved  the  way  for  a  new  form  of  imperialism. 


288 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 


Pelham   Bk.  VI.,  Ch.  2,  "  The  Empire  in  the  Third  Century"  (1). 
Merivale,  Empire,  Vol.  VII.,  Ch.  68,  -  Symptoms  of  Dechne  -  O). 
Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Ch.  09,  -  The  Barbarian  Confederations      (I). 
Gibbon,  Decline,  Ch.  10,  "  Emperor  Decius,  etc."  (1). 
Gibbon,  abridged,  Ch.  2,  *' Septimius  Severus"  (7). 
Dyer,  City,  Sect.  5,  "  From  Hadrian  to  Constantnie"  (») . 
Cartels,  Ch.  3,  "The  Barbarians  on  the  Frontiers"  (7). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

ROMAV  Slavery. -Inge,  pp.  150-171  (10)  ;  Guhl  andKoner,pp  511- 
633  (10)  ;  Esclienburg,  pp.  288-21K)  (8)  ;  Harper's  Diet.  Antiqq  ,  Ser^ 
vns"  (8)  ;  Kamsay  and  Lanciani,  pp.  124-133  (8)  ;  Becker,  Gallus,  pp. 
191>-225  (16)  ;  Blair,  Inquiry  (21). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


PERIOD  YIII.    THE  LATER  ROMAN  EMPIRE    (A.D.  284-476) 


CHAPTER   XXVIII 


THE   REORGANIZATION   OF  THE   EMPIRE 


I.   The  Reign  of  Diocletian  (a.d.  284-^05) 

The  New  Imperialism.  —  The  accession  of  Diocletian  brings 
us  to  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  the  Roman  Empire.  It  has 
been  said  that  the  early 
empire  of  Augustus  and 
his  successors  was  an  ab- 
solute monarchy  disguised 
by  republican  forms.  This 
is  in  general  quite  true. 
But  the  old  republican 
forms  had  for  a  long  time 
been  losing  their  hold,  and 
at  the  time  of  Diocletian 
they  were  ready  to  be 
thrown  away  entirely.  By 
the  reforms  of  Diocletian 
and  Constantine  there  was 
established  a  new  form  of 
imperialism  —  an  absolute 
monarchy  divested  of  re- 
publican forms.  Some  of 
their  ideas  of  reform  no  doubt  came  from  the  new  Persian 
monarchy,  which  was  now  the  greatest  rival  of  Rome.     In  this 

289 


DlOCLKTIAN 


288 


THE  ROMAN   EMPIRE 


SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 


Pelham,  Bk.  VI.,  Ch.  2,  -The  Empire  in  the  Third  Century      (1). 
Merivale,  Empire,  Vol.  VII.,  Ch.  68,  -  Symptoms  of  Declme      0  ). 
Merivale,  Cxen.  Hist.,  Ch.  61),  -  The  Barbarian  Ccmfederations     (1). 
Gibbon,  Decline,  Ch.  10,  "Emperor  Decius,  etc."   (1). 
Gibbon,  abridged,  Ch.  2,  "  Septimius  Severus"  (7). 
Dyer,  City,  Sect.  5,  ''  From  Hadrian  to  Constantnie  "  O-))  . 
Curteis,  Ch.  3,  "  The  Barbarians  on  the  Frontiers"  (7). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

Roman  Slavery. -Inge,  pp.  150-171  (16)  ;  ^nhl  and  Koner,  pp  511- 
533  (16)  ;  Eschenburg,  pp.  288-200  (8)  ;  Harper's  Diet.  Antiqq  ,  Ser- 
Z.^(i)\  Hamsay  and  Lanciani,  pp.  124-133  (8)  ;  Becker,  Gallus,  pp. 
100-225  (16)  ;  Blair,  Inquiry  (21).  • 

iThe  figure  in  parenthesis  re^rs  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


PERIOD  VIII.    THE  LATEE  ROMAN  EMPIRE    (A.D.  284-476) 


CHAPTER   XXVIII 


THE   REORGANIZATION   OF   THE   EMPIRE 


I.   The  Reigx  of  Diocletian  (a.d.  284-305) 

The  New  Imperialism.  —  The  accession  of  Diocletian  brings 
us  to  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  the  Roman  Empire.  It  has 
been  said  that  the  early 
empire  of  Augustus  and 
his  successors  was  an  al)- 
solute  monarchy  dhgnised 
by  republican  forms.  This 
is  in  general  quite  true. 
But  the  old  republican 
forms  had  for  a  long  time 
been  losing  their  hold,  and 
at  the  time  of  Diocletian 
they  were  ready  to  be 
thrown  away  entirely.  By 
the  reforms  of  Diocletian 
and  Constantine  there  was 
established  a  new  form  of 
im])erialism  —  an  absolute 
monarchy  divested  of  re- 
publican forms.  Some  of 
their  ideas  of  reform  no  doubt  came  from  the  new  Persian 
monarchy,  which  was  now  the  greatest  rival  of  Rome.     In  this 

289 


Diocletian 


290 


THE   llOVAN   EMPIRE 


powerful  monarchy  the  Komans  saw  certain  elements  of  strength 
which  they  could  use  in  giving  new  vigor  to  their  own  govern- 
ment. By  adopting  these  Oriental  ideas,  the  Roman  Empire 
may  be  said  to  have  become  Orientalized. 

The  Policy  of  Diocletian.  —  Diocletian  was  in  many  respects 
a  remarkable  man.     Born  of  an  obscure  family  in  Dalmatia 
(part  of  Illyricum),  he  had  risen  by  his  own  efforts  to  the  high 
position  of  commander  of  the  Roman  army  in  the  East.     It  was 
here  that  he  was  proclaimed  emperor  by  his  soldiers.    He  over- 
came all  opposition,  assumed  the  imperial  power,  and  made  his 
residence  not  at  Rome,  but  in  Nicomedia,  a  town  in  Asia  Minor 
(see  map,  p.  294).     His  whole  policy  was  to  give  dignity  and 
strength  to  the  imperial  authority.     He  made  of  himself  an 
Oriental  monarch.     He  assumed  the  diadem  of  the  East.     He 
wore  the  gorgeous  robes  of  silk  and  gold  such  as  were  worn  by 
eastern  rulers.     He  compelled  his  subjects  to  salute  him  with 
low  prostrations,  and  to  treat  him  not  as  a  citizen,  but  as  a 
superior  being.     In  this  way  he  hoped  to  make  the  imperial 
office  respected  by  the  people  and  the  army.    The  emperor  was 
to  be  the  sole  source  of  power,  and  as  such  was  to  be  venerated 

and  obeyed. 

The  **Augusti"  and  '*  C«sars."— Diocletian  saw  that  it  was 
difficult  for  one  nuxn  alone  to  manage  all  the  affairs  of  a  great 
empire.    It  was  sufficient  for  one  man  to  rule  over  the  East,  and 
to  repel  the  Persians.     It  needed  another  to  take  care  of  the 
West  and  to  drive  back  the  German  invaders.      He  therefore 
associated  with  him  his  trusted  friend  and  companion  in  arms, 
Maximian.     I>ut  lie  was  soon  convinced  that  even  this  division 
of  power  was  not  sufficient.     To  each  of  the  chief  rulers,  who 
received  the  title  of  Augustus,  he  assigned  an  assistant,  wlio 
received  the  title  of  Ckesar.     The  two  Caesars  were  Galerius 
and  Constan'tius ;  and  they  were  to  be  regarded  as  the  sons  and 
successors  of  the  chief  rulers,  the  Augusti.      Each  Caesar  was 
to  recognize  the  authority  of  his  chief ;   and  all  were  to  be 
subject  to  the  supreme  authority  of  Diocletian  himself.      The 
Roman  world  was  divided  among  the  four  rulers  as  follows :  — 


THE   REORGANIZATION   OF   THE   EMPIRE 


291 


The  East 


The  West 


Diocletian 

(Augustus) 


Thrace,  Macedonia, 
Asia,  and  Egypt. 


Galerius 

(Caesar) 

Noricuni,  Pannonia, 
and  Ma'sia. 


Maximian       Constanths 

(Au<z;ustus)  (Caisar) 


Italy  and        Spain,  Gaul, 
Africa.  and  Britain. 


The  Last  Persecution  of  the  Christians.  —  Diocletian  himself 
was  not  a  cruel  and  vindictive  man,  and  was  at  first  favorably 
disposed  toward  the  Christians.  But  in  the  latter  part  of  his 
reign  he  was  induced  to  issue  an  edict  of  persecution  against 
them.  It  is  said  that  he  was  led  to  perform  this  infamous  act 
by  his  assistant  Galerius,  who  had  always  been  hostile  to  the 
new  religion,  and  who  filled  the  emperor's  mind  with  stories  of 
seditions  and  conspiracies.  An  order  was  issued  that  all 
churches  should  be  demolished,  that  the  sacred  Scriptures 
should  be  burned,  that  all  Christians  should  be  dismissed  from 
public  office,  and  that  those  who  secretly  met  for  public  wor- 
ship should  be  punished  with  death.  The  persecution  raged 
most  fiercely  in  the  provinces  subject  to  Galerius ;  and  it  has 
been  suggested  that  the  persecution  should  be  known  by  his 
name  rather  than  l)y  the  name  of  Diocletian. 

Effects  of  Diocletian's  Policy.  — The  general  result  of  the  new 
policy  of  Diocletian  was  to  give  to  the  empire  a  strong  and 
efficient  government.  The  dangers  which  threatened  the  state 
were  met  with  firmness  and  vigor.  A  revolt  in  Egypt  was 
quelled,  and  the  frontiers  were  successfully  defended  against 
the  Persians  and  the  barbarians.  Public  works  were  con- 
structed, among  which  were  the  great  P>aths  of  Diocletian  at 
Rome.  At  the  close  of  his  reign  he  celebrated  a  triumph  in 
the  old  capital. 

Abdication  of  Diocletian.  —  After  a  successful  reign  of  twenty- 
one  years  Diocletian  voluntarily  gave  up  his  power,  either  on 
account  of  ill  health,  or  else  to  see  how  his  new  svstem  would 
work  without  his  own  supervision.  He  retired  to  his  native 
province  of  Dalmatia,  and  spent  the  rest  of  his  days  in  his 

MOREY's    ROM.    HIST.  —  18 


0Q9 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


new  palace  at  Salo'na  on  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic.     He  loved 

his  country  home ;  and  when  he  was  asked  by  his  old  colleague 

Maximian  to  resume  the 
imperial  power,  he  wrote 
to  him,  "  Were  you  to 
come  to  Salona  and  see 
the  vegetables  which  I 
raise  in  my  garden  with 
my  own  hands,  you 
would  not  talk  to  me  of 
empire."  But  before  he 
died  (a.d.  313)  Diocletian 
saw  the  defects  of  the 
system  which  he  had 
established.  Rivalries 

sprang  up  among  the  dif- 
ferent rulers,  which  led 
to  civil  war.  At  one  time 
there  were  six  emperors 
who  were  trying  to  adjust 
between  themselves  the 
government  of  the  empire. 

Out  of  this  conflict  Constantine  arose  as  the  man  destined  to 

carry  on  and  complete  the  work  of  Diocletian. 

II.    The  Reign  of  Constantine  (a.d.  323-337) 

Accession  and  Policy  of  Constantine.  —  By  a  succession  of 
victories  over  his  different  rivals,  which  it  is  not  necessary  for 
us  to  recount,  Constantine  became  the  sole  ruler,  and  the  whole 
empire  was  reunited  imder  his  authority.  He  was  a  man  of 
wider  views  than  Diocletian,  and  had  even  a  greater  genius 
for  organization.  The  work  which  Diocletian  began,  Constan- 
tine completed.  He  in  fact  gave  to  Roman  imperialism  the 
final  form  which  it  preserved  as  long  as  the  empire  existed, 
and  the  form  in  which  it  exercised  its  great  influence  upon 
modern  governments.     We  should  remember  that  it  was  not 


RiriNS  OF  Diocletian's  Palace 


THE   REORGANIZATION  OF  THE   EMPIRE 


293 


so  much  the  early  imperialism  of  Augustus  as  the  later  impe- 
rialism of  Constantine  which  reappeared  in  the  empires  of 
modern  Europe.  This  fact 
will  enable  us  to  under- 
stand the  greatness  of  Con- 
stantine as  a  statesman 
and  a  political  reformer. 
His  policy  was  to  centralize 
all  power  in  the  hands  of 
the  chief  ruler;  to  surround 
his  person  with  an  elabo- 
rate court  system  and  an 
imposing  ceremonial;  and 
to  make  all  officers,  civil 
and  military,  responsible 
to  the  supreme  head  of  the 
empire. 

Conversion  of  Constan- 
tine. —  Constantine  is  gen- 
erally known  as  the  '^  first 
Christian  emperor."  The  story  of  his  miraculous  conver- 
sion is  told  by  his  biographer,  Euse'bius.  It  is  said  that 
while  marching  against  his  rival  Maxentius,  he  beheld  in  the 
heavens  the  luminous  sign  of  the  cross,  inscribed  with  the 
words,  "  By  this  sign  conquer."  As  a  result  of  this  vision,  he 
openly  professed  the  new  religion ;  he  adopted  the  cross  as  his 
battle  standard ;  and  from  this  time  he  ascribed  his  victories 
to  the  God  of  the  Christians.  The  truth  of  this  story  has  been 
doubted  by  critical  historians;  but  that  Constantine  looked 
upon  Christianity  in  an  entirely  different  light  from  his  prede- 
cessors, and  that  he  was  an  avowed  friend  of  the  Christian 
church,  cannot  be  denied.  His  mother,  Hel'ena,  was  a  Chris- 
tian, and  his  father,  Constantius,  had  opposed  the  persecutions 
of  Diocletian  and  Galerius.  He  had  himself,  while  he  was 
ruler  in  only  the  West,  issued  an  edict  of  toleration  (a.d.  313) 
to  the  Christians  in  his  own  provinces. 


Constantine 


2^A 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


new  palace  at  Salo'na  on  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic.     He  loved 

his  country  home;  and  when  he  was  asked  by  his  old  colleague 

Maxim ian  to  resume  the 
imperial  power,  he  wrote 
to  him,  "  Were  you  to 
come  to  Salona  and  see 
the  vegetables  which  I 
raise  in  my  garden  with 
my  own  hands,  you 
would  not  talk  to  me  of 
empire."  But  before  he 
died  (a.d.  313)  Diocletian 
saw  the  defects  of  the 
system  which  he  had 
established.  Eivalries 

sprang  up  among  the  dif- 
ferent rulers,  which  led 
to  civil  war.  At  one  time 
there  were  six  emperors 
who  were  trying  to  adjust 
between  themselves  the 
government  of  the  empire. 

Out  of  this  conflict  Constantine  arose  as  the  man  destined  to 

carry  on  and  complete  the  work  of  Diocletian. 

II.    The  Kkign  of  Constantine  (a.d.  323-337) 

Accession  and  Policy  of  Constantine.  —  By  a  succession  of 
victories  over  his  different  rivals,  which  it  is  not  necessary  for 
us  to  recount,  Constantine  became  the  sole  ruler,  and  the  whole 
empire  was  reunited  under  his  authority.  He  was  a  man  of 
wider  views  than  Diocletian,  and  had  even  a  greater  genius 
for  organization.  The  work  which  Diocletian  began,  Constan- 
tine completed.  He  in  fact  gave  to  Roman  imperialism  the 
final  form  which  it  preserved  as  long  as  the  empire  existed, 
and  the  form  in  which  it  exercised  its  great  influence  upon 
modern  governments.     We  should  remember  that  it  was  not 


KlMNS  OK   DUK'LETIAS'S    PaLACE 


THE    REORGANIZATION   OF   THE   EMPIRE 


293 


so  much  the  early  imperialism  of  Augustus  as  the  later  impe- 
rialism of  Constantine  which  reappeared  in  the  empires  of 
modern  Europe.  This  fact 
will  enable  us  to  under- 
stand the  greatness  of  Con- 
stantine as  a  statesman 
and  a  political  reformer. 
His  policy  was  to  centralize 
all  power  in  the  hands  of 
the  chief  ruler;  to  surround 
his  person  with  an  elabo- 
rate court  system  and  an 
imposing  ceremonial;  and 
to  make  all  officers,  civil 
and  military,  responsible 
to  the  supreme  head  of  the 
empire. 

Conversion  of  Constan- 
tine. —  Constantine  is  gen- 
erally known  as  the  '^  first 
Christian  emperor."  The  story  of  his  miraculous  conver- 
sion is  told  by  his  biographer,  Euse'bius.  It  is  said  that 
while  marching  against  his  rival  Maxentius,  he  beheld  in  the 
heavens  the  luminous  sign  of  the  cross,  inscribed  with  the 
Avords,  "  By  this  sign  conquer."  As  a  result  of  this  vision,  he 
openly  professed  the  new  religion ;  he  adopted  the  cross  as  his 
battle  standard ;  and  from  this  time  he  ascribed  his  victories 
to  the  God  of  the  Christians.  The  truth  of  this  story  has  been 
doubted  by  critical  historians;  but  that  Constantine  looked 
upon  Christianity  in  an  entirely  different  light  from  his  prede- 
cessors, and  that  he  was  an  avowed  friend  of  the  Christian 
church,  cannot  be  denied.  His  mother,  Hd'ena,  was  a  Chris- 
tian, and  his  father,  Constantius,  had  opposed  the  persecutions 
of  Diocletian  and  Galerius.  He  had  himself,  while  he  was 
ruler  in  only  the  West,  issued  an  edict  of  toleration  (a.d.  313) 
to  the  Christians  in  his  own  provinces. 


Constantine 


294 


THE    KOxMAN    EMTIKK 


Adoption  of  Christianity.  —  Constantine  .vas  therefore  pre- 
pared,  when  he  became  the  sole  emperor,  to  reverse  the  policy 
of  Diocletian,  and  to  recognize  Christianity  as  the  state  reli- 
gion. How  far  Constantine  hiuiself  was  a  sincere  Christian  it 
Ts  not  for  us  to  say ;  but  no  one  can  doubt  that  the  adoption  of 
Christianity  was  an  act  inspired  by  political  wisdom.  A  large 
part  of  the  empire  was  already  Christian,  and  the  recognition 
of  the  new  religion  gave  stability  to  the  new  government. 
Constantine,  however,  in  accepting   Christianity  as   the  state 


SiTK  OF  CoNSTANTINOPLR 


religion,  did  not  go  to  the  extreme  of  trying  to  uproot  pagan- 
ism! The  pagan  worship  was  still  tolerated,  and  it  was  not 
until  many  years  after  this  time  that  it  was  proscribed  by  the 
Christian  emperors.  For  the  purpose  of  settling  the  disputes 
between  the  different  Christian  sects,  Constantine  called  (a.d. 
3'>r))  a  large  council  of  the  clergy-  at  Nice  (Xiccm),  which  de- 
cided what  should  thereafter  be  regarded  as  the  orthodox  belief. 
Removal  of  the  Capital  to  Constantinople  (A.D.  328).  — The 
next  important  act  of  Constantine  was  to  break  away  from  the 
traditions  of  the  old  empire  by  establishing  a  new  capital. 
The  old  Roman  city  was  filled  with  the  memories  of  paganism 


THE   REORGANIZATION  OF  THE   EMPIRE 


295 


and  the  relics  of  the  republic.  It  was  the  desire  of  Constan- 
tine to  give  the  empire  a  new  center  of  power,  which  should  be 
favorably  situated  for  working  out  his  new  plans,  and  also  for 
defending  the  Roman  territory.  He  selected  for  this  purpose 
the  site  of  the  old  Greek  colony,  Byzantium,  on  the  confines 
of  Europe  and  Asia.  This  site  was  favorable  alike  for  defense, 
for  commerce,  and  for  the  establishment  of  an  Oriental  system 
of  government.  Constantine  laid  out  the  city  on  an  extensive 
scale,  and  adorned  it  with  new  buildings  and  works  of  art. 
The  new  capital  was  called,  after  its  founder,  the  city  of  Con- 
stantine, or  Constantinople. 

The  New  Court  Org^anization.  —  Constantine  believed  with  Dio- 
cletian that  one  of  the  defects  of  the  old  empire  was  the  fact 
that  the  person  of  the  emperor  was  not  sufficiently  respected. 
He  therefore  not  only  adopted  the  diadem  and  the  elaborate 
robes  of  the  Asiatic  monarchs,  as  Diocletian  had  done,  but 
reorganized  the  court  on  a  thoroughly  eastern  model.  An 
Oriental  court  consisted  of  a  large  retinue  of  officials,  who 
surrounded  the  monarch,  who  paid  obeisance  to  him  and  served 
him,  and  who  were  raised  to  the  rank  of  nobles  by  this  service. 
All  the  powers  of  the  monarch  were  exercised  through  these 
court  officials. 

These  Oriental  features  were  now  adopted  by  the  Roman 
emperor.  The  chief  officers  of  the  court  comprised  the  grand 
chamberlain,  who  had  charge  of  the  imperial  palace ;  the 
chancellor,  who  had  the  supervision  of  the  court  officials  and 
received  foreign  ambassadors ;  the  quaestor,  who  drew  up  and 
issued  the  imperial  edicts ;  the  treasurer-general,  who  had  con- 
trol of  the  public  revenues;  the  master  of  the  privy  purse, 
who  managed  the  emperor's  private  estate;  and  the  two  com- 
manders of  the  bodyguard.  The  imperial  court  of  Constantine 
furnished  the  model  of  the  royal  courts  of  modern  times. 

The  New  Provincial  System.  —  Another  important  reform  of 
Constantine  was  the  reorganization  of  the  Roman  territory  in 
a  most  systematic  manner.  This  was  based  upon  Diocletian's 
division,  but  was  much  more  complete  and  thorough.     The 


I 


r»ROCrRKSSIVE    ^TA.1?   ISTo.  8, 


THE    KEORGANIZATION   OF   THE    ExMPIRE 


297 


whole  empire  was  first  divided  into  four  great  parts,  called 
"  praefectures,"  eacli  under  a  pra3torian  prefect  subject  to  the 
emperor.  These  great  territorial  divisions  were  (1)  the  Pre- 
fecture of  the  East ;  (2)  the  Praifecture  of  Illyricum  ;  (3)  the 
Praefecture  of  Italy ;  (4)  the  Prefecture  of  Gaul.  Each  prse- 
fecture  was  then  subdivided  into  dioceses,  each  under  a  diocesan 
governor,  called  a  vicar,  subject  to  the  pretorian  prefect. 
Each  diocese  was  further  subdivided  into  provinces,  each 
under  a  provincial  governor  called  a  consular,  president,  duke, 
or  count.  Each  province  was  made  up  of  cities  and  towns, 
under  their  own  municipal  governments.  Each  city  was  gen- 
erally governed  by  a  city  council  (rHrf'(()  presided  over  by  two 
or  four  magistrates  (duumviri,  quattaorviri).  It  had  also  in  the 
later  empire  a  defender  of  the  people  (defensor  populi),  who,  like 
the  old  republican  tribune,  protected  the  people  in  their  rights. 
The  new  divisions  of  the  empire  may  be  indicated  as  follows  : 


I 

II 

Pu.KFErTrRK   OF 

THE  East 

PR-EFECTITRE   OF   iLLYRICirsi 

live  Diocettea 

Tico  Dioceses 

(0 

The  East    .     . 

(15  provinces) 

(1) 

T>acia       ...     (5  provinces) 

(-0 

K;?ypt  .    .    . 

(6         "        ) 

(2) 

Macedonia   .     .     (6         "        ) 

{^) 

Asia      .     .     . 

(11         "        ) 

(4) 

Pont us  .     .     . 

(11         "        ) 

('3) 

Thrace  .     .     . 

(6         "        ) 

49  provinces 

11  provinces 

Ill 

IV 

PR.fCFKCTlRE  OF   ItALV 

Pr^fecti're  OF  Gaul 

Three  Dioceneii 

Three  Dioceses  ■ 

0) 

Italy      .     .     . 

(17  provinces) 

(1) 

Spain     .     .     .     (  7  provinces) 

(2) 

Illyricum    .     . 

(7         "        ) 

(2) 

Gaul      ...     (17         "        ) 

(3) 

Africa   .     .     . 

(6        "        ) 
30  i)rovincts 

(3) 

Britain  .     .     .     (  o         "        ^ 

29  provinces 

296 


Total,  13  dioceses  and  119  provinces. 


' 


piiooiiKssiVK  ]vr^r»  is^o.  a. 


29G 


THE    HEOllGANl^iATlON  OF   THE    EMPIRE 


297 


whole  empire  was  first  divided  into  four  great  parts,  called 
"  praefectures,"  each  under  a  praetorian  jirefect  subject  to  tlie 
emperor.  These  great  territorial  divisions  were  (1)  the  ]*r[i^- 
fectnre  of  the  East;  (2)  tlie  Praefecture  of  Illyricum  ;  (3)  the 
Pnefecture  of  Italy ;  (4)  the  l^riefecture  of  Gaul.  Each  pree- 
fecture  was  then  subdivided  into  dioceses,  each  under  a  diocesan 
governor,  called  a  vicar,  subject  to  the  praetorian  prefect. 
Each  diocese  was  further  subdivided  into  provinces,  each 
under  a  provincial  governor  called  a  consuLar,  president,  duke, 
or  count.  Each  province  was  made  up  of  cities  and  towns, 
under  their  own  municipal  governments.  Eacli  city  was  gen- 
erally governed  by  a  city  council  (curia)  presided  over  by  two 
or  four  magistrates  {duumviri,  quattuorviri).  It  had  also  in  the 
later  empire  a  defender  of  the  people  (defensor  2)opuli),  who,  like 
the  old  republican  tribune,  protected  the  people  in  their  rights. 
The  new  divisions  of  the  empire  may  be  indicated  as  follows  : 


I 

II 

PU-KFErTrKK   OF 

THE  East 

Pr.EFECTIRE    of    Il.LYRK'l-.M 

Five 

Diocexes 

(1) 

TlCO 

Diocese  H 

(I) 

The  East    . 

( 1 5  provinces) 

Bacia 

.     .     (5  provinces) 

(2) 

E^^ypt    .     . 

(6         "        ) 

(2) 

Macedonia 

.     .     (6         "        ) 

(3) 

Asia       .     . 

(11         '^        ) 

(•i) 

Pont us  .     . 

(11         "        ) 

(5) 

Thrace  .     . 

(  G  "  ) 
49  provinces 

11  provinces 

IH 

IV 

PR.KFKCTrRE   OF    ItAI.T                             1 

PR.EFErTlRE   OF   GaUL 

Three 

DioceneH 

(1) 

Threi 

Diocenes  ■ 

(1) 

Italy       .     . 

• 

(17  in-ovinces) 

Spain     .     . 

.     (  7  provinces) 

(2) 

Illyricum    . 

. 

(7         "        ) 

(2) 

Gaul      .     . 

•     (17         "        ) 

(3) 

Africa   .     . 

a 

(G  "  ) 
;}0  provinces 

(3) 

Britain  .     . 

.     (  5         "        ) 
29  provinces 

Total,  13  dioceses  and  119  provinces. 


298 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


The  New  Military  Organization.  —Scarcely  less  important  than 
tlie  new  provincial  system  was  the  new  military  organization. 
One  of  the  chief  defects  of  the  early  empire  was  the  improper 
position  which  the  army  occupied  in  the  state.  This  defect  is 
seen  in  two  ways.  In  the  first  place,  the  army  was  not  subor- 
dinate to  the  civil  authority.  We  have  seen  how  the  pr^to- 
rian  guards  really  became  supreme,  and  brought  about  that 
wretched  condition  of  things,  a  military  despotism.     In  the 


Abcu  of  Const ANTiNK 

next  place,  the  military  power  was  not  separated  from  the  civil 
power.  In  the  early  empire,  every  governor  of  a  province  had 
not  only  civil  authority,  but  he  also  had  command  of  an  army, 
so  that  he  could  resist  the  central  government  if  he  were  so 
disposed.  But  Constantine  changed  all  this.  He  abolished 
the  Roman  garrison  or  praetorian  guard.  He  gave  to  the  terri- 
torial governors  only  a  civil  authority ;  and  the  whole  army  was 
or-anized  under  distinct  officers,  and  made  completely  subject 
to^he  central  power  of  the  empire.     This  change  tended  to 


THE   REORGANIZATION  OF   THE   EMPIRE 


299 


I 


prevent,  on  the  one  hand,  a  military  despotism ;  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  revolt  of  local  governors. 

The  military  ability  of  Constantine  cannot  be  questioned. 
In  commemoration  of  his  early  victories,  the  senate  erected  in 
the  city  of  Rome  a  splendid  triumphal  arch,  which  stands 
to-day  as  one  of  the  finest  specimens  of  this  kind  of  architec- 
ture. 

Effect  of  Constantine' s  Reforms.  —  If  we  should  take  no 
account  of  the  effects  of  Constantine's  reforms  upon  the  liberties 
of  the  Roman  people,  we  might  say  that  his  government  was 
a  great  improvement  ujmn  that  of  Augustus.  It  gave  new 
strength  to  the  empire,  and  enabled  it  to  resist  foreign  inva- 
sions. The  empire  was  preserved  for  several  generations 
longer  in  the  West,  and  for  more  than  a  thousand  years  longer 
in  the  East.  But  the  expenses  necessary  to  maintain  such  a 
system,  with  its  elaborate  court  and  its  vast  number  of  officials, 
was  great.  The  taxes  were  oppressive.  The  members  of 
every  city  council  (curiales)  were  held  responsible  for  the 
raising  of  the  revenues.  The  people  were  burdened,  and  lost 
their  interest  in  the  state.  Constantine  also,  like  Augustus, 
failed  to  make  a  proper  provision  for  his  successor.  At  his 
death  (a.d.  337)  his  three  sons  divided  the  empire  between 
them,  and  this  division  gave  rise  to  another  period  of  quarrels 
and  civil  strife. 

III.   The  Successors  of  Constanttxe  (337-395) 

Attempt  to  Restore  Paganism.  —  The  first  event  of  grave 
importance  after  the  reign  of  Constantine  was  the  attempt  of 
the  Emperor  Julian  (a.d.  360-363)  to  restore  the  old  pagan 
religion,  for  which  attempt  he  has  been  called  "  the  Apostate." 
Julian  was  in  many  respects  a  man  of  ability  and  energy.  He 
repelled  the  Alemanni  who  had  crossed  the  Rhine,  and  made 
a  vigorous  campaign  against  the  Persians.  But  he  was  by 
conviction  a  pagan,  and  in  the  struggle  between  the  old  and 
the  new  religion  he  took  the  part  of  the  ancient  faith.     He 


298 


THE   ROMAN  EMPIRE 


The  New  Military  Organization.  —Scarcely  less  important  than 
the  new  provincial  system  was  the  new  military  ori^anization. 
One  of  the  chief  defects  of  the  early  empire  was  the  improper 
position  which  the  army  occupied  in  the  state.  Tliis  defect  is 
seen  in  two  ways.  In  the  first  place,  the  army  was  not  subor- 
dinate to  the  civil  authority.  We  have  seen  how  the  praeto- 
rian guards  really  became  supreme,  and  brought  about  that 
wretched  condition  of  things,  a  military  despotism.     In  the 


Arch  of  Constantine 


next  place,  the  military  power  was  not  separated  from  the  civil 
power.  In  the  early  empire,  every  governor  of  a  province  had 
not  only  civil  authority,  but  he  also  had  command  of  an  army, 
so  that  he  could  resist  the  central  government  if  he  were  so 
disposed.  Hut  Constantine  changed  all  this.  He  abolished 
the  Roman  garrison  or  prsetorian  guard.  He  gave  to  the  terri- 
torial governors  only  a  civil  authority ;  and  the  whole  army  was 
or-anized  under  distinct  officers,  and  made  completely  suliject 
to^he  central  power  of  the  empire.     This  change  tended  to 


THE    REORGANIZATION  OF   THE    EMPIRE 


299 


I 


prevent,  on  the  one  hand,  a  military  despotism ;  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  revolt  of  local  governors. 

The  military  ability  of  Constantine  cannot  be  questioned. 
In  commemoration  of  his  early  victories,  the  senate  erected  in 
the  city  of  Rome  a  splendid  triumphal  arch,  which  stands 
to-day  as  one  of  the  finest  specimens  of  this  kind  of  architec- 
ture. 

Effect  of  Constantine' s  Reforms. —If  we  should  take  no 
account  of  the  effects  of  Constantine's  reforms  upon  the  liberties 
of  the  Koman  people,  we  might  say  that  his  government  was 
a  great  improvement  upon  that  of  Augustus.  It  gave  new 
strength  to  the  empire,  and  enabled  it  to  resist  foreign  inva- 
sions. The  empire  was  preserved  for  several  generations 
longer  in  the  West,  and  for  more  than  a  thousand  years  longer 
in  the  East.  But  the  expenses  necessary  to  maintain  such  a 
system,  with  its  elaborate  court  and  its  vast  number  of  officials, 
was  great.  The  taxes  were  oppressive.  The  members  of 
every  city  council  (curiales)  were  held  responsible  for  the 
raising  of  the  revenues.  The  people  were  burdened,  and  lost 
their  interest  in  the  state.  Constantine  also,  like  Augustus, 
failed  to  make  a  proper  provision  for  his  successor.  At  his 
death  (a.d.  337)  his  three  sons  divided  the  empire  between 
them,  and  this  division  gave  rise  to  another  period  of  quarrels 
and  civil  strife. 

III.    The  Successors  of  Constantixe  (337^395) 

Attempt  to  Restore  Paganism.  —  The  first  event  of  grave 
importance  after  the  reign  of  Constantine  was  the  attempt  of 
the  Emperor  Julian  (a.d.  360-363)  to  restore  the  old  pagan 
religion,  for  which  attempt  he  has  been  called  "  the  Apostate." 
Julian  was  in  many  respects  a  man  of  ability  and  energy.  He 
repelled  the  Alemanni  who  had  crossed  the  Rhine,  and  made 
a  vigorous  campaign  against  the  Persians.  But  he  was  by 
conviction  a  pagan,  and  in  the  struggle  between  the  old  and 
the  new  religion  he  took  the  part  of  the  ancient  faith.     He 


300 


THE   TlO\[AN   EMPIRE 


tried  to  undo  the  work  of  Constantine  by  bringing  back  pagan- 
ism to  its  old  position.  He  did  not  realize  that  Christianity 
was  the  religion  of  the  future,  and  was  presumptuous  in  his 
belief  that  he  could  accomplish  that  in  which  Marcus  Aurelius 
and  Diocletian  had  failed.  He  may  not  have  expected  to  ui> 
root  the  new  religion  entirely;  but  he  hoped  to  deprive  it  of 
the  important  privileges  which  it  had  already  acquired.  The 
religious  changes  which  he  was  able  to  effect  in  his  brief  reign 
were  reversed  by  his  successor  Jovian  (a.d.  363-364),  and 
Christianity  afterward  remained  undisturbed  as  the  religion 
of  the  empire. 

Revolt  of  the  Goths.  —  After  the  death  of  Jovian  the  empire 
was  divided  between  Valentinian  and  his  younger  brother 
Yalens,  the  former  ruling  in  the  West,  and  the  latter  in  the 
East.  Valentinian  died  (a.d.  375),  leaving  his  sons  in  control 
of  the  West,  while  Valens  continued  to  rule  in  the  East  (till 
378).  It  was  during  this  latter  period  that  a  great  event 
occurred  which  forewarned  the  empire  of  its  final  doom.  This 
event  was  the  irruption  of  the  Huns  into  Europe.  This  savage 
race,  emerging  from  the  steppes  of  Asia,  pressed  upon  the 
Goths  and  drove  them  from  their  homes  into  the  Eoman  terri- 
tory. It  was  now  necessary  for  the  Romans  either  to  resist  the 
whole  Gothic  nation,  which  numbered  a  million  of  people,  or 
else  to  receive  them  as  friends,  and  give  them  settlements 
within  the  empire.  The  latter  course  seemed  the  wiser,  and 
they  were  admitted  as  allies,  and  given  new  homes  south  of  the 
Danube,  in  Mcesia  and  Thrace.  But  they  were  soon  provoked 
by  the  ill-treatment  of  the  Roman  officials,  and  rose  in  revolt, 
defeating  the  Roman  army  in  a  battle  at  Adriano'ple  (a.d.  378) 
in  which  Valens  himself  was  slain. 

Reign  of  Theodosius  and  the  Final  Division  of  the  Empire 
(379-395).  —  Theodo'sius  I.  succeeded  Valens  as  emperor  of 
the  East.  He  was  a  man  of  great  vigor  and  military  ability, 
although  his  reign  was  stained  with  acts  of  violence  and 
injustice.  He  continued  the  policy  of  admitting  the  bar- 
barians   into    the    empire,  but   converted    them    into   useful 


THE   REORGANIZATION   OF  THE   EMPIRE 


301 


and  loyal  subjects.  From  their  number  he  reenforced  the 
ranks  of  the  imperial  armies,  and  jealously  guarded  them  from 
injustice.  When  a  garrison  of  Gothic  soldiers  was  once 
mobbed  in  Thessalonica,  he  resorted  to  a  punishment  as  re- 
vengeful as  that  of  Marius  and  as  cruel  as  that  of  Sulla.  He 
gathered  the  people  of  this  city  into  the  circus  to  the  number 
of  seven  thousand,  and  caused  them  to  be  massacred  by  a  body 
of  Gothic  soldiers  (a.d.  390).  For  this  inhuman  act  he  was 
compelled  to  do  penance  by  St.  Ambrose,  the  bishop  of 
Milan  —  which  fact  shows  how  powerful  the  Church  had 
become  at  this  time,  to  compel  an  emperor  to  obey  its  mandates. 
Theodosius  was  himself  an  ardent  and  orthodox  Christian,  and 
went  so  far  as  to  be  intolerant  of  the  pagan  religion,  and  even 
of  the  worship  of  heretics.  In  spite  of  his  shortcomings  he 
was  an  able  monarch,  and  has  received  the  name  of  "  Theodosius 
the  Great."  He  conquered  his  rivals  and  reunited  for  a  brief 
time  the  whole  Roman  world  under  a  single  ruler.  But  at  his 
death  (a.d.  395),  he  divided  the  empire  between  his  two  sons, 
Arca'dius  and  Hono'rius,  the  former  receiving  the  East,  and  the 
latter,  the  West. 


SELECTIONS   FOR   READING 

Gibbon,  Decline,  Ch.  17,  "  Foundation  of  Constantinople"  (7).i 
Gibbon,  abridged,  Ch.  7,  "  Reign  of  Diocletian"  (7). 
Stanley,  Lect.  0,  "The  Emperor  Constantine "  (12). 
Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,  Ch.  73,  "  Reign  of  Julian"  (1). 
Seeley,  Essay,  "Tlie  Later  Empire"  (7). 


SPECIAL  STUDY 

The  Roman  Baths.  —  Inge,  pp.  232-286  (16)  ;  Bury,  Empire,  pp.  600- 
612  (7)  ;  Parker,  Arch.  Hist.,  Ch.  10  (D)  ;  Giihl  and  Koner,  pp.  31)6-406 
(16)  ;  Harper's  Diet.  Antiqq.,  "  Balneae  "  (8)  ;  Ramsay  and  Lanciani, 
pp.  487-490  (8)  ;  Becker,  Gallus,  pp.  306-387  (16). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


ROME 

Under  the  Later  Emperors 


SCALE  OF  FEET 


88 


PRINCIPAL    BUILDINGS 


I.  FORrHS 

1.  Roman 

3.  Julius 
8.  Augustus 

4.  Nerva 

5.  Vespasiaa 
«.  Tnjan 

II.  TEMPLES 

7.  Jupiter  Cspitolinus 

8.  Quirinus 

9.  Miner\-» 

10.  Pantheon 

11.  Trajan 

12.  Hope 

13.  Fortuno 

14.  Ceres 

15.  Diana 

16.  Honor  and  Virtue 

17.  Divine  Claudius 

18.  Venus  and  Rome 


III.  BATHS 

19.  Agrlppa 

30.  Aiexandrlna. 

21.  Tftns 

n.  Trajan 

33.  Constantins 

34.  Diocletian 

35.  Caracalla 


IT.   THEATEKS 

96.  Pompey 
37.   Balbus 
S8.  Marcelliu 


T.  AMPHmiEATBBS 

39.  Flavian  (Coloswum) 
80.  MUitary 


TI.  CIRCUSES 

31.  Mazimus 
33.  Flaminius 

33.  Nero 

VII.  PORTICOES 

34.  Pompey 

35.  OcUviua 

36.  IJvia 

VIII.  RA8IUCAS 

37.  Julia 

38.  Constantins 

39.  Ulpian 

40.  iEmilia 

IX.  PLACES  OF  AS.SEM- 

BLY 

41.  SIteof  theComitium 
43.  Curia,     or      Senate 

House 

43.  SwpU  Julia(Voting) 

X.  ARCHES 

44.  Titus 

45.  Constantine 

46.  Septimius  Sevema 

XI.  COLIJINS 

47.  Trajan 
4d.  Antoninus 
49.  Marcus  Aurellus 

XII.  TOHBS 

SU.   Augustus 
51.   Hadrian 
53.  Scipio 

XIII.  CAMPS 

53.  Prwtoriaa 

54.  Agrippa 

XIV.  MIS(ELLAIIEOrS 

55.  Arx 

56.  Palace  of  the  Ccsara 
I     57.  Emporium 


302 


303 


ROME 

Uhder  the  Later  Emperors 


SOLE  or  rttJ 

5     55o~iooo 


m 


33 


FRIKCIPAL    BUILDINGS 


I.  FORtHS 

1.  Roman 
S.  Jullua 

3.  Augustas 

4.  Nerva 

5.  V« 
«.  Tr 


II.  TKSPLES 

7.  Jupiter  CapltoHnua 

8.  Qulrinus 

9.  Minerva 

10.  Pantheon 

11.  Trajan 
13.  Hop« 

13.  Fortune 

14.  Ceres 
U.  Diana 

16.  Honor  and  Virtue 

17.  Divine  CUudlus 

18.  Venua  and  Rome 


III.  BATHS 

19.  Airripp* 

30.  Alezandrioa. 

21.  Titus 

22.  Trajan 

23.  Constantine 

24.  Diocletian 

25.  Caracalla 


TI.  CIRCUSES 

31.  Maxltnua 

32.  Flaminiua 

33.  Nero 

VII.  PORTICOES 

34.  Pmnpey 

35.  (^k-taviua 

36.  Livia 

VIII.  BASILICAS 

37.  Julia 
3H.  ConsUntine 

39.  Ulpian 

40.  iEmilia 

IX.  PI.ACES  OF  ASSES- 
BLY 

41.  SIteoftheComltiuin 

42.  Curia,     or      Senate 
House 

43.  S»pU  Julia(Voting) 

X.  ARCHES 

44.  Titus 

45.  Constantine 

46.  Septlroius  Sevaros 

XI.  COLI'MN'S 

47.  Trajan 

48.  Antoninus 

49.  Marcus  Aureltns 

XII.  TOIBS 

5il.   Augustus 

51.  Hadrian 

52.  Scipio 

XIII.  CAMPS 

53.  PrKtorian 

54.  Agrippa 

,  , ..„.„„„o   XIV.  MISCELLANEOl'S 

T.  AMPHITHEATERS  I  55  ^rx 

99.   Flavian  (Coloaaeum)      56.  Palace  of  the  CKsars 
SO.  Military  |     67.  Emporium 


IT.   THEATERS 

26.  Pompey 

27.  Balbus 
98.  Marcellns 


302 


303 


CHAPTER   XXIX 

THE   EXTINCTION   OF   THE   WESTERN   EMPIRE 

I.   The  Great  Invasions 

The  Divided  Empire. —  The  death  of  Theodosius  in  a.d.  395 
marks  an  important  epoch,  not  only  in  the  history  of  the  later 
Roman  Empire  but  in  the  history  of  European  civilization. 
From  this  time  the  two  parts  of  the  empire  —  the  East  and 
the  West  —  became  more  and  more  separated  from  each  other, 
until  they  became  at  last  two  distinct  worlds,  having  different 
destinies.  The  eastern  part,  the  history  of  which  does  not 
belong  to  our  present  study,  maintained  itself  for  nearly  a 
thousand  years  with  its  capital  at  Constantinople,  until  it  was 
finally  conquered  by  the  Turks  (a.d.  1453).  The  western 
part  was  soon  overrun  and  conquered  by  the  German  invaders, 
who  brought  with  them  new  blood  and  new  ideas,  and  furnished 
the  elements  of  a  new  civilization.  We  have  now  to  see  how 
the  Western  Empire  was  obliged  finally  to  succumb  to  these 
barbarians,  who  had  been  for  so  many  years  pressing  upon  the 
frontiers,  and  who  had  already  obtained  some  foothold  in  the 

provinces. 

The  General  Stilicho.  —  When  the  youthful  Honorius  was 
made  emperor  in  the  West,  he  was  placed  under  the  guardian- 
ship of  Stil'icho,  an  able  general  who  was  a  barbarian  in  the 
service  of  Rome.  As  long  as  Stilicho  lived  he  was  able  to 
resist  successfully  the  attacks  upon  Italy.  The  first  of  these 
attacks  was  due  to  jealousy  and  hatred  on  the  part  of  the 
Eastern  emperor.  The  Goths  of  Moesia  were  in  a  state  of 
discontent,  and  demanded  more  extensive  lands.  Under  their 
great  leader,  Al'aric,  they  entered  Macedonia,  invaded  Greece, 
and  threatened  to  devastate  the  whole  peninsula.  The  Eastern 
emperor,  Arcadius,  in  order  to  relieve  his  own  territory  from 

304 


/ 


THE   EXTINCTION  OF  THE   WESTERN   EMPIRE       305 


their  ravages,  turned  their  faces  toward  Italy  by  giving  them 
settlements  in  Illyricum,  and  making  their  chief,  Alaric,  mas- 
ter-general of  that  province.  From  this  region  they  invaded 
Italy,  and  ravaged  the  plains  of  the  Po.  But  they  were  defeated 
by  Stilicho  in  the  battle  of  Pollentia  (a.d.  403),  and  forced  to 
return  again  into  Illyricum.  The  generalship  of  Stilicho  was 
also  shown  in  checking  an  invasion  made  by  a  host  of  Vandals, 
Rurgundians,  Sue'vi,  and  Ala'ni  under  the  lead  of  Radagai'sus 
(a.d.  406).  Italy  seemed  safe  as  long  as  Stilicho  lived;  but 
he  was  unfortunately  put  to  death  to  satisfy  the  jealousy  of  his 
ungrateful  master,  Honorius  (a.d.  408). 

Invasion  of  Italy  by  the  Goths.  —  With  Stilicho  dead,  Italy 
was  practically  defenseless.  Alaric  at  the  head  of  the  Vis'i- 
goths  (West  Goths)  immediately  invaded  the  peninsula,  and 
marched  to  Rome.  He  was  induced  to  spare  the  city  only 
by  the  payment  of  an  enormous  ransom.  But  the  barbarian 
chief  was  not  entirely  satisfied  with  the  payment  of  money. 
He  was  in  search  of  lands  upon  which  to  settle  his  people. 
Honorius  refused  to  grant  this  demand,  and  after  fruitless 
negotiations  with  the  emperor,  Alaric  determiued  to  enforce  it 
by  the  sword.  He  took  the  city  of  Rome  and  sacked  it 
(a.d.  410).  For  three  days  the  city  was  given  up  to  plunder. 
He  then  overran  southern  Italy  and  made  himself  master  of 
the  peninsula.  He  soon  died,  and  his  successor,  Adolphus 
(Ataulf),  was  induced  to  find  in  Gaul  and  Spain  the  lands 
which  Alaric  had  sought  in  Italy. 

The  Rule  of  Placidia.  —  The  great  invasions  which  began  dur- 
ing the  reign  of  Honorius  (a.d.  395-423)  continued  during  the 
reign  of  Valentinian  III.  (a.d.  425-455).  As  Valentinian  was 
only  six  years  of  age  when  he  was  proclaimed  emperor,  the 
government  was  carried  on  by  his  mother,  Placidia,  who  was 
the  sister  of  Honorius  and  daughter  of  Theodosius  the  Great. 
Placidia  was  in  fact  for  many  years  during  these  eventful 
times  tlie  real  ruler  of  Pome.  Her  armies  were  commanded 
by  Aetius  and  Boniface,  who  have  been  called  the  "  last  of  the 
Romans." 


306 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


Invasion  of  the  Huns  under  Attila.  —The  next  great  invasion 
of  the  Western  Empire  was  made  by  the  Huns  under  At'tila. 
This  savage  people  from  Asia  had  already  gained  a  foothold 
in  eastern  Europe  north  of  the  Danube.  Under  their  great 
chieftain,  Attila,  who  has  been  called  *'the  Scourge  of  God," 
they  invaded  Gaul,  and  devastated  the  provinces;  they  laid 
siege  to  the  city  of  Orleans,  but  were  finally  defeated  by  the 
Roman  general  Aetius,  with  the  aid  of  the  Visigoths.  The 
battle  was  fought  near  Chalons  (a.d.  451),  and  has  been  called 
one  of  the  great  decisive  battles  of  the  world,  because  it 
relieved  Europe  from  the  danger  of  Tartar  domination.  Attila 
later  invaded  Italy,  but  retired  without  attacking  Rome. 

Notwithstanding  the  brilliant  service  which  Aetius  had  ren- 
dered, he  was  made  the  victim  of  court  intrigue,  and  was 
murdered  by  his  jealous  prince  Valentinian  III.  The  fate  of 
Aetius,  like  that  of  Stilicho  before  him,  shows  the  wretched 
condition  into  which  the  imperial  government  had  fallen. 

Invasion  of  the  Vandals  under  Genseric— The  Vandals  who 
had  fought  under  Radagaisus  had,  upon  the  death  of  that  leader, 
retreated  into  Spain,  and  had  finally  crossed  over  into  Africa, 
where  they  had  erected  a  kingdom  under  their  chief  Gen'seric. 
They  captured  the  Roman  city  of  Carthage  and  made  it  their 
capital ;  and  they  soon  obtained  control  of  the  western  Medi- 
terranean. On  the  pretext  of  settling  a  quarrel  at  Rome, 
Genseric  landed  his  army  at  the  port  of  Ostia,  took  possession 
of  the  city  of  Rome,  and  for  fourteen  days  made  it  the  sub- 
ject of  pillage  (a.d.  455).  By  this  act  of  Genseric,  the  city 
lost  its  treasures  and  many  of  its  works  of  art,  and  the  word 
"  vandalism  "  came  to  be  a  term  of  odious  meaning. 

Occupation  of  Britain  by  the  Saxons.  —  While  the  continental 
provinces  were  thus  overrun  by  the  Goths,  the  Huns,  and 
the  Vandals,  the  Roman  army  was  withdrawn  from  the 
island  of  Britain.  For  many  years  it  was  left  to  govern  itself. 
But  the  tribes  of  northern  Germany,  the  Jutes  and  the  Saxons, 
saw  in  it  a  desirable  place  of  settlement,  and  began  their 
migration  to  the  islands  (a.d.  449). 


THE   EXTINCTION  OF   THE   WESTERN  EMPIRE        307 

In  the  various  ways  which  we  have  thus  briefly  described, 
the  provinces  of  the  Western  Empire  —  Spain,  Africa,  Gaul,  and 
Britain— became  for  the  most  part  occupied  by  German  bar- 
barians, and  practically  independent  of  the  imperial  authority 
at  Rome. 

II.     The  Fall  of  the  Western  Empire 

Ricimer  and  the  Last  Days  of  the  Empire.  —  The  authority 
of  the  Western  Roman  emperors  became  limited  to  Italy,  and 
even  here  it  was  reduced  to  a  mere  shadow.     The  barbarians 
were  the  real  power  behind  the  throne.     The  Roman  armies 
were  made  up   mostly   of  barbarians,  under   the  control   of 
barbarian  generals;  and  even  the  direction  of  affairs  at  the 
capital   was   in   the  hands  of  barbarian   chiefs.      The   place 
which    Stilicho   the   Vandal   had   held   under   Honorius,  was 
filled    by   Ric'imer  the   Goth   during  the  last  years  of  the 
empire.     This  chieftain  commanded  the  foreign  troops  in  the 
pay  of  Rome.     He  received  the  Roman  title  of  "  patrician," 
which  at  this  time  was  equivalent  to  regent  of  the  empire. 
For   seventeen    years    (455-472)   Ricimer   exercised   absolute 
authority,  setting  up  and  deposing  emperors  at  his  will.     The 
Roman  Empire  in  the  West  had  in  fact  already  passed  away, 
and  nothing  was  now  left  but  to  extinguish  its  name. 

Odoacer  deposes  Romulus  Augustulus  (A.D.  476).  — Tae  part 
which  Ricimer  had  played  as  ''  king-maker  "  was  now  Assumed 
by  Orestes  the  Pannonian,  who  received  the  title  of  patrician. 
Orestes  placed  upon  the  throne  his  son,  Romulus  Augus'tulus, 
a  boy  six  years  of  age.  The  brief  reign  of  this  prince  has  no 
other  significance  than  the  fact  that  it  was  the  last.  The 
barbarian  mercenaries  demanded  one  third  of  the  lands  of 
Italy,  and  on  the  refusal  of  Orestes,  they  placed  their  cause 
in  tlie  hands  of  Odoa'cer  (a  Herulian,  or  a  Rugian  chief). 
Romulus  was  obliged  to  resign  his  title  as  emperor,  and  word 
was  sent  to  the  Eastern  ruler  that  there  was  no  need  of 
another  separate  emperor  in  the  West.  Odoacer  was  given 
the  title  of  patrician,  and  ruled  over  Italy  as  the  vicar  of  the 


306 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


Invasion  of  the  Huns  under  Attila.  —The  next  great  invasion 
of  the  Western  Empire  was  made  by  the  Huns  under  At'tila. 
This  savage  people  from  Asia  had  already  gained  a  foothold 
in  eastern  Europe  north  of  the  Danube.  Under  their  great 
chieftain,  Attila,  who  has  been  called  "the  Scourge  of  God/' 
they  invaded  Gaul,  and  devastated  the  provinces;  they  laid 
siege  to  the  city  of  Orleans,  but  were  finally  defeated  by  the 
Roman  general  Afetius,  with  the  aid  of  the  Visigoths.  The 
battle  was  fought  near  Chalons  (a.d.  451),  and  has  been  called 
one  of  the  great  decisive  battles  of  the  world,  because  it 
relieved  Europe  from  the  danger  of  Tartar  domination.  Attila 
later  invaded  Italy,  but  retired  without  attacking  Rome. 

Notwithstanding  the  brilliant  service  which  Aetius  had  ren- 
dered, he  was  made  the  victim  of  court  intrigue,  and  was 
murdered  by  his  jealous  prince  Valentinian  III.  The  fate  of 
Aetius,  like  that  of  Stilicho  before  him,  shows  the  wretched 
condition  into  which  the  imperial  government  had  fallen. 

Invasion  of  the  Vandals  under  Genseric— The  Vandals  who 
had  fought  under  Radagaisus  had,  upon  the  death  of  that  leader, 
retreated  into  Spain,  and  had  finally  crossed  over  into  Africa, 
where  they  had  erected  a  kingdom  under  their  chief  Gen'seric. 
They  captured  the  Roman  city  of  Carthage  and  made  it  their 
capital ;  and  they  soon  obtained  control  of  the  western  Medi- 
terranean. On  the  pretext  of  settling  a  quarrel  at  Rome, 
Genseric  landed  his  army  at  the  port  of  Ostia,  took  possession 
of  the  city  of  Rome,  and  for  fourteen  days  made  it  the  sub- 
ject of  pillage  (a.d.  455).  By  this  act  of  Genseric,  the  city 
lost  its  treasures  and  many  of  its  works  of  art,  and  the  word 
"  vandalism  "  came  to  be  a  term  of  odious  meaning. 

Occupation  of  Britain  by  the  Saxons.  —  While  the  continental 
provinces  were  thus  overrun  by  the  Goths,  the  Huns,  and 
the  Vandals,  the  Roman  army  was  withdrawn  from  the 
island  of  Britain.  For  many  years  it  was  left  to  govern  itself. 
But  the  tribes  of  northern  Germany,  the  Jutes  and  the  Saxons, 
saw  in  it  a  desirable  place  of  settlement,  and  began  their 
migration  to  the  islands  (a.d.  449). 


THE   EXTINCTION  OF   THE   WESTERN  EMPIRE        307 

In  the  various  ways  which  we  have  thus  briefly  described, 
the  provinces  of  the  Western  Empire  —  Spain,  Africa,  Gaul,  and 
Britain  —  became  for  the  most  part  occupied  by  German  bar- 
barians, and  practically  independent  of  the  imperial  authority 
at  Rome. 

II.     The  Fall  or  the  Western  Empire 

Ricimer  and  the  Last  Days  of  the  Empire.  —  The  authority 
of  the  Western  Roman  emperors  became  limited  to  Italy,  and 
even  here  it  was  reduced  to  a  mere  shadow.  The  barbarians 
were  the  real  power  behind  the  throne.  The  Roman  armies 
were  made  up  mostly  of  barbarians,  under  the  control  of 
barbarian  generals;  and  even  the  direction  of  affairs  at  the 
capital  was  in  the  hands  of  barbarian  chiefs.  The  place 
which  Stilicho  the  Vandal  had  held  under  Honorius,  was 
filled  by  Ric'imer  the  Goth  during  the  last  years  of  the 
empire.  This  chieftain  commanded  the  foreign  troops  in  the 
pay  of  Rome.  He  received  the  Roman  title  of  ^' patrician," 
which  at  this  time  was  equivalent  to  regent  of  the  empire. 
For  seventeen  years  (455-472)  Ricimer  exercised  absolute 
authority,  setting  up  and  deposing  emperors  at  his  will.  The 
Roman  Empire  in  the  West  had  in  fact  already  passed  away, 
and  nothing  was  now  left  but  to  extinguish  its  name. 

Odoacer  deposes  Romulus  Augustulus  (A.D.  476).  — The  part 
which  Ricimer  had  played  as  "  king-maker  "  was  now  assumed 
by  Orestes  the  Pannonian,  who  received  the  title  of  patrician. 
Orestes  placed  upon  the  throne  his  son,  Romulus  Augus'tulus, 
a  boy  six  years  of  age.  The  brief  reign  of  this  prince  has  no 
other  significance  than  the  fact  that  it  was  the  last.  The 
barbarian  mercenaries  demanded  one  third  of  the  lands  of 
Italy,  and  on  the  refusal  of  Orestes,  they  placed  their  cause 
in  the  hands  of  Odoa'cer  (a  Herulian,  or  a  Rugian  chief). 
Romulus  was  obliged  to  resign  his  title  as  emperor,  and  word 
was  sent  to  the  Eastern  ruler  that  there  was  no  need  of 
another  separate  emperor  in  the  West.  Odoacer  was  given 
the  title  of  patrician,  and  ruled  over  Italy  as  the  vicar  of  the 


i^i^OG^RESsiVE  :m^vp  yio.o 


308 


THE   EXTINCTION  OF  THE   WESTERN  EM1>IUE 


309 


Eastern  emperor.  The  West  was  then  deprived  of  the  impe- 
rial title ;  and  this  event  is  called  the  '^  fall  of  the  Western 
Konian  Empire." 

Relation  of  the  West  to  the  Eastern  Empire.  —  If  we  were 
asked  to  define  the  relation  between  the  East  and  the  West 
after  the  deposition  of  Romulus  Augustulus,  we  might  be  in 
doubt  how  to  answer  the  question.  Since  Odoacer  was  made 
a  Roman  ruler  under  the  title  of  patrician,  and  since  he 
recognized  the  authority  of  the  Eastern  emperor,  we  might  say 
that  the  Western  Empire  was  not  destroyed,  but  was  simply 
reunited  once  more  to  the  Eastern  Empire.  This  would  be 
true  so  far  as  it  referred  to  a  mere  matter  of  legal  form.  But 
as  a  matter  of  historical  fact  this  event  does  not  mark  a  return 
to  the  old  system  of  things  which  existed  before  the  death  of 
Theodosius,  but  marks  a  real  separation  between  the  history  of 
the  East  and  the  history  of  the  West. 

Transition  to  a  New  Civilization  in  the  West.  —  The  West  had 
gradually  become   peopled  with  various  German   tribes.     In 
Africa  were  the  Vandals;    in  Spain  and  southern  Gaul,  the 
Visigoths;  in  northwestern  Spain,  the  Suevi;  in  southeastern 
Gaul,  the  Burgundians;  in  Britain,  the  Saxons  and  the  Jutes; 
in  Italy,  the  Her'uli.     Only  in  the  northern  part  of  Gaul  was 
the  shadow  of  the  Roman  authority  preserved  by  the  governor, 
Syagrius,  who  still  maintained  himself  for  ten  years  longer 
against  the  invaders,  but  was  at  last  conquered  by  the  Franks 
under   Clovis  (a.d.   486).     The   chiefs   of    the   new   German 
kingdom  had  begun  to  exercise  an  independent  authority  and 
the  Roman  people  had  become  subject  to  new  rulers.     The 
customs  and  manners  of  the  Romans,  their  laws  and  their  Ian- 
guage,  were  still  preserved,  but  upon  them  became  engrafted 
new  customs,  new  ideas,  and  new  institutions.     As  the  fall  of 
the  old  republic  was  a  transition   to  the  empire,  and  as  the 
decline  of  the  early  empire  was  a  transition  to  a  new  phase  of 
imperialism ;    so  now  the  fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  in  the 
West  was  in  reality  a  transition  to  a  new  state  of  things  out 
of  which  has  grown  our  modern  civilization. 


PROGRESSIVE  :VIjV1?  :N^o.  9 


308 


THE   EXTINCTION  OF   THE   WESTERN  EMPIKE        309 

Eastern  emperor.  Tlie  West  was  then  deprived  of  the  impe- 
rial title ;  and  this  event  is  called  the  "  fall  of  the  Western 
Roman  Empire." 

Relation  of  the  West  to  the  Eastern  Empire.  —  If  we  were 
asked  to  define  the  relation  between  the  East  and  the  West 
after  the  deposition  of  Romulus  Augustulus,  we  might  be  in 
doubt  how  to  answer  tlie  question.  Since  Odoacer  was  made 
a  Roman  ruler  under  the  title  of  patrician,  and  since  he 
recognized  the  authority  of  the  Eastern  emperor,  we  might  say 
that  the  Western  Empire  was  not  destroyed,  but  was  ^simply 
reunited  once  more  to  the  Eastern  Empire.  This  would  be 
true  so  far  as  it  referred  to  a  mere  matter  of  legal  form.  But 
as  a  matter  of  historical  fact  this  event  does  not  mark  a  return 
to  the  old  system  of  things  which  existed  before  the  death  of 
Theodosius,  but  marks  a  real  separation  between  the  history  of 
the  East  and  the  history  of  the  West. 

Transition  to  a  New  Civilization  in  the  West.  —  The  West  had 
gradually  become   peopled  with  various  German   tribes.     In 
Africa  were  the  Vandals;    in  Spain  and  southern   Gaul,  the 
\isigoths;  in  northwestern  Spain,  the  Suevi;  in  southeastern 
Gaul,  the  Burgundians;  in  Britain,  the  Saxons  and  the  Jutes; 
in  Italy,  the  Her'uli.     Only  in  the  northern  part  of  Gaul  was 
the  shadow  of  the  Roman  authority  preserved  by  the  governor, 
Syagrius,  who  still  maintained  himself  for  ten  years  longer 
against  the  invaders,  but  was  at  last  conquered  by  the  Franks 
under   Clovis  (a.d.   486).     The   chiefs   of    the   new   German 
kingdom  had  begun  to  exercise  an  independent  authority  and 
the  Roman  2:>eople  had  become  subject  to  new  rulers.     The 
customs  and  manners  of  the  Romans,  their  laws  and  their  lan- 
guage, were  still  preserved,  but  upon  them  became  engrafted 
new  customs,  new  ideas,  and  new  institutions.     As  the  fall  of 
the  old   republic  was  a  transition   to  the  empire,  and  as  the 
decline  of  the  early  empire  was  a  transition  to  a  new  phase  of 
imperialism;    so  now  the  fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  in  the 
West  was  in  reality  a  transition  to  a  new  state  of  things  out 
of  which  has  grown  our  modern  civilization. 


310 


THE    ROMAN   PLMPIIIE 


SELECTIONS   FOR   READING 

Pelham,  Bk.  VII.,  Ch.  2,  ^-  Extinction  of  the  Western  Empire  "  (l).i 
Merivale,  Gen.  Hist.,Ch.  77,  **  Loss  of  the  Western  Provinces"  (1). 
Freeman,  Ch.  4,  '•  Dismemberment  of  the  Empire"  (14). 
Gibbon,  Decline,  Ch.  :U,  ••  Invasion  of  Italy  "  (7). 
Gibbon,  abridged,  Ch.  1'),  •'  Western  Empire  under  Honorius  "  (7). 
Lord,  Ch.  11,  *'Fall  of  Rome"  (3). 


SPECIAL  STUDY 

Caisks  of  the  Fall  of  the  Empire. —Seeley,  Essay  IL  (7); 
Leighton,  Ch.  87  (1)  ;  Lord,  Ch.  12  ^3)  ;  Hod-kin.  Italy,  Vol  IL,  Ch.  9 
(7)  ;  Bury,  Later  Enipire.  Bk.  I.,  Ch.  3(7). 

1  The  figure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


CHAPTER   XXX 

THE    GIFTS   OF    ROME   TO   CIVILIZATION 


I.    The  Monuments  of  Home 

Remains  of  Roman  Civilization.  —  We  have  now  followed  the 
career  of  Rome  from  the  foundation  of  the  city  to  tin*  fall  of 
the  Western  Empire.     We  have  seen  how  a  small  Latin  vil- 
lage on  the  Palatine  grew  into  the  seven-hilled  city  on  the 
Tiber;    and  how  this  city  became  the  controlling  power  of 
Latium,   of   Italy,    and   finally   of   the   whole    Mediterranean 
world.     We  have  also  seen  how  the  Romans,  with  their  grow- 
ing conquests,  gradually  developed  the  capaxdty  to  govern  the 
countries  of  the  Mediterranean  better  than  they  had  ever  been 
governed  before.     Moreover,  we  have  seen  how  the   Roman 
people,  as  they  came  into  contact  with  their  neighbors,  became 
more  and  more  civilized,  gathering  up  the  ideas  of  the  Etrus- 
cans, the  Carthaginians,  the  Greeks,  and  the  countries  of  the 
East,  and  molding  tlieni  into  a  new  civilization. 

But  we  are  interested  not  only  in  what  Rome  did  for  her- 
self, but  in  what  she  has  done  for  others;  not  only  in  what 
she  gathered  up  from  the  ancient  world,  but  in  what  she  has 
given  to  the  modern  world.  It  is  the  gifts  of  Rome  to  civiliza- 
tion that  make  her  history  especially  important  to  us.  Her 
real  greatness  must  be  judged  not  by  that  which  perished  with 
her  fall,  but  by  that  which  remained  after  her  empire  passed 
away,  and  which  forms  a  part  of  the  world's  possessions 
to-day  — her  monuments,  her  language  and  literature,  her 
ideas  of  government,  and  her  legal  system. 

The  Monuments  of  the  Kingdom.  —  The  first  and  most  strik- 
ing relics  of  Rome  that  appeal  to  us  are  the  monumental 
buildings  and  other  structures,  the  pictures  of  which  every 
traveler  brings  home  from  his  foreign  tour.     The  person  who 

311 


312 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


visits  the  city  on  the  Tiber  to-day  sees  everywhere  the  mate- 
rial evidences  of  Rome's  greatness  and  power ;  and  the  various 
stages  of  her  growth  and  progress  are  recorded  in  works  of 
stone.  There  still  remain  to  us  the  monuments  of  her  kings, 
which  suggest  to  us  the  time  and  place  of  her  birth.  As  we 
stand  in  the  Forum  to-day,  we  are  standing  on  the  site  where 
the  Latins  and  Sabines  found  a  common  meeting  place,  and 
where  the  political  life  of  Rome  had  its  origin.  We  may  see 
fragments  of  the  original  wall  which  was  erected  upon  the 
l*idatine,  and  which  is  known  as  the  ^^  Wall  of  Romulus." 
We  may  see  portions  of  the  Servian  fortifications,  which  show 
to  us  the  material  greatness  of  the  city  under  the  later  kings. 
Close  by  the  Capitol,  under  the  walls  of  a  modern  church,  we 
may  descend  into  the  Mamertine  prison,  where  criminals 
were  confined  ages  ago.  If  we  walk  to  the  banks  of  the  Tiber, 
we  may  see  the  mouth  of  the  Cloaca  ^Faxima,  the  great  sewer 

constructed  by  the  later 
kings  to  drain  the  low 
places  of  the  city. 

The  Monuments  of  the 
Republic.  —  There  also 
remain  monumental  rel- 
ics of  the  republic,  which 
show  how  the  Forum 
became  embellished  with 
public  buildings.  Near 
the  center  of  this  open 
space  we  may  see  three 
beautiful  pillars,  which 
belonged  to  the  temple 
of  Castor  and  Pollux 
originally  dedicated  to 
the  twin  gods  after  the 

Ruins  of  thk  Tkmpi.k  ok  Castob  and  Toll.x  ^^^^^^  ^^  RegilluS.  CicerO 

speaks  of  this  temple  as  the  most  celel)rated  in  Rome  in  his 
day ;  it  was  afterward  rebuilt  by  Tiberius  (a.d.  6).     Close  by 


THE   GIFTS  OF  ROME   TO  CIVILIZATION  313 

the  Palatine  is  the  site  of  the  temple  of  Vesta,  where  the 
sacred  fire  of  the  city  was  kept,  with  the  palladium  (the  statue 
of  the  goddess  Pallas)  said  to  have  been  brought  from  Troy. 
Kear  the  Capitoline  stand  eight  massive  columns,  a  part  of 
the  temple  dedicated  to  Saturn,  the  ancient  god  who  presided 
over  that  hill.  On  the  south  side  of  the  Forum  we  may  still 
see  the  solid  foundations  of  the  Basilica  Julia,  the  great  hall 
of  justice,  or  courthouse,  built  by  Julius  Caesar  and  finished  by 
Augustus.     Beneath  our  feet  we  can  see  the  pavement  of  the 


KuiNs  OF  THE  Flavian  Amhuitiieatek 

Sacra  Via,  over  which  the  victorious  armies  of  the  republic 
marched  in  triumph  to  the  Capitol.  Outside  the  city,  stretch- 
ing away  to  the  south,  can  still  be  seen  the  Appian  Way,  begun 
by  Appius  Claudius  during  the  wars  with  Samnium. 

The  Monuments  of  the  Empire.  —The  empire  has,  of  course, 
left  us  the  largest  number  of  architectural  monuments.  The 
old  Forum  itself  received  new  buildings.  Near  the  temple  of 
Saturn  still  stand  three  artistic  columns  from  the  corner  of  the 
temple  of  Vespasian.  New  forums  were  also  constructed  by  the 
emperors.  In  that  of  Augustus  we  may  see  the  temple  of 
Mars  Ultor,  which  the  first  emperor  dedicated  to  the  god  of 
war   after   avenging  the  death  of  his   uncle.     In  the  Forum 


312 


THE   KOMAX   EMPIRE 


visits  the  city  on  the  Tiber  today  sees  everywhere  the  mate- 
rial evidences  of  Konie's  greatness  and  power ;  and  the  various 
stages  of  her  growth  and  progress  are  recorded  in  works  of 
stone.  There  still  remain  to  us  the  monuments  of  her  kings, 
which  suggest  to  us  the  time  and  place  of  her  birth.  As  we 
stand  in  the  Forum  to-day,  we  are  standing  on  the  site  where 
the  Latins  and  Sabines  found  a  common  meeting  place,  and 
where  the  political  life  of  Home  had  its  origin.  We  may  see 
fragments  of  the  original  w^all  which  was  erected  upon  the 
Palatine,  and  which  is  known  as  the  ^'  Wall  of  Romulus." 
AVe  may  see  portions  of  the  Servian  fortifications,  which  show 
to  us  the  material  greatness  of  the  city  under  the  later  kings. 
Close  by  the  Capitol,  under  the  walls  of  a  modern  church,  we 
may  descend  into  the  Mamertine  prison,  where  criminals 
were  confined  ages  ago.  If  we  walk  to  the  banks  of  the  Tiber, 
we  may  see  the  mouth  of  the  Cloaca  Maxima,  the  great  sewer 

constructed  by  the  later 
kings  to  drain  the  low 
places  of  the  city. 

The  Monuments  of  the 
Republic.  —  There  also 
remain  monumental  rel- 
ics of  the  republic,  which 
show  how  the  Forum 
became  embellished  with 
public  buildings.  Near 
the  center  of  this  open 
space  we  may  see  three 
beautiful  pillars,  which 
belonged  to  the  temple 
of  Castor  and  Pollux 
originally  dedicated  to 
the  twin  gods  after  the 
battle  of  Kegillus.  Cicero 
speaks  of  this  temple  as  the  most  celebrated  in  Rome  in  his 
day ;  it  was  afterward  rebuilt  by  Tiberius  (a.d.  6).     Close  by 


Ki'iNs  or  THE  Tkmpi.k  of  Castor  and  Pollix 


THE   GIFTS  OF   HOME   TO   CIVILIZATION  313 

the  Palatine  is  the  site  of  the  temple  of  Vesta,  where  the 
sacred  fire  of  the  city  was  kept,  with  the  palladium  (the  statue 
of  the  goddess  Pallas)  said  to  have  been  brought  from  Troy. 
Near  the  Capitoline  stand  eight  massive  columns,  a  part  of 
the  temple  dedicated  to  Saturn,  the  ancient  god  who  presided 
over  that  hill.  On  the  south  side  of  the  Forum  w^e  may  still 
see  the  solid  foundations  of  the  Basilica  Julia,  the  great  hall 
of  justice,  or  courthouse,  built  by  Julius  Ca3sar  and  finislied  by 
Augustus.     Beneath  our  feet  we  can  see  the  pavement  of  tlie 


KuiNs  OK  THE  Flavian  Amphitiieatkr 

Sacra  Via,  over  which  the  victorious  armies  of  the  republic 
marched  in  triumph  to  the  Capitol.  Outside  the  city,  stretch- 
ing away  to  the  south,  can  still  be  seen  the  Appian  Way,  begun 
by  Appius  Claudius  during  the  wars  with  Samnium. 

The  Monuments  of  the  Empire.  —  The  empire  has,  of  course, 
left  us  the  largest  number  of  architectural  monuments.  The 
old  Forum  itself  received  new  buildings.  Near  the  temple  of 
Saturn  still  stand  three  artistic  columns  from  the  corner  of  the 
temple  of  Vespasian.  New  forums  were  also  constructed  by  the 
emperors.  In  that  of  Augustus  we  may  see  the  temple  of 
Mars  Ultor,  which  the  first  emperor  dedicated  to  the  god  of 
war   after   avenging  the  death  of  his   uncle.     In  tlie  Forum 


\ 


314 


THE    ROMAN   EMPIRE 


THE   GIFTS  OF  ROME  TO  CIVILIZATION 


315 


of  Trajan  rises  the  column  dedicated  to  that  emperor,  and 
decorated  with  a  vast  number  of  figures  representing  scenes  in 
the  Dacian  wars.  On  the  Palatine  hill  we  may  wander  among 
the  extensive  ruins  wliich  mark  the  site  of  the  palaces  of  the 
CtBsars.  Everywhere  in  Kome  to-day  the  evidences  of  the 
empire  meet  the  visitor's  eye — tlie  great  dome  of  the  Pan- 
tlieon  erected  by  Agrippa — the  immense  circle  of  the  Flavian 
Amphitheater  —  the  imposing  mausoleum  of  Hadrian,  trans- 
formed into  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo — the  triumphal  arches  of 
Titus,  of  Septimius  Severus,  and  of  Constantine  —  the  ruins  of 
the  great  Baths  of  Trajan,  of  Caracalla,  and  of  Diocletian. 
And  also  throughout  the  countries  of  Europe,  especially  in  the 
West,  in  Italy,  in  Spain,  in  France,  and  in  England,  are  scat- 
tered similar  monuments,  which  attest  the  greatness  of  a  peo- 
ple who  have  passed  away,  but  whose  influence  still  remains. 

II.   The  Latin  LAXfiUAOE  and  Literature 

Character  of  the  Latin  Language. — But  the  most  important 
remains  of  Roman  civilization  are  not  to  be  found  in  the  ruins 
of  her  buildings,  imposing  as  these  may  be.  When  we  think 
how  many  words  we  use  to-day  that  are  derived  from  the  Latin 
tongue,  we  may  realize  that  the  Komans  have  given  to  us  some 
of  the  means  by  which  we  are  able  to  express  our  thoughts. 
The  speech  of  the  Romans  grew  up  with  their  growth,  and 
was  strengthened  with  their  strength.  Just  as  the  Latin  peo- 
ple became  the  ruling  people  of  Italy  and  of  the  Mediterranean, 
so  the  Latin  speech  became  the  ruling  speech  of  Italy  and  the 
most  important  language  of  the  Mediterranean  world,  espe- 
cially of  the  western  provinces.  The  Romans  gave  to  the 
Latin  tongne  its  dignity  and  power.  Into  it  they  l)reathed 
the  spirit  of  patriotism.  Over  the  countries  which  they  con- 
fpiered  they  made  it  an  instrument  of  dominion.  And  from 
their  more  civilized  neighbors  they  derived  a  refining  influence 
which  made  it  the  medium  of  culture  and  graceful  expression. 

Preservation  of  the  Roman  Alphabet.  —  We  may,  perhaps,  get 


some   idea  of  the    permanence  of    the 
looking  at  the  way  in  which  the  Roman 
preserved.     The  letters  which  the  Romans 
used  in  writing  were  for  the  most  part  de- 
rived directly  from  old  forms  used  by  the 
Greek  colonies  in  southern  Italy,  and  these 
in  turn  came  remotely  from  the  Phoenicians. 
But  the  Romans  gave  to  these  characters 
more  definite  forms,  which  have  been  sub- 
stantially preserved  by  a  great  many  mod- 
ern nations.     The  accompanying  table  may 
indicate   how   the   Romans   learned   their 
letters  from  the  Greeks  and  Phoenicians, 
and  also  how  closely  these  letters  are  re- 
lated to  our  modern  alphabet.     By  compar- 
ing the  last  two  columns  we  may  under- 
stand the  significant  words  of   Professor 
Whitney  when  he  says,  "  The  Latin  alpha- 
bet has  become  the  common  property  of 
nearly  all  the  enlightened  nations  of  mod- 
ern times  whose  civilization  is  derived  from 
that  of  Greece  and  Rome." 

The  Latin  and  Modem  Languages. Not 

only  the  letters  which  the  Romans  used  in 
their  writing,  but  the  words  with  which 
they  expressed  their  thoughts,  have  also 
become  the  common  property  of  the  world. 
The  Latin  language  was  preserved  by  the 
Church  after  the  fall  of  the  empire,  and 
it  became  the  language  of  Christian  wor- 
ship, the  language  in  which  the  ritual  was 
read  by  the  priests,  in  which  the  hymns 
were  written,  in  which  theological  discus- 
sions were  carried  on.  Moreover,  what 
are  to-day  called  the  Romance  languages - 
French,  the  Spanish,  and  the  Portuguese - 

MOREY's    ROM.     HIST.  19 


Latin  language  by 
alphabet  has  been 


c 
5 
o 

c 
8 


> 

-i 

i 

\ 
I 

M 

o 

0 

9 
q 


0) 

o 


EH 
I 

/v 

o 

P 

9 

PR 
^2 

T 


c 
« 

E 
o 
QC 

O 


A 
B 

<C 
D 
E 
F 
C 
H 
I 

K 

I'L 

M 

N 

0 

PP 


c 
ca 


0,  ~ 

o  «• 


A 
B 
C 
D 
E 
F 
G 
H 
I 

J 
K 
L 
M 
N 
0 
P 
9QI   Q 

R      R 


^S     S 

T  T 
U 
V 
W 
X 
Y 
Z 

-the  Italian,  the 
are  based  chiefly 


316 


THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE 


upon  the  Latin  language  spoken  by  the  Roman  provincials. 
The  P]nglish  language,  also,  has  obtained  many  additions  from 
the  Latin,  by  means  of  the  Norman  Conquest,  and  in  other 
ways.  While  the  Saxon  people  in  England  were  using  the 
crude  words  of  their  barbarian  ancestors,  the  Norman  aristoc- 
racy was  employing  the  more  refined  and  dignified  speech 
derived  from  the  Latin.  And  after  a  while  these  two  forms 
of  speech  became  fused  together  into  the  English  language; 
so  that  to-day  we  can  scarcely  utter  a  sentence  without  using 
some  words  which  were  once  used  by  the  old  Roman  people. 

Permanence  of  Roman  Literature.  —  Again,  not  only  the  letters 
and  words,  but  the  writings  which  made  up  the  great  body  of 
Roman  literature,  have  also  become  the  common  heritage  of 
mankind.  How  much  we  owe  to  the  Romans  is  seen  in  the 
fact  that  we  are  able  to  read  to-day  the  thoughts  which  once 
amused,  instructed,  and  inspired  that  great  people  in  the  times 
of  the  republic  and  the  empire.  We  can  still  read  the  come- 
dies of  Plautus  and  Terence,  the  historical  works  of  (Jaesar 
and  Sallust,  of  Livy  and  Tacitus,  the  poems  of  Lucretius  and 
Vergil,  the  satires  of  Horace  and  Juvenal,  and  the  masterly 
orations,  the  versatile  letters,  and  the  philosophical  essays  of 
Cicero.  And  these  writings  have  exercised  a  wonderful  influ- 
ence upon  nearly  all  the  great  authors  of  modern  times  — 
upon  Dante,  Moliere,  Goethe,  and  Milton. 

Roman  Element  in  Modern  Education.  —  Still  further,  by  the 
preservation  of  the  Latin  language  and  literature  the  moderu 
world  has  acquired  some  very  important  means  necessary  for 
mental  culture  and  education.  When,  for  example,  in  the  fif- 
teenth and  sixteenth  centuries,  Europe  waked  up  to  the  need 
of  a  higher  education,  Latin  and  Greek  became  the  most  impor- 
tant studies  in  the  schools  and  universities ;  and  it  was  believed 
that  these  studies  were  necessary  for  the  best  scholarship.  We 
all  know  that  these  studies  hold  an  important  place  in  modern 
education.  The  boy  who  is  preparing  for  college  still  studies 
the  etymology  of  Latin  words,  the  syntax  of  Latin  sentences, 
the  rhythm  of  Latin  verses,  and  the  thoughts  of  Latin  authors. 


THE   GIFTS   OF   ROME   TO   CIVILIZATION 


317 


But  Latin  is  not  simply  a  study  for  schoolboys ;  every  literary 
man  feels  that  his  power  to  write  his  own  language  is  not  fully 
developed  until  he  has  obtained  some  culture  by  the  study  of 
the  Latin  language  and  literature.  So  it  is  that  while  the 
Roman  state  has  passed  away,  the  language,  the  thoughts,  and 
the  spirit  of  the  Roman  people  still  remain  to  enrich  the  intel- 
lectual life  of  the  world. 


III.    The  Political  System  of  Rome 

Roman  Genius  for  Organization — There  are  other  gifts  of 
Rome  to  the  world  which  are  quite  as  important  as  her  alpha- 
bet, her  language,  or  even  her  literature.  The  possessions 
which  we  have  already  noticed  she  obtained  in  large  measure 
from  her  predecessors,  the  people  whom  she  conquered,  and 
passed  them  on  to  the  nations  which  succeeded  her.  But  we 
should  remember  that  we  have  received  from  Rome  other 
valuable  gifts,  which  she  did  not  borrow  from  her  predeces- 
sors, but  which  she  may  be  said  to  have  created.  It  is  in  her 
political  system  that  we  may  see  the  special  marks  of  her 
genius,  and  her  own  original  contributions  to  the  progress  of 
the  w^orld.  No  nation,  before  the  Romans,  had  developed 
a  system  of  government  so  well  suited  to  maintain  an  author- 
ity over  such  a  wide  territory,  and  to  hold  together  so  many 
different  kinds  of  people.  The  great  glory  of  Rome  does  not 
rest  upon  her  conquests;  but  upon  the  way  in  which  she 
maintained  her  conquests  in  times  of  peace.  It  is  in  her 
genius  for  organization  that  her  greatness  chiefly  consists. 
We  have  seen  how  her  ideas  of  government  were  slowly  devel- 
oped and  expanded  with  the  expansion  of  her  territory ;  how 
she  gradually  "  incorporated  "  her  subjects,  and  made  of  them 
loyal  citizens,  having  equal  rights  and  inspired  by  her  own 
spirit  and  ambition;  and  how  successfully  she  governed  her 
provinces  for  hundreds  of  years.  Although  we  have  seen 
many  instances  of  corruption  and  bad  administration,  we  may 
yet  truthfully  say  that  before  the  growth  of  modern  ideas  of 


318 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


representation  and  constitutional  law,  the  Roman  system  of 
government  was  the  most  perfect  that  the  world  had  ever  seen. 
Preservation  of  Roman  Political  Ideas.  —  If  we  should  study 
the  condition  of  Europe  after  the  fall  of  the  empire,  we  should 
find  that  the  political  ideas  of  Rome  continued  to  exercise  an 
influence  after  she  herself  had  ceased  to  rule.     The  new  German 
settlers  from  the  north,  it  is  true,  brought  with  them  certain 
ideas  of  freedom  and  democracy  ;  but  they  hardly  knew  what 
was  meant  by  an  efficient  and  well-organized  government.   They 
therefore  adopted  Roman  ideas.     Their  kings  aspired  to  rule 
like  Roman  monarchs.     Their  officers  received  Roman  titles, 
and  exercised  powers  like  Roman  officials.     Although  the  Ger- 
mans introduced  some  important  principles  regarding  personal 
liberty  and  local  self-government,  still  it  is  true  that  the  chief 
states  of  modern  Europe  have  derived  their  ideas  of  a  strong 
central  authority  and  an  efficient  administration  from  the  politi- 
cal system  of  Rome. 

The  Roman  Imperial  Idea.  —  We  may  illustrate  how  the  politi- 
cal ideas  of  Rome  were  preserved  in  Europe  after  the  fall  of 
the  empire  by  the  way  in  which  the  idea  of  "  imperialism " 
continued  to  influence   men's   minds.     The   Romans,   as   we 
know,  came  to  believe  that  the  highest  political  power  must  be 
exercised  by  one  man,  the  Csesar,  who  personified  the  nation. 
To  him  all  must  look  as  the  highest  source  of  authority.    This 
idea  floated  before  the  minds  of  the  barbarian  kings  after  they 
had  destroyed  the  empire ;  and  when  they  built  up  their  new 
states  they  aspired  to  the  position  and  to  the  name  of  em- 
peror.     Thus  it  came  to  pass  that  Char'lemagne,  the  great 
king   of  the  Franks,  had  himself  crowned   as  emperor,  and 
established  a  new  Roman   Empire   in  western   Europe.     So, 
afterward,  the  German  kings  were  crowned   as   Roman   em- 
perors,  and   their  dominions   were   called    the   Holy  Roman 
Empire.      The    influence   of   this    imperial   idea    which    was 
associated  with  the  name  of  "  Caesar "  we  see  still  preserved 
in  the  names  of  the  German  "Kaiser  "and  the  Russian  "Czar." 
The  Roman  Provincial  Government.— One  of  the  chief  features 


THE   GIFTS  OF   ROME   TO   CIVILIZATION 


319 


of  the  Roman  government  was  the  division  and  subdivision  of 
the  territory  for  purposes  of  administration.  These  provincial 
districts,  whatever  they  might  be  called,  were  controlled  by 
officers  sent  out  from  the  capital  city  ;  and  thus  the  central 
authority  was  maintained  throughout  the  whole  Roman  domain. 
This  method  of  maintaining  the  central  power  over  a  large  ter- 
ritory, by  local  divisions  and  subdivisions,  has  been  adopted  by 
modern  states.  We  might  say  that  every  modern  European  coun- 
try has,  to  a  greater  or  less  extent,  modeled  its  administrative 
system  upon  Roman  provincial  methods.  This  is  perhaps  least 
true  as  regards  England ;  but  even  here  the  English  kings  who 
have  sought  to  strengthen  the  central  authority  have  adopted 
methods  similar  to  those  employed  in  the  Roman  provinces. 

The  Roman  Municipal  System.  —  In  many  respects  the  most 
important  elements  of  the  whole  political  system  of  Rome  were 
the  municipalities,  or  the  cities.  It  has  been  said  that  the 
Roman  Empire  was  a  "collection  of  cities."  The  conquests 
which  Rome  made  were  conquests  of  cities.  The  government 
which  she  established  was  a  government  over  cities.  Her  life 
and  activities  were  concentrated  in  cities.  And  when  the 
provinces  were  finally  overrun  and  the  last  emperor  was  deposed, 
the  cities  still  remained  with  their  government  and  their  insti- 
tutions. On  this  account  the  cities  of  Rome  may  be  regarded 
as  the  most  permanent  features  of  her  political  organization. 
The  Roman  city  was  what  we  should  call  to-day  a  "  munici- 
pal corporation,"  established  by  a  charter,  having  the  right  to 
elect  its  own  officers  and  to  be  governed  by  its  own  city  council. 
This  idea  of  the  city  has  descended  to  modern  times,  and 
forms  nearly  as  important  an  element  in  our  own  political  sys- 
tem as  it  did  in  that  of  the  Romans. 

As  we  look  at  these  various  features  of  the  Roman  govern- 
ment which  have  exercised  such  influence  in  the  formation  of 
modern  states,  we  may  not  be  so  strongly  impressed  by  them 
as  we  are  by  the  architectural  monuments  and  the  literary 
remains,  but  we  must  remember  that  they  have  been,  none  the 
less,  important  contributions  to  the  world's  civilization. 


320 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


IV.     The  Roman  Law 


THE   GIFTS  OF   ROME  TO  CIVILIZATION 


321 


Character  of  Roman  Jurisprudence.— If  we  were  asked  what 
was  the  most  valuable  gift  of  Rome  to  the  modern  world,  we 
should  probably  be  obliged  to  say  that  it  was  none  of  the  things 
which  we  have  thus  far  mentioned  —  but  her  jurisprudence,  or 
system  of  law.     When  we  remember  that  our  life,  our  personal 
security,  and  our  property  are  protected  only  by  means  of  the 
law,  we  can  appreciate  how  important  it  is  that  a  nation's  laws 
should  be  founded  upon  broad  ideas  of  justice.     It  was  in  the 
development  of  just  and  liberal  laws,  by  which  the  rights  of 
her  citizens  were  protected  in  their  relations  with  one  another, 
that  the  Romans  showed  their  greatest  ability,  and  have  exer- 
cised their  most  powerful  influence  upon  modern  nations.    When 
the  Romans  began  their  career  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber,  they 
had  very  crude  and  meager  ideas  of  law  and  justice.     But  as 
they  established  their  authority  over  other  peoples,  they  grad- 
ually learned  that  it  would  be  the  best  policy  to  put  their  new 
subjects  upon  a  plane  of  equality  with  their  older  citizens,  to 
regard  all  men  as  equal  before  the  law,  and  to  protect  them  all 
alike  in  their  rights  of  person  and  property.     By  extending 
this  policy  throughout  Italy  and  the  provinces,  the  Romans  were 
able  to  create  a  body  of  just  laws,  such  as  the  ancient  world 
had  never  before  seen,  and  from  which  the  modern  world  has 
drawn  a  large  part  of  its  jurisprudence.     While  we  must  admit 
that  the  government  of  Rome  was  often  corrupt  and  despotic 
in  its  political  and  financial  administration,  we  must  not  lose 
sight  of  the  spirit  of  fairness  and  equity  which  almost  uni- 
formly marked  her  legal  system. 

Influence  of  the  Roman  Jurists.  — If  we  believe  that  the 
greatness  of  men  is  to  be  measured  by  the  extent  of  their 
influence,  we  must  concede  that  the  greatest  men  that  Rome 
produced  were  not  her  warriors,  her  poets,  her  historians,  or 
even  her  statesmen  —  but  her  lawyers  and  jurists.  It  is  a 
question  whether  Cicero  or  Csesar,  whose  names  are  so  familiar 
to  us,  has  exercised  so  great  an  influence  upon  the  world  as 


some  other  Romans,  whose  names  may  not  be  so  familiar  to 
us  —  Gains,  Ulpian,  Paullus,  and  Papinian.  These  were  the 
men  who,  with  others  like  them,  gave  to  the  Roman  law  its 
liberal  and  scientific  character,  and  laid  its  foundations  upon 
the  broad  principles  of  justice.  Like  the  frameis  of  our  own 
Declaration  of  Independence,  they  believed  that  all  men  are 
created  equal,  and  that  they  are  all  alike  entitled  to  the  rights 
of  life  and  property.  With  such  ideas  of  right  and  justice 
they  settled  a  vast  number  of  legal  questions,  such  as  naturally 
arise  among  the  people  of  every  country.  They  thus  built  up 
a  noble  system  of  jurisprudence  suited  to  the  wants  of  those 
nations  which  sprang  up  and  became  civilized  in  Europe  after 
the  Roman  Empire  had  passed  away. 

Preservation  of  the  Roman  Law.  —  In  order  to  understand 
how  the  Roman  law  was  preserved  after  the  fall  of  the 
empire,  we  must  bear  in  mind  what  we  have  already  learned, 
that  the  empire  at  the  death  of  Theodosius  was  divided  into 
two  parts,  the  western  part  and  the  eastern  part.  We  must 
also  remember  that  it  was  the  Western  Empire  that  was  over- 
run and  destroyed  by  the  barbarians  from  the  north,  while  the 
Eastern  Empire  remained  intact.  The  Roman  people  who 
still  lived  in  the  West,  that  is,  in  Italy,  Spain,  and  Gaul,  found 
themselves  now  subject  to  the  new  German  rulers,  and  living 
side  by  side  with  the  new  German  people  who  had  conquered 
their  territory.  The  new  German  kingdoms  were  thus  made 
up  of  two  kinds  of  people,  the  Romans  and  the  Germans. 
But  the  German  kings,  while  ruling  their  German  subjects 
according  to  their  old  barbarian  customs,  permitted  their 
Roman  subjects  still  to  be  judged  by  the  laws  of  Rome.  How 
liberal  these  barbarian  kings  were  is  seen  in  the  fact  that  they 
even  took  the  pains  to  make  special  collections  of  the  Roman 
law  by  which  to  govern  their  Roman  subjects.  They  also 
permitted  the  Christian  clergy  to  retain  the  Roman  law  in  the 
tribunals  of  the  Church. 

Wliile  the  Roman  law  was  thus  preserved  in  the  West  after 
the  barbarian  conquest,  it  was  also  preserved   in  the  East 


322 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


THE    GIETS  OF   ROME  TO  CIVILIZATION 


323 


in  quite  as  remarkable  a  way.  The  Emperor  Justinian,  when 
he  was  ruling  at  Constantinople,  saw  the  importance  of 
gathering  together  the  great  mass  of  laws,  which  had  been 
growing  up  for  centuries,  and  of  putting  it  into  a  complete 
codiiied  form.  This  collection  was  called  the  Body  of  the 
Civil  LsiW  — Corpus  luris  Civilis.  It  was  made  up  of  four 
parts:  (1)  the  "Code,"  comprising  the  laws  made  by  the  previous 
emperors;  (2)  the  "Digest,"  made  up  of  the  numerous  writings 
of  the  great  jurists ;  (3)  the  "  Institutes,"  a  concise  text-book  for 
the  use  of  students ;  and  (4)  the  "  Novels,"  or  the  new  laws 
made  by  Justinian. 

Revival  of  the  Study  of  the  Roman  Law. —The  Roman  law 
never  lost  its  hold  upon  Europe  after  the  fall  of  the  Western 
Empire.     It  was  preserved  in  the  cities,  in  the  courts  where 
the  Romans  were  tried,  and  in  the  tribunals  of  the  Church. 
But  after  the  twelfth  century,  when  there  came  to  be  a  greater 
demand  for  scientific  education,  a  renewed  interest  was  shown 
in  the  Roman  law,  and  it  became  the  object  of  eager  study.    It 
came  to  be  expounded  by  learned  men  in  Italy,  in  Spain,  in 
France,  in  Holland,  in  Germany,  and  in  England.     Students 
flocked  from  all  parts  of  Europe  to  the  great  centers  of  learn- 
ing to  listen  to  the  teachers  of  the  Roman  law.     And  to  this 
day,  in  the  great  universities  of  Europe  this  important  subject 
has  never  lost  its  place  as  a  liberal  and  scientific  stiuly. 

The  Roman  Law  in  Modern  Countries.  —  By  the  preservation 
of  the  Roman  law  after  the  fall  of  the  Western  Empire,  by  its 
codification  by  Justinian,  and  by  the  revival  of  its  scientific 
study,  it  has  become  in  fact  the  basis  of  the  modern  laws  of 
Europe.      Professor  Bryce  says,   "Being  studied  by  all  the 
educated  men,  the  poets,  the  philosophers,  the  administrators  of 
the  Middle  Ages,  it  worked  itself  into  the  thoughts  of  Christen- 
dom, losing  the  traces  of  its  origin  as  it  became  the  common 
property  of  the  world."     By  appreciating  this  fact  the  student 
who  reads  Blackstone  will  be  able  to  understand  what  that 
writer  means  when  he  says  that  the  revival  of  the  Roman  law- 
"  established  in  the  twelfth  century  a  new  Roman  Empire  over 


most  of  the  states  of  the  Continent."  In  various  ways  which 
we  cannot  here  review,  the  legal  principles  worked  out  by  the 
Roman  jurists  and  embodied  in  the  "Digest"  of  Justinian, 
have  found  their  way  into  the  laws  of  nearly  all  modern  coun- 
tries, and  are  to-day  practiced  in  nearly  every  European  court. 
If  Rome  had  done  nothing  else  in  the  long  course  of  her  his- 
tory, she  would  be  entitled  to  the  gratitude  of  the  world  for 
the  noble  body  of  laws  which  she  has  left  us. 

V.    The  Christiax  Church 

The  Church  and  the  Empire.  —  To  complete  our  brief  review 
of  the  gifts  of  Rome  to  civilization  we  should  notice,  finally, 
the  influence  which  she  has  continued  to  exercise  through  the 
organization  of  the  Christian  Church.  We  must  remember 
that  Christianity  became  the  religion  of  the  Roman  Empire 
before  it  became  the  religion  of  the  modern  world.  It  may 
therefore  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  valuable  possessions  which 
Rome  received  from  her  subjects,  and  which  she  bequeathed 
to  her  descendants. 

In  the  organization  of  the  Church  we  may  see  especially  the 
influence  of  the  imperial  system.  Upon  the  territorial  divi- 
sions of  the  empire  were  modeled  the  divisions  of  the  Church. 
For  example,  in  the  town  was  organized  the  parish  church ;  the 
diocese  furnished  the  field  of  the  bishop ;  the  province  was 
the  district  over  which  presided  the  archbishop,  or  metropolitan; 
and  the  great  cities  of  the  empire,  like  Constantinople,  Antioch, 
and  Alexandria,  formed  the  seats  of  the  patriarchates,  the 
largest  ecclesiastical  divisions.  The  organization  of  the  empire 
was  thus  gradually  impressed  upon  the  organization  of  the 
Church ;  and  with  the  adoption  of  Christianity  by  Constantine 
the  Church  became  an  integral  part  of  the  imperial  system. 
We  may,  therefore,  say  that  as  the  Roman  Empire  became 
Christianized,  the  Christian  Church  became  Romanized ;  and 
with  the  preservation  of  the  Church  was  also  preserved  the 
Roman  features  of  its  organization. 


324 


THE   KOMAN   EMPIRE 


The  Church  Fathers,  Chrysostom  and  Augustine.  —  Moreover, 
as  the  empire  became  Christian,  many  of  the  leaders  of  Roman 
thought  became  the  leaders  and  expounders  of  the  new  religion. 
The  names  which  stand  out  with  marked  prominence  in  the 
literature  of   the  later  empire  are  those  of  Chrys'ostom  and 
Au'gustine,  the  former  the  greatest  of  the  Greek  fathers,  and 
the   latter   the   greatest   of    the   Latin   fathers.     Chrysostom 
received  the  education  of  a  Roman  lawyer ;  but  giving  up  the 
bar  he  became  the  most  eloquent  preacher  of  his  day  —  some 
say  of  the  world  — on  account  of  which  he  received  his  name, 
"  the  golden-mouthed."     Leaving  his  native  city  of  Antioch,  he 
became  the  archbishop  of   Constantinople,  and  his  eloquence 
became  the   terror  of  evil-doers.     His  enemies  obtained   his 
banishment ;  but  from  his  retreat  he  continued  his  work  and 
became  one  of  the  most  voluminous  writers  of  the  early  Church. 
Augustine  received  the  training  of  a  Roman  rhetorician,  but 
afterward  became  the  bishop  of  Hippo  (a  town  in  Africa),  and 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  expounders  of  the  Christian 
religion.     His   most  noted   work,   the   '^  City   of    God,"  was 
intended  to  vindicate  the  Christian  faith  against  those  pagans 
who  asserted  that  the  capture  of  Rome  and  the  other  calami- 
ties of  the  time  were  a  judgment  of  the  gods  upon  the  new 
religion ;    and  to  show  that  the  kingdom  of   God  was  more 
enduring  than  the  empire  of  Rome.     Thus  it  happened  that 
in  the  midst  of  moral  decay  and  of  external  dangers   Rome 
gave  to  the  Church  her  brightest  minds  and  her  strongest 

defenders.  .    .     . 

Conversion  of  the  Barbarians.  —  Not  only  did  Christianity 
become  the  religion  of  the  Roman  Empire,  it  also  became  the 
religion  of  the  barbarians  who  were  invading  and  destroying 
the\mpire.  When  the  Goths  invaded  the  provinces  in  the 
reign  of  Gallienus,  they  carried  back  with  them  numbers 
of  Roman  captives  who  were  Christians,  and  who  succeeded 
in  converting  their  new  masters.  Afterward  Ul'filas,  the 
"  apostle  of  the  Goths,"  came  to  Constantinople  on  an  em- 
bassy, and  while  there  he  was  consecrated  as  a  Christian  priest. 


THE   GIFTS  OF  ROME  TO   CIVILIZATION 


325 


He  translated  the  Bible  into  the  Gothic  language,  and  con- 
tinued the  work  of  Christianizing  his  people.  It  is  said  that 
Chrysostom,  while  archbishop  of  Constantinople,  founded  an 
institution  in  which  the  Goths  might  be  trained  to  preach  the 
gospel  to  the  barbarians.  From  the  Goths  the  new  religion 
spread  among  the  neighboring  tribes  of  the  Vandals  and  Bur- 
gundians.  It  should  be  noticed  that  the  barbarians  who  settled 
within  the  empire  before  its  fall,  had  accepted  the  Arian  form 
of  Christianity,  that  is,  the  form  which  had  been  condemned 
as  a  heresy  by  the  Council  of  Nice.  But  in  the  course  of  time 
this  form  gave  way  to  the  prevailing  Roman  form,  or  what  was 
regarded  as  the  orthodox  faith.  It  may  be  said,  then,  that 
Rome  not  only  accepted  Christianity  herself,  but  was  instru- 
mental in  giving  it  to  other  nations. 

The  Church  succeeds  the  Empire.  —  By  taking  advantage  of 
Roman  principles  of  organization,  by  appropriating  the  best 
intellect  of  the  empire,  by  adopting  rules  of  the  Roman  law, 
and  by  extending  her  influence  over  the  invading  nations,  the 
Church  attained  a  great  degree  of  solidity  and  strength.  More- 
over, the  prestige  of  the  city  of  Rome  gave  to  the  bishop  of 
that  diocese  a  commanding  position  in  the  Viest  These  were 
some  of  the  causes  which  prepared  the  Latin  Church,  at  the 
close  of  the  fifth  century,  to  take  the  place  of  the  Roman 
Empire  as  the  imperial  power  in  western  Europe.  When  the 
empire  at  last  fell,  the  Church  remained  standing ;  and  assumed 
the  duty  of  helping  to  organize  and  control  the  new  nations 
which  were  coming  into  existence.  The  spirit  of  Rome  thus 
remained  in  the  Church,  and  continued  to  exercise  its  powerful 
influence  in  the  reorganization  of  European  society. 

Conclusion.  —  As  we  look  back  over  the  course  of  study  which 
we  have  pursued,  we  must  conclude  that  there  is  much  truth  in 
the  statement  of  Professor  Freeman  that  "  the  history  of  Rome 
is  in  truth  the  same  as  the  history  of  the  world."  It  is  cer- 
tainly true  that  the  history  of  Rome  touches  at  some  point  or 
other  the  history  of  nearly  every  other  people,  ancient  and  mod- 
ern.    Every  important  nation  of  the  ancient  world  seems  to 


326 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE 


isii 


have  contributed  something  to  her  civilization :  Phoenicia,  her 
letters ;  Carthage,  her  commercial  spirit ;  Egypt,  her  science ; 
Persia,  her  court  organization ;  Greece,  her  art  and  plulosophy  ; 
Palestine,  her  religion.     But  so  complex  and  comprehensive 
was  the  civilization  of  Rome  that  it  is  difficult  to  indicate  all 
the  sources  from  which  it  was  derived.    The  more  we  study  the 
origin  of  our  modern  life  and  institutions,  the  more  shall  we  be 
convinced  that  nearly  everything  of  value  which  has  come  to 
us  from  antiquity  has  come  to  us  through  Rome.    She  has  thus 
been  one  of  the  great  civiUzimj  nations  of  the  world.     While 
we  think  of  the  events  of  her  history  as  belonging  to  ancient 
times,  we  must  think  of  her  civilization  as  something  wliich 
has  not  passed  away,  but  which  remains  a  permanent  posses- 
sion for  all  time.    This  idea  of  Rome's  continued  influence  can- 
not perhaps  be  better  expressed  than  in  the  eloquent  words  of 
the  great  French  jurist  D'Aguesseau  :  "  The  mighty  destinies  of 
Rome  have  not  yet  been  accomplished;  she  reigns  throughout 
the  world  by  her  reason  after  having  ceased  to  rule  by  her 
authority." 

SELECTIONS  FOR   READING 

Gibbon,  Decline,  Ch.  71,  ''  Ruins  of  Rome  "  (7).i 

Freeman,  Essays,  2d  Ser.,  "Mommsen*s  History  of  Rome''  (3). 

Whitney,   Lanj^mage  and  the  Study  of    Language,  pp.  462-467,  ''The 

Latin  Alphabet."  .        . 

Ramsay  and  Lancianl,  Ch.  0,  -Roman  Law  and  the  Administration  of 

Justice  "  (8) 
Morey,  Roman  Law,  pp.  102-216,  -Roman  Element  in  Modem  Juris- 

prudence"  (lo).  ^ 

Merivale,  Gen.  HLst.,  Ch.  80,  -  Reflections  upon  the  History  of  Rome     (1). 

SPECIAL  STUDY 

Rome  of  To-day.- Hare,  Walks  in  Rome  (14)  ;  Burn,  Rome  and  the 
Campagna  (14)  ;  Lanciani,  Ruins  (9)  ;  Middleton,  Remains  (9)  ;  Bae- 
deker.  Central  Italy  and  Rome  (14)  ;  Murray,  Handbook  (14)  ;  Story, 
Roba  di  Roma  (14). 

1  The  fijjure  in  parenthesis  refers  to  the  number  of  the  topic  in  the  Appendix, 
where  a  fuller  title  of  the  book  will  be  found. 


APPENDIX 


A    CLASSIFIED    LIST    OF    BOOKS    UPON    ROMAN 
HISTORY,  FOR  READING  AND  REFERENCE 

N.B.  —  This  list  includes  only  English  works  and  English  translations. 
L     GENERAL  AND  MISCELLANEOUS  WORKS 

(1)  Roman  History,  Compends. 

Oilman,  A.     Story  of  Rome.    N.  Y.  1892.     (Story  of  the  Nations.) 

How,  W.  W.,  and  Leigh,  H.  D.  History  of  Rome  to  the  Death  of 
Ctesar.     N.  Y.  1890. 

Leighton,  R.  F.     History  of  Rome.     N.  Y.  1890. 

Liddell,  H.  G.     History  of  Rome.     N.  Y.  1808. 

Matheson,  P.  E.  Skeleton  Outlines  of  Roman  History.  (Chrono- 
logically arranged.)     Lond.  1890. 

Merivale,  C.    General  History  of  Rome.     N.  Y.  1880. 

Pelham,  H.  F.    Outlines  of  Roman  History.     N.  Y.  1893. 

Shuckburgh,  E.  S.  History  of  Rome  to  the  Battle  of  Actium. 
N.  Y.  1894. 

Schmitz,  L.     History  of  Rome.     Andover,  1847. 

Taylor,  T.  M.  Constitutional  and  Political  History  of  Rome. 
Lond.  1899. 

(2)  General  Treatises. 

Arnold,  T.     History  of  Rome.    N.  Y.  1860.     3  vols,  in  one. 
Duruy,  V.     History  of  Rome  and  the  Roman  People.     Ed.  J.  P. 

Mahaffy.     Bost.  1883.     8  vols. 
Ihne,  W.    History  of  Rome.    English  Edition.    Lond.  1882.    5  vols. 
Mommsen,  T.    History  of  Rome.    Tr.  W.  P.  Dickson.    N.  Y.  1871. 

4  vols.      Abridged  by  C.  Bryans  and  F.  J.  R.  Hendy.      N.  Y. 

1889. 

327 


328  APPENDIX 

Niebuhr,  B.  G.    History  of  Rome.    Tr.  L.  C.  Hare  and  C.  Thirwall. 

Phil.  1844.    6  vols,  in  two.    Epitomized  by  T.  Twiss.    Oxf.  1845. 
Lectures  on  Roman  History.     Tr.  L.  Schmitz.     Lond.  1849. 

3  vols. 

(3)  Miscellaneous  Works. 

Fowler,  W.  W.    The  City-state  of  the  Greeks  and  the  Romans. 

N.  Y.  1893. 
Freeman,  E.  A.     Historical  Essays.    2d  series.     N.  Y.  1873. 
Lord,  J.     Old  Roman  World.    N.  Y.  1869. 

(4)  Original  Histories. 

Ammianus  Marcellinus.     Roman  History.     (Bohn.) 

Appian.     Roman  History.     Tr.  H.  White.     N.  Y.  1899.     2  vols. 

Cjesar.     Commentaries.    (Harper's  Classical  Library.) 

Livy.      History  of  Rome.      (Harper's  Classical  Library.)    2  vols. 

(Bohn.)    4  vols. 
Polybius.     Histories.    Tr.  E.  S.  Shuckburgh.    Lond.  1889.    2  vols. 
Sallust.     Works.     (Harper's  Classical  Library  ;  Bohn.) 
Tacitus.     Works.     (Harper's  Classical  Library  ;  Bohn.)     2  vols. 
See  also  (11)  Biography,  "Plutarch,"  ♦* Suetonius." 

II.     SPECIAL  PERIODS 

(5)  The  Kingdom  (B.C.  753-510). 

Dyer,  T.  H.     History  of  the  Kings  of  Rome.     Lond.  1868. 
Ihne,  W.     Early  Rome.     N.  Y.     (Epochs  of  Anc.  Histoiy.) 
Lewis,  G.  C.     An  Inquiry  into  the  Credibility  of  Early  Roman 

History.     Lond.  1865.    2  vols. 
Newman,  F.  W.     Regal  Rome.     Redfield,  1862. 

(6)  The  Republic  (B.C.  510-31). 

Arnold,  T.     History  of  the  Later  Roman  Commonwealth.     N.  Y. 

1846. 

Second  Punic  War.     Ed.  W.  T.  Arnold.    Lond.  1886. 

Beesly,  A.  H.     The  Gracchi,  Marius,  and  Sulla.     N.  Y.     (Epochs 

of  Anc.  HivStory.) 
Long,  G.    Civil  Wars  of  Rome :  Select  Lives  from  Plutarch,  newly 

trans.,  with  notes.     Lond.  1844-48.    5  vols. 
Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Republic.   Lond.  1864.   5  vols. 


APPENDIX 


329 


Merivale,  C.  The  Roman  Triumvirates.  N.  Y.  (Epochs  of  Anc. 
History.) 

Michelet,  J.     History  of  the  Roman  Republic.    Tr.  W.  Hazlitt. 

Lond.  1847. 
Smith,  R.  B.   Rome  and  Carthage.   N.  Y.    (Epochs  of  Anc.  History.) 

(0  The  Empire  (B.C.  31-A.D.  476). 

Bury,  J.  B.  History  of  the  Roman  Empire  from  its  Foundation  to 
the  Death  of  Marcus  Aurelius.     N.  Y.  1893. 

History  of  the  Later  Roman  Empire.     Lond.  1889.    2  vols. 

Capes,  W.  W.  The  Early  Empire.  N.  Y.  (Epochs  of  Anc.  His- 
tory.) 

Age  of  the  Antonines.     N.  Y.     (Epochs  of  Anc.  History.) 

Curteis,  A.  M.     History  of  the  Roman  Empire,  a.  d.  395-800.    Lond. 

1875. 

Gibbon,  E.  The  History  of  the  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman 
Empire.     Phil.     6  vols.     Abridged  by  W.  Smith.     N.  Y.     1869. 

Hodgkin,  T.     Italy  and  her  Invaders.     Oxf.  1888-1890.     8  vols. 

Merivale,  C.  A  History  of  the  Romans  under  the  Empire.  N.  Y. 
1866.     7  vols. 

Seeley,  J.  R.  Roman  Imperialism  and  Other  Lectures  and  Essays. 
Bost.  1871. 


III.    SPECIAL  TOPICS 

(8)  Antiquities. 

Adam,  A.     Roman  Antiquities.     Ed.  J.  Boyd.     Phil.  1872. 

Eschenburg,  J.  J.  Manual  of  Classical  Literature  (Antiquities). 
Tr.  N.  W.  Fiske.     Phil.  1864. 

Fuss,  J.  D.     Roman  Antiquities.     Eng.  Trans.     1840. 

Gow,  J.    Companion  to  School  Classics.     N.  Y.  1889. 

Harper's  Dictionary  of  Classical  Literature  and  Antiquities.  Ed. 
H.  T.  Peck.    N.  Y.  1897. 

Ramsay,  W.,  and  Lanciani,  R.  Manual  of  Roman  Antiquities. 
Lond.  1894. 

Rich,  A.    Dictionary  of  Roman  and  Greek  Antiquities.     Lond.  1873. 

Seyffert,  O.  Dictionary  of  Classical  Antiquities.  Ed.  H.  Nettle- 
ship  and  J.  E.  Sandys.     Lond.  1891. 

Smith,  W.  Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Roman  Antiquities.  3d  edi- 
tion.   Lond.  1890.    2  vols. 

See  also  (16)  Life  and  Manners. 


1 


APPENDIX 


(9)  Archaeology. 

Burn,  U.     Old  Rome :  a  Handbook  to  the  Ruins  of  the  City  and 
the  Campagna.     Lend.  1880. 

Ancient  Rome  and  its  Neighborliood.     Lond.  1895. 

Dyer  T   H.    A  History  of  the  City  of  Rome.    Lond.  1883. 
Lanciani,  R.     Ancient  Rome  in  the  Light  of  Recent  Discoveries. 

Bost.  1891. 
Ruins  and  Excavations  of  Ancient  Rome.    Bost.  18J7. 

Middleton,  J.  H.     Ancient  Rome  in  1888.     Edin.  1888. 

Remains  of  Ancient  Rome.    Lond.  1892. 

Parker,  J.  H.     Archeology  of  Rome.     Oxf.  1876-79.     11  vols. 

Architectural  History  of  the  City  of  Rome.     Abridged  from 

his  "  Archseology  of  Rome."     Loud.  1881. 

(10)  Art. 

De  Forest,  J.  B.     Short  History  of  Art.    N.Y.1881.    (i^.  Bo  et  seq. 

"  Roman  Art.") 
Fergusson,  J.      History  of   Architecture.      Lond.  1871.      4  vols. 

(Pt   I  ,  Bk.  4,  "  Etruscan  and  Roman  Architecture.") 
Lubke,  W.     History  of  Art.     Tr.   F.   E.  Burnett.     Lond.   1888. 

2  vols.     (Ch.  III.,  ''  Roman  Art.") 
Mitchell,  L.  M.     History  of  Ancient  Sculpture.     N.  Y.  1883. 
Rosengarten,  K.     Handbook  of  Architectural  Styles.     Tr.  W.  Col- 

lett-Sanders.     N.  Y.  1870.     (Bk.  VII.,  -  Roman  Architecture.") 

(11)  Biography,  General. 

De  Quincey,  T.     The  Caesars.     Lond.  1880. 

Gould,  S.  Baring-.     Tragedy  of  the  Ciesars.     N.  Y.  1892.    2  vols. 

Herbert,  H.  W.     Captains  of  the  Roman  Republic.     N.  Y.  18o4. 

Plutarch.     Lives.     (Bohn.)  ,  ,^    ,    i 

Smith,  W.    Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Roman  Biography  and  Mythol- 
ogy.    Lond.  1880.     3  vols. 
Suetonius.     The  Twelve  Caesars.     (Bohn.) 

See  also  IV.   Biography.     Individuals. 


N.  Y.  1887. 


12)  Christianity  and  Rome. 

Carr,  A.      The   Church   and  the  Roman   Empire. 

(Epochs  of  Church  Hist.) 
Fisher,  G.  P.     Beginnings  of  Christianity.     N.  Y.  1877. 
Hardy,  E.  G.     Christianity  and  the  Roman  Government.     Lond. 

1894. 


APPENDIX 


331 


Merivale,  C.     Conversion  of  the  Roman  Empire.     N.  Y.  1870. 
Ramsay,  W.  M.    The  Churcli  in  the  Roman  Empire.    N.  Y.  18',)3. 
Renaii,  E.     Influence  of  Rome  upon  Christianity.     N.  Y. 
Stanley,  A.  P.     History  of  the  Eastern  Church.     N.  Y.  1884. 
Uhlhorn,  G.    Conflict  of  Christianity  with  Heathenism.    N.  Y.  1879. 

(13)  Forum. 

Iluelsen,  C.     Roman  Forum.     Rome,  1892. 
Nichols,  F.  M.     Roman  Forum.     Lond.  1877. 

(14)  Geography  and  Description. 

Baedeker,  K.     Central  Italy  and  Rome.     Leipzig. 

Boissier,  G.     Country  of  Horace  and  Virgil.     Tr.  D.  H.  Fisher. 

Lond.  1890. 
Burn,  R.     Rome  and  the  Campagna.     Camb.  1870. 
Cramer,  J.  A.     Description  of  Ancient  Italy.     Oxf.  1820.    2  vols. 
Freeman,  E.  A.     Historical  Geography  of  Europe.     N.  Y.  1881. 

2  vols. 
Hare,  A.  J.  C.     Walks  in  Rome.     N.  Y. 
Kiepert,  H.     Atlas  Antiquus.     Bost. 

Murray,  J.     Handbook  of  Rome  and  its  Environs.     Lond. 
Schmidt,  II.  I.     Course  of  Ancient  Geography.     N.  Y.  1800. 
Story,  \y.  W.     Roba  di  Roma.     Lond.  1884.     2  vols. 


(15)  Law. 

Iladley,  J.     Introduction  to  Roman  Law.     N.  Y. 

Mackenzie,  Lord.     Studies  in  Roman  Law.     Lond.  1870. 

Maine,  H.  S.     Ancient  Law.     N.  Y.  1884. 

Morey,  W.  C.  Outlines  of  Roman  Law  ;  Comprising  its  Histori- 
cal Growth  and  General  Principles.     N.  Y. 

Muirhead,  J.  Historical  Introduction  to  the  Private  Law  of  Rome. 
Ed.  H.  Goudy.      Lond.  1899. 

Ortolan,  E.  History  of  Roman  Legislation.  Tr.  Pritchard  and 
Nasmith.     Lond.  1871. 

(16)  Life  and  Manners. 

Becker,  W.  A.  Gallus ;  or,  Roman  Scenes  of  the  Time  of  Au- 
gustus.    Tr.  F.  Metcalfe.     Lond.  1806. 

Church,  A.  J.     Pictures  from  Roman  Life  and  Stoiy.     N.  Y.  1892. 

Roman  Life  in  the  Days  of  Cicero.     N.  Y.   1884. 

Dill,  S.  Roman  Society  in  the  Last  Century  of  the  Western 
Empire.     Lond.  and  N.  Y.  1898. 

MOREY's    ROM.    HIST.  —  20 


332  APPENDIX 

Elliot,  F.  M.     Roman  Gossip.     N.  Y.  1894. 

Guhl,  E.,  and  Koner,  W.    The  Life  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans. 

Tr.  F.  lIuefEer.     Lond. 
Inge,  W.  II.     Society  in  Rome  under  the  Caesars.     N.  Y.  1892. 
Preston,  11.  W.,  and  Dodge,  L.     Private  Life  of  the  Romans.    Bost. 
Shumway,  E.  S.     A  Day  in  Ancient  Rome.     Bost.  1893. 
Thomas,  E.     Roman  Life  under  the  Caesars.     N.  Y.  1899. 
See  also  (8)  Antiquities. 

(17)  Literature. 

Cruttwell,  C.  T.     History  of  Roman  Literature.     N.  Y.  1877. 
Mackail,  J.  W.     Latin  Literature.     Lond.  189(5. 
Simcox,  G.  A.     History  of  Latin  Literature.     Lond.  1883.    2  vols. 
Teuffel,  W.  S.     History  of  Roman  Literature.     Tr.  G.  C.  Warr. 
N.  Y.  1891-92.     2  vols. 

(18)  Philosophy. 

Enfield,   \\\      History  of   Philosophy.     Lond.  18.37.      (Bk.   III., 

'' miilosophy  of  the  Uomans.") 
Farrar,  F.  W.     Seekers  after  God.     N.  Y.  1883. 

(19)  Provinces. 

Arnold,   W.  T.    Roman  System  of  Provincial  Administration. 

Lond.  1879. 
Mommsen,  T.     Provinces  of  the  Roman  Empire.     N.  Y.  1887. 

2  vols. 

(20)  Religion. 

Clarke,  J.  F.     Ten  Great  Religions.     Bost.   1871.     (Ch.   VIII., 

"  Religion  of  Rome.") 
Coulanges,  F.  de.     Ancient  City.     Tr.  W.  Small.     Bost.  1877. 
Guerber,  H.  A.     Myths  of  Greece  and  Rome.     N.  Y.  1893. 
Murray,  A.  S.    Manual  of  Mythology.     N.  Y.  1874. 

(21)  Slavery. 

Blair,  W.    Inquiry  into  the  State  of  Slavery  amongst  the  Romans. 

Edin.,  1833. 

IV.     BIOGRAPHY.     INDIVIDUALS 

(22)  Caesar,  Julius. 

Abbott,  J.     History  of  Julius  Csesar.     N.  Y.  1849. 
Dodge,  T.  A.     Caesar.     Bost.  1892. 


APPENDIX 


333 


Fowler,  W.  W.     Julius  Caesar  and  the  Foundation  of  the  Roman 

Imperial  System.     N.  Y.  1892. 
Froude,  J.  A.     Caesar  ;  a  Sketch.     N.  Y.  1880. 
Napoleon,  Louis.     History  of  Julius  Caesar.     N.  Y.  1865.     2  vols. 
Williams,  J.     Life  of  Julius  Caesar.     Lond.  1854. 

(23)  Cicero. 

Boissier,  G.    Cicero  and  his  Friends.   Tr.  A.  D.  Jones.    Lond.  1897. 
Davidson,  J.  L.  S.     Cicero  and  the  Fall  of  the  Roman  Republic. 

N.  Y.  1894. 
Forsyth,  W.     Life  of  Cicero.     N.  Y.  1866.     2  vols. 
Middleton,  C,  and  others.     Life  and  Letters  of  Cicero.     Lond. 

1876. 
Newman,  J.  H.     Historical  Sketches.     (In  vol.  2.)     N.  Y.  1891. 
Trollope,  A.     Life  of  Cicero.     N.  Y.  1881.    2  vols. 

(24)  Constantine. 

Cutts,  E.  L.     Constantine  the  Great.     Lond.  1881. 

(25)  Hannibal. 

Abbott,  J.     History  of  Hannibal.     N.  Y.  1849. 

Arnold,  T.     Life  of  Hannibal.     Bost.  1860. 

Dodge,  T.  A.     Hannibal.     Bost.  1891. 

Henty,  G.  A.     The  Young  Carthaginian.     N.  Y.  1887. 

(26)  Julian. 

Gardner,  A.     Julian,  Philosopher  and  Emperor.     N.  Y.  1895. 
Neander,  J.  A.  W.     Emperor  Julian  and  his  Generation.     N.  Y. 
1850. 

(27)  Marcus  Aurelius. 

Watson,  P.  B.     Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus.     N.  Y.  1884. 


V.    HISTORICAL  FICTION 

Note.  —  Dramas  are  indicated  thus,  [D.]  ;  novels,  [N.]  ;  poems,  [P.]. 

1.    The  Early  Repuhlic 

(28)  Brutus  the  Elder. 

Payne,  J.  H.     Brutus  ;  or  the  Fall  of  Tarquin.     [D.] 

(29)  Horatius  Codes. 

Macaulay,  T.  B.     Horatius.     (In  Lays  of  Ancient  Rome.)    [P.] 


3^]4 


APPENDIX 


(30)  Coriolanus. 

Shakespeare,  W.     Coriolanus.     [D.] 

(31)  Appius  Claudius. 

Clumeer,  G.    The  Thisiciens  Tale.     (In  Canterbury  Tales.)     [P.] 

Knowles,  J.  8.    Virginius.     [D.] 

Macaulay,  T.  B.     Virginia.     (In  Lays  of  Ancient  Home.)     [P.] 

2.    The  Latrr  Itepuhlic 

(32)  Gracchus. 

Knowles,  J.  S.     Cains  Gracchus.     [D.] 

(33)  Marius. 

Otway,  T.     Caius  Marius.     [D.] 

(34)  Spartacus. 

Eckstein,  E.     Prusias.     [N.] 

(35)  Catiline. 

Herbert,  n.  W.    The  Roman  Traitor.     [N.] 
Jonson,  B.     Catiline  his  Conspiracy.     [!).] 

(36)  Caesar. 

Beaumont,  F.,  and  Fletcher,  J.    The  False  One.     [O.] 
Lucan.    Phai-salia.     (Bohn.)     [P.] 
Shakespeare,  W.    Julius  Caesar.     [D.] 

(87)  Antony. 

Hemans,  F.  D.     Last  Banquet  of  Antony  and  Cleopatra.     [P.] 
Shakespeare,  W.     Antony  and  Cleopatra.     [D.] 

S.    The  Early  Empire 

(38)  Augustus. 

Jonson,  B.    The  Poetaster.     [D.] 

(39)  Tiberius. 

Graham,  J.  W.     Netera.     [N.] 
Jonson,  B.     Seianus  his  Fall.     [D.] 

(40)  Nero. 

Baillie,  J.     The  Martyr.     [D.] 

Church,  A.  J.     Burning  of  Rome.     [N.] 

Eckstein,  E.     Nero  :  a  Romance.     [N.] 

Sienkiewicz,  II.     Quo  Vadis.     [N.] 

Story,  W.  W.     Nero  :  a  Historical  Play.    [D.] 


APPENDIX  335 

(41)  Vitellius. 

Melville,  G.  J.  W.     The  Gladiators.     [N.] 

(42)  Titus. 

Lytton,  Bulvver.     The  Last  Days  of  Pompeii.     [N.] 
Otway,  T.     Titus  and  Berenice.     [D.] 

(43)  Domitian. 

Eckstein,  E.    Quintus  Claudius.     [N.] 

Marks,  M.  A.  M.     Masters  of  the  World.     [N.  j 

Massinger,  P.     The  Roman  Actor.     [D.] 

(44)  Trajan. 

Lockhart,  J.  G.     Valerius.     [N.] 

(45)  Hadrian. 

Richardson,  B.  W.     Son  of  a  Star.     [N.] 

(46)  Aurelian. 

Ware,  W.     Aurelian  ;  or,  Rome  in  the  Third  Century.     [N.] 
Zenobia;  or,  the  Fall  of  Palmyra.     [N.] 

4.    The  Later  Empire 

(47)  Diocletian. 

Crake,  A.  D.     The  Victor's  Laurel.     [N.] 
Eckstein,  E.    The  Chaldean  Magician.     [N.] 
Massinger,  P.     The  Virgin  Martyr.     [D.] 

(48)  Constantine. 

Bayle,  A.     Thalia.     [N.] 
Crake,  A.  D.     Evanus.     [N.] 
Lytton,  Bulvver.     Licinius.     [P.] 
Rounds,  N.  C.     Arius  the  Libyan.     [N.] 

(49)  Julian. 

Bungener,  L.  L.  F.     Julian,  the  Close  of  an  Era.     [N.] 
De  Vere,  A.     Julian  the  Apostate.     [P.] 
Lee,  E.  B.     Parthenia  ;  or,  the  Last  Days  of  Paganism.     [N.] 
Ware,  W.     Julian;  or,  Scenes  in  Judea.     [N.] 

(50)  Theodosius. 

Massinger,  P.     The  Emperour  of  the  East.     [D.] 

(51)  Valentinian. 

Beaumont,  F.,  and  Fletcher,  J.     Tragedy  of  Valentinian.     [D.] 


Ill 


LIST   OF  "SPECIAL   STUDIES 


?» 


WHICH  FOLLOW  THE  PRECEDING  CHAPTERS  AND  WHICH 
CONTAIN  SPECIAL  REFERENCE  LISTS  UPON  THE  TOPICS 
MENTIONED 


1. 
2. 
3. 
4. 

5. 
6. 
7. 
8. 
9. 
10. 
11. 
12. 
13. 
14. 
15. 
10. 
17. 
18. 
19. 
20. 
21. 
22. 
23. 
24. 
25. 
26. 
27 
28, 
29 
30 


Sources  of  Roman  History  . 

Credibility  of  Early  Roman  History 

The  Roman  Religion 

The  City  under  the  Kings  . 

The  Servian  ClavSses  and  Centuries 

The  Office  of  Consul    . 

The  Public  Land,  ager  puhlicus 

The  Twelve  Tables      . 

Table  of  the  Republican  Magistrates 

Map  of  Latium  and  Campania    . 

Roman  Roads     .... 

The  Roman  Army 

Roman  and  Latin  Colonies 

The  Roman  Navy 

Battle  of  Cannse  .... 

Achjean  and  iEtolian  Leagues     . 

Taxation  of  the  Provinces  . 

Cato  the  Censor  and  the  Greek  Influence 

The  Roman  Equites    . 

The  Roman  Senate      . 

Csesar's  Campaigns  in  Gaul 

Character  of  Cicero     . 

The  Writers  of  the  Augustan  Age 

The  Law  of  ''  MaiesUs"  and  Delation 

The  Roman  House 

The  Forums  of  Rome  . 

Roman  Slavery    .        .        .        • 

The  Roman  Baths 

Causes  of  the  Fall  of  the  Empire 

Rome  of  To-day 

336 


18 
28 

:^ 

40 
45 
52 
58 
63 
72 
79 
85 
91 
99 
111 
125 
V\S 
143 
152 
162 
179 
201 
215 
229 
244 
258 
278 
288 
301 
310 
324 


INDEX 


Diacritic  marks :  «,  €h,  as  in  cliasin ;  9  as  in  ice  ;  g  as  in  gem  ;  n,  the 
French  nasal.  The  long  and  short  marks  used  with  vowels  need  no 
explanation. 

{For  abbreviations  of  proper  names,  see  p.  70.) 


Accen'si,  96. 
A^h^e'a,  a  province,  136. 
Aehce'an  league,  127,  130,  135. 
Actiuin  (ak'shi-um),  battle  of,  211. 
Adol'phus    (Ataulf),    king  of    the 

Goths,  306. 
Adriano'ple,  battle  of,  300. 
^ydilf§,  55  ;  curule,  71. 
iEga'te§  Islands,  battle  at,  108. 
^^ne'as,  Trojan  hero,  19. 
iE'quians,  16 ;  wars  with,  56,  57,  69. 
uEra'rium,  224. 
Aetius    (a-e'shl-us),    "last   of    the 

Romans,"  305,  306. 
^to'lian  league,  120,  127  ;  intrigues 

of,  129  ;  subjection  of,  130. 
A'ger  pnb'liciiSy  54.    See  Agrarian 

laws. 
Ager  Eoma'nus,  45,  92,  93,  170. 
Agra'rian  laws,  of  Sp.  Cassius,  56 ; 

of  Tiberius  Gracchus,  157. 
Agrlc'ola,  in  Britain,  257. 
Agrigen'tum,  captured,  105. 
Agrip'pa,  adviser  of  Augustus,  209, 

211,  212,  225. 
Agrippi'na,   wife  of   Claudius  and 

mother  of  Nero,  238,  241. 
Al'aric,  king  of  the  Visigoths,  304, 

305. 
Al'ba  Lon'ga,  16,  19,  21,  24,  44. 
Al-e-man'ni,  282,  283,  299. 
Alexan'der  of  E-pi'rus,  79. 


Alexan'dria,  126. 

Al'gidus,  Mt.,  battle  of,  57. 

Al'lia  R.,  battle  of,  68. 

Allies,  in  Latium,  78  ;  Italian,  94  ; 
and  C.  Gracchus,  161  ;  and  I)ru- 
sus,  168  ;  revolt  of,  169  ;  enfran- 
chisement of,  170. 

Ambra'cia  (-shi-a),  captured,  130. 

Am'bro§e,  St.,  bishop  of  Milan,  301. 

Amphitheater,  sports  of,  249. 

Amusements,  of  the  Romans,  249. 

Anco'na,  captured,  90. 

An'cus  Marcius  (mar'shi-us),  king, 
21. 

Androni'cus,  poet,  150. 

An'tio€h,  destroyed,  284. 

Anti'o€hus  III.  of  Syria,  126,  129, 
130. 

Antium  (an'shi-um),  a  colony,  93. 

Anto'nius,  M.  (An'tony),  friend  of 
Caesar,  203  ;  supremacy  at  Rome, 
204  ;  displaced  by  Octavius,  205  ; 
attacked  by  Cicero,  205 ;  in  second 
triumvirate,  206-209 ;  war  with 
Octavius,  210-212  ;  his  death,  212. 

Antoni'nus  Pius,  emperor,  272-274. 

Anx'ur,  a  colony,  93. 

Ap'pian  Way,  98,  313. 

Apu'lians,  17  ;  join  Hannibal,  119. 

A'quse  Sex'tiae,  battle  of,  165. 

Aqueduct  of  Claudius,  239. 

Arau'sio  (-shi-o),  battle  of,  165. 


337 


338 


INDEX 


Arca'diiis,  emperor,  301. 

Arches,  Koiiian,  214,  .iU. 

Architecture,  under  the  Tarquins, 
37  ;  under  the  republic,  214 ; 
under  Augustus,  225  ;  under  Tra- 
jan, 200. 

Arini'inum,  captured,  90  ;  a  colony, 

94. 
Ariovis'tus,  German  prince,  193. 
Arnie'nia,  conquered,    265  ;    relin- 
quished, 268. 
x\nnin'ius,  German  chief,  224. 
Armor,  Koman,  9<». 
Army,  under  Servius  Tullius,  42; 
under    the    republic,    94;    under 
Augustus,   220;    under  Constan- 
tine,  298. 
Art,  under  the  republic,  150  ;  under 
the  empire,  266.   See  Architpcture. 
Artax'areH,  king  of  Persia,  282. 
As'culum,  battle  of,  89. 
Asia,  a  province,  141. 
Assemblies,   under  early   republic, 
51  ;     after    the     conquests,     145  ; 
under  Sulla,  177  ;  under  Augustus, 
219;   under  Tiberius,   232.      See 
also  Onnitia  and  Concilium. 
Assyr'ia,    conquered,     265;     relin- 
quished, 268. 
Ath'en§,  captured  by  Sulla,  173. 
At'talus  in.  of  Pergamus,  141. 
At'tila,  king  of  the  Huns,  306. 
''  Augus'ti,"  office  of,  290. 
Au'gustine,  324. 
Augus'tus,  emperor,  217-229.     See 

Octaviiis,  C. 
Aure'lian,  emperor,  285. 
Aure'lius,    Marcus,   emperor,   275- 

277. 

Basil'ica  .lu'lia,  214. 
Baths,  Roman,  314. 
Battles  (chronologically  arranged)  : 

Lake  Regillus,  49 ;  the  Allia,  68  ; 

Mt.  Gaurus,  75  ;  Suessula,  75  ;  Mt. 

Vesuvius,  76  ;  Caudine  B\)rks,  80  : 


Lake  Vadimonis,  82  ;  Sentinum, 
83;    Heraclea,  87;  Asculum,  89; 
Beneventum,  89  ;  Myl*,  106  ;  Ec- 
nomus,     107 ;    Panormus,     107 ; 
Drepanum,  108  ;  ^Egates  Is.,  108  ; 
Ticiiuis,  115  ;  Trebia,  115  ;  Trasu- 
menus,  115;  Cannse,  117;  Metaurus 
11.,  120  ;  Zania,  123  ;  Cynoscepha- 
Ije,  128  ;  Thermopylae,  130  ;  Mag- 
nesia, 130  ;  Pydna,  132  ;  Arausio, 
165  ;  Aquce  Sexti*,  165  ;  Vercel- 
1»,  166  ;  Chseronea,  173;  Orchome- 
nus,  173;  Clusium,  175;  Colline 
Gate,     175;     Dyrrachium,     196; 
Pharsalus,    196 ;    Thapsus,     197  ; 
Munda,   197  ;   Philippi,  208  ;  Ac 
tium,  211  ;  Adrianople,  300;  Pol- 
lentia,  305  ;  Chalons,  306. 
Beneven'tum,  battle  of,  89. 
Bes'tia,  L.    Calpur'nius,  in  Jugur- 

thine  war,  164. 
Bib'ulus,  L.  Calpur'nius,  colleague 

of  Caesar,  189. 
Bithyn'ia,  126  ;  a  province,  185. 
Bon'iface,  Roman  general,  305. 
Bo-vi-a'num,  captured,  82,  169. 
Britain,   invaded    by    Caesar,    193 ; 
under  Claudius,  239 ;  under  Domi- 
tian,  257  ;  occupied  by  Saxons,  306. 
Britan'nicus,  son  of  Claudius,  poi- 
soned by  Nero,  241. 
Brut'tians,  85 ;  conquered,  90 ;  join 

Hannibal,  119. 
Bru'tus,  De^'imus,  204,  205,  206. 
Brutus,  L.  Ju'nius  (the  elder),  35, 

48,  49. 
Brutus,    M.,   conspirator,  201  ;    a.s- 
signed    to    Macedonia,  204 ;    de- 
feated at  Philippi,  208. 
Burgun'dians,    invasions    of,    305; 

settle  in  Gaul,  309. 
Bur'rhus,  adviser  of  Nero,  240,  241. 
Bvzan'tinm  (-shi-um),  295. 

Cse'rg.  24  ;  partial  citizenship  given 
to,  78. 


INDEX 


339 


Cae'sar,  C.  Julius,  leader  of  the  popu- 
lar party,  185  ;  in  first  triumvirate, 
188  ;  consulship  of,  189, 190  ;  con- 
quest of  Gaul,  191-193 ;  war  with 
Pompey,  195,  196 ;  pacifies  the 
provinces,  196, 197  ;  his  titles,  198; 
his  reforms,  198-200 ;  his  death, 
201 ;  his  "  Commentaries,"  215. 

Caesar,  C,  235. 

"Caesars,"  office  of,  290. 

Callg'ula,  emperor,  235-237. 

Camil'lus,  his  capture  of  Veii,  67  ; 
consecrates  temple  to  Concord,  71. 

Campa'nia,  14 ;  in  first  Samnite  war, 
74,  75 ;  in  Latin  war,  76  ;  in  second 
Samnite  war,  80-82;  invaded  by 
Hannibal,  116. 

Cam 'pus  Mar'tius  (-shi-us),  44,  179. 

Can'nae,  battle  of,  117. 

Canule'ian  law,  63. 

Cap'ua,  occupied  by  Samnites,  74 ; 
taken  by  the  Romans,  75 ;  joins 
Hannibal,  1 19 ;  recovery  of,  130  ; 
gladiatorial  school  at,  182. 

CSracSl'la,  emperor,  281. 

Carac'tacus,  Celtic  chief,  239. 

Car'bo,  Cn.  Paplr'ius,  consul,  174. 

Car'thage,  101-103 ;  treaty  with 
Rome,  123 ;  revival  of,  136 ;  de- 
struction of,  138 ;  captured  by 
Vandals,  306. 

Ca'rus,  emperor,  286. 

Cassius  Longl'nus,  C.  (kash'i-us), 
conspirator,  20 1 ;  assigned  to 
Syria,  204;  defeated  at  Philippi, 
208. 

Cassius,  Sp. ,  league  of,  56,  66  ;  his 
agrarian  law,  56. 

Cat'i-line,  conspiracy  of,  186. 

Ca'to,  M.  Porcius  (por'shi-us),  cen- 
sor, at  Thermopylae,  130 ;  his  ha- 
tred of  Carthage,  137. 

Cato  Uticen'sis,  M.  Porcius,  leader 
of  senatorial  party,  185,  187  ;  gov- 
ernor of  Crete,  190;  threatens 
Caesar,  195 ;  death  at  Utica,  197. 


Catul'lus,  poet,  215. 

Cat'ulus,  C.  Luta'tius  (-sliT-us),  con- 
sul (B.C.  241),  at  battle  of  ^Egates 
Is.,  108. 

Catulus,  Q.  Lutatius,  consul  (b.c. 
102),  at  battle  of  Vercellae,  165. 

Catulus,  Q.  Lutatius,  consul  (b.c. 
78),  defeats  Lepidus,  180. 

Cau'dine  Forks,  battle  of,  80. 

Celtibe'rians,  subdued,  140. 

Censors,  appointed,  65. 

Centuries,  Servian,  42. 

■Chaerone'a,  battle  of,  173. 

ghaioNs',  battle  of,  306. 

Christianity,  adopted  by  Constan- 
tine,  294  ;  by  barbarians, 324. 

Christians,  favored  by  Nerva,  259 ; 

"     by  Hadrian,  267  ;   by  Antoninus 

Pius,  273  ;  persecuted  under  Nero, 

242  ;  under  Marcus  Aurelius,  276  ; 

under  Diocletian,  291. 

Chrys'ostom,  324,  325. 

Church,  323-325. 

Ci^'ero,  M.  Tullius,  party  leader, 
185;  suppresses  Catilinian  con- 
spiracy, 186;  banished,  190;  re- 
called, 191 ;  leader  of  the  senate, 
203,  204  ;  attacks  Antony  in  the 
"Philippics,"  205;  death  and 
character,  207  ;  his  writings,  215. 

Cilicia  (si-lish'i-a),  a  province,  185. 

Cim'bric  war,  164-166. 

Cincinna'tus,  rescues  the  Roman 
army,  57  ;  dictator,  65. 

Cin'e-as,  envoy  of  Pyrrhus,  87. 

Cin'na,  L.  Corne'lius,  173,  174. 

Cir'cus  Max'imus,  39,  249. 

Cisal'pine  Gaul,  14 ;  conquered,  110 ; 
province  of  Caesar,  190  ;  united  to 
Italy,  222. 

Citizenship,  64.    See  also  Franchise. 

Civita'tes  foedera'toe,  immu'nes,  sti- 
pendia'rice,  147. 

Classes,  Servian,  42. 

Clau'dius,  emperor,  2-38-240. 
Claudius  II.,  emperor,  285, 


340 


INDEX 


1 » 


Claudius,    Ap'pius,    decemvir,    his 

tyranny,  61. 
Claudius,   Appius,   censor,   opposes 

embassy  of  Cineas,  89. 
Claudius,  Appius,  consul,  in  the  first 

l*unic  war,  104. 
Claudius,  P.,  defeated  at  Drepanum, 

107,  108. 
Claudius  Ci-vi'lis,  his  revolt  in  Gaul, 

247. 

Claudius  Nero,  C,  at  battle  of  the 

Metaunis,  121. 
Cleopa'tra,  and  Csesar,  106, 107  ;  and 

Antony,  210,  211;  and  Octavius, 

212. 
Clients,  20. 

Clo-a'ca  Max'ima,  38,  312. 
Clo'dius,  P.,  agent  of  Caesar,  100; 
'  killed,  104. 

Clo'vis,  king  of  the  Franks,  300. 
Clusiura  (clu'zhi-uui),  battle  of,  175. 
Collati'nus,  colleague  of  Brutus,  48. 
Col'line  grte,  battle  of,  175. 
Colo'ni  of  the  later  empire,  286. 
Colonies,  Latin  and  Roman,  78,  03 ; 

military,  of  Sulla,  177. 
Colosse'um,  Flavian  amphitheater, 

248. 
Comitia  centuria'ta  (Eng.  pron.  ko- 

mish'i-a),44,  51,  145. 
Comitia  curia' ta,  31,  61,  145. 
Comitia  tribu'ta,  62,  71,  145,  177. 
Comiiinmy  26. 
Commer'cium^  64. 
Com'modus,  emperor,  280. 
ConcVliwn  Angusti,  268. 
ConcVlium  plebis,  55,  62. 
Con'stantiiie,  emperor,  202-200. 
Constantino' pie,    the    new   capital, 

204,  304. 
Constan'tius  (-sh!-us),  colleague  of 

Diocletian,  200. 
Consuls,  appointed,  50. 
Conu'bittm^  64. 
Corfin'ium,  capital  of  Italian  allies, 

169. 


Cor'inth,  destruction  of,  136. 
Coriola'nus  and  the  Volscians,  57. 
Corne'lia,  mother  of  the   Gracchi, 

157. 
Corn  laws,  of  C.  Gracchus,  160 ;  of 

Claudius,  100 ;  of  Csesar,  100. 
Cor'pus  Iii'ris  Civi'lis,  322. 
Cor'sica,  annexed,  100. 
Court  organization  of  Constantine, 

205. 

Cras'sus,  M.,  in  gladiatorial  war, 
182;  consul  with  Pompey,  182;  in 
first  triumvirate,  188,  180;  gov- 
ernor of  Syria,  101 ;  his  death,  104. 

Crete,  a  province,  185. 

Cwa'tor  via'rum,  223. 

Ctt'ria,  nuinicipal  council,  207. 

Cu'rice,  Koman,  20. 

Curia'les,  responsible  for  taxes,  299. 

Curia'tii  (-shi-i),  21. 

Cu'rius  Denta'tus,  Ma'nius,  84. 

Cur'sor,   L.    Papir'ius,   defeats  the 
Samnites,  82. 

Cu'rule  offices,  144. 

Cynos<;eph'al8e,  battle  of,  128. 


Dacia  (da'shi-a),  conquered,  265. 

Debt,  law  of,  54,  69. 

Decem'virs,  60. 

Decius  (de'shi-us) ,  emperor,  283. 

Decius  Mus,   at  the  battle  of   Mt. 
Vesuvius,  76,  77. 

Decius  Mus  (son),  at  the  battle  of 
Sentinum,  83. 

Dela'tion,  under  Tiberius,  233;  for- 
bidden by  Nerva,  250. 

DicUtorship,  50;    perpetual  under 
Sulla,  176. 

DiMo,  queen  of  Carthage,  101. 

Diocle'tian  (-shan),  emperor,  280- 

202. 

Dionys'ius  (-nish'I-us)   of   Halicar- 

nassus,  historian,  227. 
Domitian  (do-mish'i-an),  emperor, 

257,  258. 
Drep'auum,  battle  of,  108. 


INDEX 


341 


Dress,  Roman,  254. 

Dru^sus,  son  of  Tiberius,  232  ;  quells 
revolt  of  the  legions,  232 ;  mur- 
dered by  Sejanus,  234. 

Drusus,  M.Liv'ius,  tribune,  opposes 
C.  Gracchus,  161. 

Drusus,  M.  Livius  (son),  and  the 
Italians,  168. 

Duil'ius,  C,  at  the  battle  of  Mylse, 
106. 

Duum'viri,  207. 

Dyrra'€hium,  battle  of,  19(5. 

Ec'nomus,  battle  near,  107. 
EdicHvm    Perpe'tuum    of    Salvius 

Julian  us,  209. 
Education  at  Rome,  260. 
Egypt   under  the    Ptolemies,    120; 

subordinate    to    Rome,    141 ;     a 

province,  212. 
Elagab'aliis,  emperor,  281. 
Employments  of  the  Romans,  255. 
En'nius,  poet,  150. 
Epicure'anism  at  Rome,  277. 
Eq'ui-tes,  under  Servius  Tullius,  42  ; 

an  aristocratic  order,  153;  under 

C.    Gracchus,   101 ;    under  Sulla, 

177  ;  favored  by  Caesar,  189. 
Etru'ria  conquered,  91. 
Etrus'cans,  17  ;  wars  with  Rome,  56, 

57,  69,  81. 
Eu'nus,  leader  of  the  slave  revolt  in 

Sicily,  141. 
Euse'bius,  historian,  293. 

Fa'bian  gens,  destruction  of,  58. 
Fa'bius   Max'imus  Cuncta'tor,   Q., 

envoy  to  Carthage,  112  ;  dictator, 

110;  after  battle  of  Cannae,  119; 

disapproves  of  Scipio's  plans,  122. 
Fabius  Maximus  Rullia'nus,  Q.,  in 

second  Samnite  war,  82  ;  in  third 

Samnite  war,  83. 
Fabius  Pic'tor,  historian,  150. 
Family,  early  Roman,  28. 
Fas'ces,  30,  50. 


Fetia'les,  32. 

Fide'nte,  24 ;  captured,  06. 

Finances  under  Augustus,  224. 

Fis'cus,  the  imperial  treasury,  224. 

Fla'mi-nes,  32. 

Flamini'nus,  T.  Quinc'tius,  at  battle 
of  Cynoscephalae,  128 ;  proclaims 
the  liberation  of  Greece,  120; 
demands  the  surrender  of  Han- 
nibal, 131. 

Flamin'ius,  C,  at  battle  of  Trasu- 
menus,  115. 

Fo'rum  Roma'num,  26,  260. 

Forum,  of  Julius  (Forum  Julii), 
214,  226 ;  of  Trajan,  266 ;  of  Ves- 
pasian, 248. 

Franchise,  extension  under  the  re- 
public, 213 ;  under  Claudius,  240  ; 
under  Vespasian,  246 ;  under  Car- 
acalla,  281. 

Franks,  282 ;  invasion  of,  283,  300. 

Fregel'lfe,  lost,  81  ;  recaptured,  82. 

Fu'cine  lake,  drained  by  Claudius, 
230. 

Ful'via,  wife  of  Antony,  207. 

Funeral  customs,  256. 

Gabin'ian  law,  184. 

Ga'deg,  captured  by  Scipio,  121. 

Gains  (ga'yus),  jurist,  273,  321. 

Gal'ba,  emperor,  245. 

Galba,  Ser'gius  Sulpicius  (sul-pish'- 
i-us),  his  perfidy,  140. 

Gale'rius,  colleague  of  the  Diocle- 
tian, 200. 

Galli-g'nus,  emperor,  283,  284. 

Gai'lus,  emperor,  283. 

Gaul,  conquered  by  Caesar,  191-193  ; 
civilization  in,  247. 

Gauls,  18 ;  their  destruction  of 
Rome,  67  ;  in  third  Samnite  war, 
82,  83. 

Gau'rus,  Mt.,  battle  of,  75. 

Gens  (plu.  gentes),  early  Roman, 
29;  plebeian,  41. 

Gen'seric,  king  of  the  Vandals,  306. 


342 


INDEX 


German'icus,  232. 

Glad'iators,  war  of,  182. 

Glaii'cia,  C.  Servil'ius  (glaw'shl-a), 
popular  leader,  100. 

Goths,  invasion  of  Dacia,  28:5 ;  de- 
feat by  Claudius  11. ,  285;  revolt 
of,  300  ;  settled  in  Illyricum,  304  ; 
invasion  of  Italy,  305. 

Grac'^hus,  C,  his  reforms,  159-102. 

Gracchus,  Tiberius,  bis  reforms, 
150-159. 

Greece,  liberation  of,  129.  See 
Achcea,  Achcean  league,  uEtolian 

league. 
Greek  influence  at  Rome,  148. 
Greeks  in  Italy,  18. 


Ha'drian,  emperor,  207-271,  220. 
Hamil'car  Bar'ca,  in  Sicily,  108  ;  his 

policy.  111. 

Han'nibal,  succeeds  Ilasdrubal,  112  ; 
invades  Italy,  113;  early  victo- ! 
ries,  115;  battle  of  Canme,  117  ; 
his  allies,  110;  at  the  gates  of 
Rome,  120  ;  in  Apulia,  121  ;  re- 
treats into  Bruttium,  122  ;  recalled 
to  Africa,  122  ;  defeated  at  Zama, 
123  ;  a.ssists  Antiochus  III.,  130  ; 
his  death,  131. 

Han'no,  in  first  Punic  war,  105. 

Har'sa,   C.    Terentil'ius,   proposals 

of,  59. 
Ilarus'pices,  36. 
Has'drubal,  in  Spain,  111. 
Hasta'ti,  90. 

Hel'ena.  wife  of  Constantine,  293. 
Helve'tii     (-shi-i),     conquered     by 

Csesar,  193. 
Heracle'a,  battle  of,  87. 
Hercula'neum,  destruction  of,  251. 
Her'nicans,  lea2:ue  with,  56. 
H^r'od    Agrip'pa,    king    of   Judea, 

240. 
H6r'uli,  settlement  in  Italy,  309. 

Hono'res,  64. 
Hono'rius,  emperor,  301. 


Hor'ace     (Q.     Iloratius    Flaccus), 

poet,  227. 
Hora'tii  (-sh!-i),  21. 
Hora'tius  Co'cle§,  story  of,  49. 
Houses,  Roman,  252. 
Iluns,  their  invasions,  300,  306. 

Icil'ian  law,  55. 

Illyr'icum,    piracy    suppressed    in, 
109 ;     a    province,     140 ;    under 
I      Citsar,  15)0. 

I  Impera'tor,  title  of,  198,  219. 
Impe'riiim  proconsula're,  218. 
Incorporation,  policy  of,  26,  45,  155. 
Insignia,  royal,  36. 
Intermarriage,     right    granted    to 

plebeians,  62. 
Italian  allies.     See  Allies. 
Italy,   geography    of,    12  ;    Roman 
supremacy   in,   91  ;   enfranchise- 
ment  of,   170;   under   Augustus, 

222. 
Iii'diees,  under   C.   Gracchus,  161; 

under    Sulla,    177,    178;    under 
I      Pompey  and  Crassus,  183. 
1  lus  geu'tium,  147. 


Jeru'salem,  destruction  of,  247. 

Jo'vian,  emperor,  300. 

Jugur'thine  war,  103,  104. 

Ju'lian,  emperor,  299. 

Ju'lian  law  {lex  lulia),  170. 

Julia'nus,  Did'ius,  emperor,  280. 

.Tulianus,  Sal'vius,  jurist,  209. 

Ju'piter  Latiaris  (la-shi-a'ris),  wor- 
ship of,  10.  See  Ternples,  for 
other  names  of  Jupiter. 

Jurists,  influence  of,  320. 

Justin 'ian,  emperor,  322. 

Jutes,  settle  in  Britain,  .306,  309. 

Ju'venal,  satirist,  258. 

King,  Roman,  30  ;  royal  insignia, 
36  ;  power  compared  with  that  of 
consuls,  50  ;  hatred  of  the  name, 
170,  217. 

Knights.     See  Equites. 


INDEX 


343 


Laevi'nus,  Vale'rius,  in  war  with 
Pyrrhus,  87. 

Latin  language,  its  influence,  314. 

Latin  Way,  98. 

Latins,  15;  demand  their  rights, 
76  ;  war  with  Rome,  76. 

Latium  (la'sh!-uni),  14;  Roman 
supremacy  in,  44  ;  pacified,  77. 

Law,  Roman,  during  the  republic, 
214  ;  under  the  empire,  269,  273  ; 
influence  upon  modern  jurispru- 
dence, 320. 

Lega'ti,  223. 

Legion,  87,  94. 

Lep'idus,  M.  ^mil'ius,  consul,  revolt 
of,  180. 

Lepidus,  M.  ^milius,  triumvir,  203 ; 
joins  Antony  and  Octavius,  206 ; 
at  Rome,  208  ;  rupture  with  Octa- 
vius, 209  ;  pontifex  maximus,  210. 

Lex  Cannleia,  63 ;  Gabinia,  184 ; 
Iciliay  55  ;  luUa,  170  ;  mn-ies-taUis, 
232,  233,  261  ;  Manilla,  18.->  ; 
Plautin  Papiria,  170 ;  Puhlilia, 
66  ;   Thoria,  161. 

Licin'ian  legislation,  70. 

Life  and  manners,  252-256. 

Lilybse'um,  89,  107. 

Literature,  Roman,  beginnings  of, 
150;  during  the  civil  wars,  215; 
under  Augustus,  226;  "Silver 
age"  of,  257  ;  its  permanence,  316. 

LivMa,  wife  of  Augustus,  227. 

Liv'y  (T.  Liv'ius),  historian,  227. 

Lu'can,  poet,  258. 

Luca'nians,  17,  85 ;  conquered  by 
Rome,  IK) ;  join  Hannibal,  119. 

Luc'ca,  conference  at,  191. 

Lu'cere§,  early  Roman  tribe,  26. 

Luce'ria,  taken  by  the  Romans,  80 ; 
lost  to  the  Samnites,  81  ;  recap- 
tured, 82. 

Lucre'tius  (-shT-us),  poet,  215. 

Lucul'lus,  L.  Licin'ius,  in  Mithri- 
datic  war,  184, 185  ;  in  the  senate, 
188. 


Lycia  (lish'i-a),  a  province,  240. 

Macedo'nia,  in  second  Punic  war, 
123  ;  relation  to  Greek  cities,  120  ; 
first  and  second  wars  with  Rome, 
127-129  ;  third  war  with  Rome, 
131-133  ;  settlement  of,  132  ;  dis- 
turbances in,  134;  a  province,  136. 

Maece'nas,  friend  of  Augustus,  225. 

Maj'lius,  Sp.,  65. 

Magne'sia  (-shi-a),  battle  of,  130. 

Mam'ertines,  relation  to  the  first 
Punic  war,  104. 

Man  IP  ian  law,  185. 

Man'iple,  06. 

Man'lius,  M.,  savior  of  the  Capitol, 
68;  philanthropic  acts,  69;  his 
death,  70. 

Manlius  Torqua'tus,  T. ,  commander 
in  Latin  war,  76,  77. 

Manlius  Vul'so,  L.,  in  Africa,  107. 

Marcel'lus,  M.  Claudius,  captures 
Syracuse,  120. 

Marcoman'ni,  276. 

Marcus  Aure'lius,  emperor,  275-277. 

Ma'rius,  C,  in  Jugurthine  war,  104  ; 
in  Cimbric  war,  164  ;  as  a  party 
leader,  166 ;  in  the  Social  war, 
169 ;  rejoins  the  popular  party, 
171;  flight  from  Rome,  172;  his 
massacres,  173  ;  his  death,  174. 

Marius,  C.  (adopted  son),  174. 

Marriage  customs,  255. 

Mar'tial  (-shT-al),  epigrammatist, 
258. 

Masinis'sa,  a  king  of  Numidia,  122, 
137. 

Maureta'nia,  a  province,  240. 

Maxen'tius  (-shi-us),  rival  of  Con- 
stantine, 293. 

Maxim'ian,  colleague  of  Diocletian, 
290. 

Meals,  Roman,  253. 

Mesopota'mia,  conquered,  265  ;  re- 
linquished, 268. 

Messali'na,  wife  of  Claudius,  238. 


344 


INDEX 


Messa'na,  held  by  the  Mamertines, 

104 ;  taken  by  the  Romans,  105. 
Metau'rus  11.,  battle  of,  120. 
Metel'lus,  Q.  C«cil'ius,  commander 

in  Greece,  136. 
Metellus,  Q.  Ciecilius  (nephew  of  the 

preceding),  commander  in  Jugur- 

thine  war,  164. 
Metellus  Pi'us,   Q.  (^^cilius  (son  of 

the    preceding),    commander    in 

Spain,  181. 
Metellus  Pius  Scipio,  Q.    Caecihus 
(adopted  son  of  the  precedmg), 

197. 
Mi'lo,  T.  An'nius,  194. 
Mithrida'te§,   king  of  Pontus,  172, 

184,  185. 
Mum'mius,     L.,     commander     hi 

Greece,  136. 
Mun'da,  battle  of,  197. 
Municipal  system,  271 ;  its  influence, 

319. 
Municip'ia,  93. 
Mu'tina,  war  of,  206. 
My'lae,  battle  of,  106. 


Octa'vius,C.  (Octavia'nus),  appears 
at  Rome,  204  ;  relations  with  the 
senate,   205  ;    in  second  triumvi- 
rate, 206 ;  at  battle  of  Philippi, 
208  ;  position  in  the  West,  209  ; 
rupture    with    Antony,   210;    at 
battle  of  Actium,  211  ;  sole  ruler, 
212;  Augustus,  217-229. 
Octavius,  Cn..  friend  of  Sulla,  1/3. 
Octavius,  M.,  tribune,  opposes  Ti- 
berius Gracchus,  158. 

Odo-a'cer,  king  of  the  Heruli,  30 1 . 

Optima' tes,  144,  159. 

Or^hom'enus,  battle  of,  173. 

Ores't5§  enthrones  Romulus  Augus- 
tulus,  307. 

Orleans  (or-la-ON'),  siege  of,  306. 

Os'ca,  school  at,  181. 

Os'cans,  116. 

O'tho,  emperor,  245. 

Ov'id  (P.  Ovid'ius  Na'so),  poet,  227. 


INDEX 


345 


Nje'vius,  poet,  150. 
Narbonen'sis,  a  province,  164  ;  un- 
,     der  C»sar,  190. 
Narcis'sus,  freedman  of  Claudius, 

238.  .  ,     __ 

Nasl'ca,  P.  Cornelius  Scipio,  loJ. 
Ne'ro,  emperor,  240-243. 
Nero,  C.  Claudius,  121. 
Ner'va,  emperor,  259-261. 
New  Carthage,  founded  by  Hasdni 

bal.  Ill;  taken  by  Scipio,  121. 
Nice,  council  of,  294. 
Nicome'dia,  residence  of  Diocletian, 

290. 

No'biles,  144. 

Nu'ma  PompiVius,  king,  21. 

Numan'tia  (-sM-a),  destroyed,  140. 

Numid'ia,  ally  of  Rome,  123  ;  rela- 
tions with  Carthage,  137;  con- 
quered by  Caesar,  197. 


Pas'tum,  a  colony,  90. 

Paljep'olis,  in  second  Punic  war,  80. 

Pal'las,  freedman  of  Claudius,  238. 

Palmy'ra,  destruction  of,  286. 

Panor'mus,  victory  at,  107. 

Pan'theon,  226,  314. 

Papin'ian,  jurist,  281,  321. 

Par'thia,  invaded  by  Crassus,  194  ; 
Anthony's  campaigns  in,  210 ;  war 
with  Trajan,  265  ;  succeeded  by 
new  Persian  monarchy,  282. 

Patrician,  title  of,  307.         ^^    ^,    . 
Patricians,  an  aristocracy,  40  ;  their 

power,  53. 
Patriotism,  decay  of,  155. 
PaulMus,  jurist,  284,  321. 
PauUus,  L.   yEmil'ius,   at  battle  of 

CaniiJe,  117. 
PauUus,  L.  iEinilius  (son),  at  battle 

of  Pydna,  132. 
Per'^ainus,     nnder     protection     ot 
Rome,  126  ;  threatened  by  Phihp, 
128;    supports    Rome,    130;    be- 
queathed to  Rome,  141. 


Per'seus  of  Macedonia,  132. 

Persians,  new  monarchy,  282 ;  attack 
Roman  provinces,  28;i  ;  campaign 
of  Julian  against,  299. 

Per'tinax,  emperor,  280. 

Pha'lanx,  Macedonian,  87. 

Phar'naceg,  defeated  by  Caesar,  197. 

Pharsa'lus,  battle  of,  196. 

Philip  V.  of  Macedonia,  in  second 
Punic  war,  119;  at  war  with 
Rome,  127,  129,  131. 

Philip  the  pretender,  134. 

Philip'pi,  battle  of,  208. 

"  Philip'pics  "  of  Cicero,  205. 

Philosophy  at  Rome,  149,  215,  277. 

Pice'num,  14  ;  subject  to  Rome,  84. 

Placid'ia,  rules  at  Rome,  305. 

Plau'tian  (-shi-an)  law,  170. 

Plau'tius  (-shi-us),  Au'lus,  lieuten- 
ant of  Claudius,  239. 

Plau'tus,  dramatist,  150. 

Plebe'ians,  rise  of,  41 ;  their  distress, 
53 ;  first  secession,  54 ;  obtain 
tribunes,  55  ;  their  assembly,  55  ; 
second  secession,  61 ;  successes  of, 
63  ;  made  equal  with  patricians, 
71. 

Plin'y  the  elder,  252. 

Pliny  the  younger,  252,  258. 

Pollen'tia  (-.shi-a),  battle  of,  305. 

Polyb'ius,  freedman  of  Claudius, 
238. 

Polybius,  historian,  133. 

Pompe'ii  (-yi),  destruction  of,  251. 

Pompe'ius,  Cn.  (Pompey  the  Great), 
joins  Sulla,  174 ;  aids  Catulus,  180; 
defeats  Sertorius  in  Spain,  181  ; 
consul  with  Crassus,  182 ;  war 
with  the  pirates,  183  ;  conquests  in 
the  East,  184,  185  ;  in  first  trium- 
virate, 188,  189  ;  sole  consul,  194  ; 
war  with  Caesar,  195,  llKj ;  his 
death,  196. 
Pompeius,  Sextus,  204  ;  in  posses- 
sion of  Sicily,  208 ;  defeated  by 
Octavius,  209. 


Pompeius  Stra'bo,  169. 

Pons  SubWcius,  22. 

Pon'tifex  max'imus,  32. 

Pon'tius  (-shi-us),  Samnite  general, 

81. 
Pon'tus,  kingdom  of,  126 ;  its  power 

in  Asia  Minor,  172 ;  a  province 

with  Bithynia,  185. 
Poppae'a  Sabi'na,  241. 
Papula' res,  159. 
Porsen'na,   Lars,    Etruscan  prince, 

49. 
Por'tus  Boma'tms,  constructed  by 

Claudius,  239. 
Prae'fectures  of  later  empire,  297. 
Proifec'tus  ur'hi,  221  ;  vVgilum,  222 ; 

anno'nce,  222. 
Prsenes'te,  subject  ally  of  Rome,  72  ; 

inhabitants  massacred  by   Sulla, 

175. 
Prajtor,  first  appointed,  71. 
Praeto'rian  guard,  established,  220 ; 

brought  to  Rome,  233  ;  disbanded, 

280 ;  abolished,  298. 
Prcetor  peregri'nus,  213. 
Prin'ceps  civita'tis,  219. 
Prin'cipes,  96. 
Pro'bus,  emperor,  286. 
Proper'tius  (-shi-us),  poet,  227. 
Proscriptions  of  Sulla,  175 ;  of  sec- 
ond triumvirate,  206. 
Provinces,  under  the  republic,  146- 

148;  under  Caesar,  199,  200  ;  under 

Augustus,    223  ;   under  Tiberius, 

235;    under   Hadrian,   269,    271  ; 

under  Constantine,  295 ;  list  of, 

264. 
Provincial  system,  271 ;  its  influence 

upon  modern  states,  318. 
Publica'ni^  148. 

Public  land,  54.  See  Agrarian  laws. 
Publil'ian  law,  56. 
Publil'ius  Phi'lo,  Q.,  in  third  Sam- 
nite war,  80. 
Pu'nic  war,  first,  101-108;  second, 

111-123;  third,  136-139. 


346 


INDEX 


INDEX 


11  I 
If 


rute'oli,  country  home  of  Sulla,  178. 
Pyd'na,  battle  of,  132. 
Pyr'rhus,  king  of  Epirus,  80;  war 
with  Home,  87-90. 

Qua'di,  270. 

Qumstw'nes  perpe'tU(E,   established 

by  Sulla,  178. 
Quiestors,  appointed,  Go. 
Quattuor'viri,  2U7. 
(^uintil'ian,  rhetorician,  258. 
Quirl'nus,  21,  31. 

Rad-a-gai'sus,  barbarian  chief,  305. 
Kani'nes,  early  Honian  tribe,  24. 
Uegil'liis,  Lake,  battle  of,  41). 
Ueg'ulus,  in  tirst  Punic  war,  107. 
Religion,  early,  31 ;   under  the^re- 
publie,  215 ;  under  Augustus  227. 
Representation,  absence  of,  at  Rome, 

155.  lo*' 

Rhodes,  protected  by  Rome,  12b; 
threatened  by  Philip,  128;  receives 

new  territory,  130. 

Ri9'imer,  the  -king-maker,     o07. 

Roads,  military,  07-90.^ 

Romance  languages,  315. 

lio'ma  Qnadra'ta,  24. 

Rome,  its  situation,  22  ;  a  Latm  set- 
tlement, 24  ;  its  threefold  origin, 
26 ;  under  the  Tarquins,  37  ;  de-  | 
struction  by  the   Gauls.  67;    its 
restoration,    68 ;    threatened    by 
Hannibal,  120 ;  captured  by  Sulla, 
171  •   under  Augustus,   221  ;  fire 
under    Nero,    241  ;    its    splendor 
under  Trajan,  266  ;  sacked  by  the 
Goths,  305  ;  pillaged  by  the  Van- 
dals, 306. 
Rom'ulus,  king,  20,  21. 
Romulus  Augus'tulus,  emperor,  307. 

Enra'rii,  96.  ia- 

Ru'bicon,  crossed  by  Caesar,  19o. 


Sa'blnf5,  14,  17  ;  settlement  on  the 
Qnirinal,  25  ;  union  with  Romans, 
25  ;  receive  citizenship,  84. 


Sacred  Mount,  55,  62. 

Sa«nin'tum,  taken  by  Hannibal,  112. 

Salina'tt^r,  M.  Liv'ius,  at  the  Metau- 

ras,  121. 
Sal 'lust,  historian,  215. 
Salo'na,  home  of  Diocletian,  292. 
Sam'nit.s,    14,    17  ;    first  war  with 

Rome,  74  ;  second  war,  79  ;  third 

war,  82  ;   relation   to   Rome,  84  ; 

revolt  crushed,  90  ;  join  Hannibal, 

119. 
Sa'pi)r,  king  of  Persia,  283. 
Sardin'ia,  a  province,  109. 
Sassan'idie,  Persian  dynasty,  28l. 
Saturni'nus,  L.  Appule'ius,  popular 

leader,  166. 
Saxons,  settle  in  Britain,  30('),  309. 
Srip'i-o,  Cn.  Corne'lius,  114. 
Scipio,  P.  Cornelius,  113;   opposes 

Hannibal  on  the  Po,  115. 
Scipio  iKmilia'nus,  P.  Cornelius,  de- 
stroys  Carthage,    138;    destroys 
Nuinantia,  140. 
Scipio  Africa'nus,  P.  Cornelius,  re- 
duces Spain,  121  ;  carries  war  into 
Africa,  123 ;  defeats  Hannibal  at 
Zama,    123;    in    Asia,    130;    his 
death,  131. 
Scipio   AsiatMcus,  L.  Cornelius,  at 

battle  of  Magnesia,  180. 
Scipio  Nasi'ca,  P.  Cornelius,  sena- 
torial leader  against  Tiberius  Grac- 
chus, 159.  «     *     rj 
Secession  of   the  plebs,   first,   54; 

second,  61. 
Seja'nus,  adviser  of  Tiberius,  233, 

234. 

Sempro'nius,  commander  in  second 

Punic  war,  113;  joins  Scipio,  Ho. 

Senate,  under  the  kings,  31  ;  under 
early  republic,  51  ;  after  the  con- 
quests, 144  ;  under  C.  Gracchus, 
160;  under  Sulla,  177;  under 
Casar,  198,  199  ;  under  Augustus, 
219  ;  under  Tiberius,  232. 

Senatorial  order,  153. 


347 


\ 


Sen'eca,  philosopher  and  adviser  of 
Nero,  240,  241,  258. 

Senti'num,  battle  of,  83. 

Serto'rius,  Q.,  colleague  of  Carbo, 
174  ;  revolt  in  Spain,  181,  182. 

Ser'vius  Tul'Iius,  king,  35. 

Seve'rus,  Alexander,  emperor,  281. 

Severus,  Septim'ius,  emperor,  280. 

Sex'tius,  L.,  colleague  of  C.  Liciuius 
Stolo,  70. 

Sib'ylline  books,  35. 

Sicily,  in  first  Punic  war,  103-108 ; 
a  province,  109. 

Sinues'sa,  a  colony,  84,  93. 

Slavery  at  Rome,  140,  154,  156. 

Social  war,  167-170. 

So'cii.     See  Allies. 

Spain,  Carthaginian  power  in.  111  ; 
reduced  by  Scipio,  121  ;  divided 
into  two  provinces,  123 ;  pacifica- 
tion of,  139;  revolt  under  Serto- 
rius,  181 ;  occupied  by  Visigoths, 
309. 

Sparta,  appeals  to  Rome,  1,35. 

Spar'tacus,  the  Thracian  gladiator, 
182. 

Spo'lia  opi'ma,  97. 
Stil'ieho,  general  of  Honorius,  .304. 
Sto'icism  at  Rome,  149,  277. 
Sto'lo,  C.  Licin'ius,  his  legislation, 
70. 

Stra'bo,  geographer,  227. 

Sues'sula,  battle  of,  75. 

Sueto'nius,  biographer,  258. 

Sue'vi,  305,  309. 

Sufft'les,  102. 

Suffra'gium^  64. 

Sul'la,  L.  Corne'lius,  in  social  war, 
169  ;  appointed  commander  in  the 
East,  170 ;  marches  on  Rome,  171  ; 
in  the  Mithridatic  war,  172;  war 
with  the  Marian  party,  174;  his 
proscriptions,  1 75  ;  perpetual  dic- 
tator and  political  reforms,  17(); 
his  death,  178;  his  constitution 
overthrown,  183. 

MOREY's  ROM.   HIST. — 21 


Sulpician  (sul-pish'T-an)  laws,  en- 
acted, 171  ;  annulled,  172. 

Sy-a'grius,  Roman  governor  in 
Gaul,  309. 

Sy'phax,  rival  of  Masinissa,  122. 

Syr'acuse,  possessions  in  Sicily,  104 ; 
joins  Hannibal,  119;  reduced, 
120;  added  to  the  province  of 
Sicily,  123. 

Syr'ia,  under  Antiochus  III.,  126; 
war  with  Rome,  129 ;  conquered 
by  Pompey,  185. 


Ta9'itus,  emperor,  286. 
Tacitus,  historian,  258. 
Taren'tum,  aided  by  Alexander  of 
Epirus,  79;   rupture  with  Rome, 
86;    captured,   90;    betrayed   to 
Hannibal,  119. 

Tarquin'ius  Pris'cus,  king,  34. 

Tarquinius  Super'bus,  king,  35,  47 

Taxes,  148. 

Temples :  Apollo,  226 ;  Castor  and 
Pollux,  49,  312;  Concord,  71, 
214 ;  Dian'a,  35,  38,  241  ;  For- 
tune, 214  ;  Her'cules,  214  ;  Honor, 
214  ;  Julius,  226  ;  Juno,  266  ;  Ju- 
piter Capitoli'nus,  35,  38,  214,  248, 
266  ;  Jupiter  Fere'trius,  97  ;  Jupil 
ter  Sta'tor,  241 ;  Jupiter  To'nans, 
226;  Loyalty,  149;  Mars  Ultor, 
226,  313;  Minerva,  214;  Saturn, 
38,  313 ;  Venus  and  Rome,  270 ; 
Vespasian,  313;  Vesta,  31,  226,' 
241,  313  ;  Virtue,  214. 

Terentil'ius  Harsa,  C,  69. 

Tet'ricus,  usurper,  285. 

Teu'tone§  (Teu'tons),  164,  165. 

Thap'sus,  battle  of,  197. 

Theaters,  at  Rome,  249. 

Theodo'sius   (-shi-us)    I.,  emperor, 
300,  301. 

Thermop'ylae,  battle  of,  130. 
Thessalonl'ca,    inhabitants    massa- 
cred by  Theodosius  I.,  301 . 


348 


INDEX 


t 


"Thirty  Tyrants,"  284. 

Tho'riaii  law,  161. 

Thrace,  a  province,  240. 

Tibe'rius,  emperor,  231-235. 

Tibul'lus,  poet,  227. 

Ti'bur,  24,  77  ;  subject  ally  of  Rome, 

92  ;  Hadrian's  villa  at,  270. 
Tici'nus  li.,  battle  at,  115. 
Tigelll'nus,  adviser  of  Nero,  241. 
Tit'i-e§,  early  Roman  tribe,  25. 
Ti'tus,  emperor,  251,  252. 
Titus    Tatius     (ta'sh!-us),    Sabine 

king,  21. 
Tra'jan,  emperor,  261-266. 
Trasume'nus,  Lake,  battle  at,  115. 
Treason,  law  of,  232,  261. 
Tre'bia  K.,  battle  at,  115. 
Tribes,  early  Roman,  26,  29 ;  local, 

42,  73. 
Trib'unes,  military,  64. 
Tribunes    of    the    people,    55,   59; 

under  Sulla,  178. 
Trihn'ni  cera'rii,  183. 
TribunVcia  poles' tas,  215. 
Trium'virate,    first,    188;    second, 

206. 
Tul'lius  Hostil'ius,  king,  21. 
Twelve  Tables,  60. 

Ul'filas,  324. 

Ul'pian,  jurist,  282,  321. 

Um'brians,  14,  17  ;  conquered,  84. 

Vadimo'nis,  Lake,  battle  at,  82. 
Va'lens,  emperor,  300. 
Valentin' ian,  emperor,  300. 
Valentinian  111.,  emperor,  305. 
Vale'rian,  emperor,  283,  284. 


Valerio-Horatian  laws,  62. 
Vale'rius    Poplic'ola,  his   laws,  51, 

52. 

Van'dals,    invasions   of,   305,   306 ; 

settled  in  Africa,  309. 
Var'ro,   C.  Teren'tius  (-shI-us),  at 

battle  of  Cannae,  117. 
Va'rus,  defeated  by  Arminius,  224. 
Veii  (v6'yi),  24  ;  captured,  66. 
Ven'eti,  on  the  Adriatic,  18. 
Veneti,  in  Transalpine  Gaul,  193. 
Venu'sia  (-shi-a),  a  colony,  118. 
Vercel'lje,  battle  of,  166. 
Ver'gil  (P.  Vergil'ius  Ma'ro),  227. 
V6r'r6§,  impeachment  of,  186. 
Vespa'sian    (-zh!-an),    in    Britain, 

239  ;  emperor,  246-249. 
Vestal  virgins,  32. 

Vesu'vius,  Mt.,  battle  of,  76. 

Vi'a  sa'cra,  313. 

Virgin'ia,  story  of,  61. 

Viria'thus,  Lusitanian  chief,  140. 

Vig'igoths,  settled  in  Spain,  309. 

Vitel'lius,  emperor,  245. 

Vol'scians,  wars  with,  56,  57,  69. 

Volsin'ii,  its  reduction,  91. 

Vul'so,  L.  Manlius,  107. 

Wall,  of  Romulus,  25,  312 ;  of  Ser- 

vius,  37  ;  of  Aurelian,  285. 
Writing  materials,  254. 


Xanthip'pus,  defeats  Regulus,  107. 
Yoke,  67. 

Za'ma,  battle  of,  123. 

Zeno'bia,  queen  of  Palmyra,  286. 


TTPCKJBAPaY    BY   J.   8.   CUBUlNii   M   CO.,    NORWOOD,    MASS. 


' 


1 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARIES 

This  book  is  due  on  the  date  Indicated  below,  or  at  the 
expiration  of  a  definite  period  after  the  date  of  borrowing,  as 
provided  by  the  library  rules  or  by  special  arrangement  with 
the  Librarian  in  charge. 


1  =====^=== 
DATE  BORROWED 

DATE  DUE 

DATE  BORROWED 

DATE  DUE 

r    

1 

- 

• 

C28(n49)  100M 

V 

•1 


11 


51 

;V.ii 


ml 

I*"*  aSf 


LUMBIA  UNIV 


ERSITY 


0032202016 


874 


M^l 


•  «  «  J 
-  •  •• 

,,  ■  *  •  i 

-  :s:! 

»  . •• 
-  ^    n 

■^  ' : ! 
J?^  ■ : 


■1/ 

■  « . 


MAY     1  1950 


s:ifi^i*fi- 


